^' 


;,,,.,; 


;i'i>!u54A<vh>iH;;>i;,ii>it}i»j-!iiii  : 


^m^-^ 


THE   FRENCH   INFLUENCE   IN 
ENGLISH   LITERATURE 


FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  ELIZABETH 
TO  THE   RESTORATION 


BY 
ALFEED  HOKATIO  UPHAM 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Require- 
ments FOR  THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy 
IN  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia 
University 


NEW  YORK 
1908 


( 


OF  THE 


0,&. 


Copyright,  1908, 
Bt  the  COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY  PEESS. 


Set  up  and  electro  typed.     Published  July,  1908. 


NorbJooB  i^regs 

J.  8.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PKEFACE    /v^/%//0 

This  essay  was  undertaken  as  an  initial 
attempt  at  the  task  of  investigating,  verifying, 
grouping,  and  interpreting  the  influences  of 
French  life  and  letters  upon  the  literature  of 
England,  beginning  with  the  so-called  Eliza- 
bethan period  and  extending  through  the  years 
prior  to  the  Stuart  Restoration.  This  is  in  no 
sense  a  new  field  of  study,  nor  is  there  any 
disposition  to  regard  this  work  as  final.  Much 
actual  material  has  been  found  available,  the 
results  of  various  independent  lines  of  in- 
vestigation. Also  available  were  numerous 
scattered  suggestions  of  relationship  and  in* 
debtedness,  awaiting  development  and  verifica- 
tion. Such  data,  drawn  upon  liberally  and 
considered  carefully  in  the  progress  of  this 
study,  can  be  conveniently  acknowledged  in 
detail  only  in  foot-notes  and  bibliography.  To 
these  the  reader  is  respectfully  referred,  with 
the  understanding  that  to  one  and  all  of  the 
painstaking  pathbreakers  there  represented  the 
author  is  abundantly  grateful. 


vi  PREFACE 

The  plan  and  dominating  purpose  of  this 
essay,  with  its  recognition  of  social  and  literary- 
kinships  under  Tudor  and  Stuart  rule,  are 
sufficiently  indicated  in  the  Introduction  and 
the  chapter-headings.  As  noted  later,  it  is  a 
plan  that  made  itself  as  the  investigation  de- 
veloped; and  whatever  its  deficiencies,  in  the 
treatment  of  incidental  indebtedness  on  the 
one  side  and  in  the  massing  of  influences  by 
chronological  steps  on  the  other,  it  seems  to 
offer  a  natural  and  fairly  adequate  scheme  for 
this  particular  set  of  literary  relations.  Ob- 
viously, considerable  material  of  value  for  such 
a  study  has  not  found  its  way  into  the  pages 
that  follow.  Criticism  and  addition  are  par- 
ticularly invited  in  this  respect.  Interpretation 
and  generalization,  likewise,  have  not  been 
carried  so  far  as  they  might  have  been,  had 
this  been  other  than  an  initial  venture.  The 
interest  has  been  rather  in  the  security  of  the 
foundations  laid  than  in  the  extent  of  the  super- 
structure. 

Most  of  the  material  utilized  in  these  chapters 
has  been  drawn  from  the  collections  of  the 
Columbia  University  Library,  supplemented  in 
particular  by  the  Library  of  Harvard  Univer- 
sity and  the  Public  Library  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 


PREFACE  vii 

To  the  officials  of  all  these  the  author  would 
express  his  obligation.  The  subject  of  the 
essay  was  suggested,  and  every  step  in  its 
subsequent  development  has  been  carefully 
watched,  by  Professor  Jefferson  Butler  Fletcher 
and  Professor  Joel  Elias  Spingarn,  of  the  De- 
partment of  Comparative  Literature  in  Columbia 
University.  Their  kind  and  continual  assist- 
ance has  been  a  vital  factor  in  the  growth  and 
completion  of  this  work,  making  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  indebtedness  to  them  no  empty 
form,  but  an  expression  of  the  deepest  sense  of 
gratitude.  Professor  Edgar  Ewing  Brandon, 
of  the  Department  of  Romanic  Languages, 
Miami  University,  has  kindly  read  the  vari- 
ous  chapters   in   proof,   and    offered  valuable 

suggestions. 

A.  H.  U. 
Oxford,  Ohio,  1908. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGB 

I.    Introduction 1 

11.     The  Areopagus  Group      .        .        .        .25 

m.     The  Elizabethan  Sonnet         .        .        .  "Si  7f 

IV.     Du  Bartas 145 

V.     Rabelais 219 

VI.     Montaigne 265 

VII.     Seventeenth  Century  Precieuses  and 

Platonists 308 

VIII.     Romance,  Drama,  and  Heroic  Poem      .  365 

IX.     Minor  Literary  Forms     ....  403 

X.     Conclusion 448 

Bibliography  ........  457 

Appendices  : 

A.  Translation 471 

B.  Dii  Bartas  Parallels 506 

C.  Montaigne  Parallels 524 

Index                 555 


IX 


OF  THE  \ 


THE   FRENCH   INFLUENCE   IN 
ENGLISH   LITERATURE 

CHAPTER  I 

Introduction 

It  is  a  commonplace  in  the  study  of  English 
literature  that  the  fourteenth  century  and  the 
period  immediately  following  the  Stuart  Resto- 
ration are  peculiarly  marked  by  extended  in- 
fluence from  the  literature  of  France.  Equally 
commonplace  is  the  dictum  that  the  literature 
which  in  the  wider  sense  we  call  Elizabethan  is 
dominated  rather  by  an  Italian  inspiration, 
operating  largely  by  direct  impulse,  but  in  part, 
this  time,  through  the  medium  of  the  French. 
The  manner  in  which  France  rendered  her  ser- 
vice as  an  agent  in  this  Elizabethan  transac- 
tion, the  amount  of  original  reaction  and  fresh 
impulse  she  imparted  to  what  passed  through 
her  hands,  the  literary  results  in  England  for 
which  she  may  be  held  individually  responsible, 
are  certainly  deserving  of  serious  attention. 
Especially  is  this  the  case,  in  view  of  the  great 

B  1 


2  INTRODUCTION 

mass  of  material  bearing  on  such  questions  and 
in  most  instances  easy  of  access.  The  period 
drawn  upon  for  this  study,  though  nominally 
extending  from  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  to 
the  time  of  the  Restoration,  offers  nothing  of 
particular  significance  earlier  than  the  partner- 
ship of  literary  interests  and  activities  among 
Sidney  and  his  friends,  in  the  years  1579-1580. 
From  that  point  the  development  of  literature 
and  the  play  of  influence  were  rapid  and  signifi- 
cant enough. 

The  period  as  a  whole  was  one  marked  by 
almost  constant  political  relations  between  Eng- 
land and  France,  and  for  a  considerable  portion 
of  it  the  great  mass  of  English  people  watched 
with  keenest  interest  every  movement  of  their 
neighbors  across  the  Channel,  and  devoured 
every  scrap  of  information  regarding  French 
affairs.  Elizabeth,  from  the  moment  of  her 
accession,  was  confronted  by  the  claims  of 
Mary  Stuart,  wife  of  the  dauphin  of  France, 
backed  by  the  Catholic  adherents  in  both 
realms.  By  the  time  the  death  of  Francis  left 
Mary  a  widow  and  sent  her  posting  back  to 
English  soil,  Elizabeth  had  committed  herself 
to  the  policy  of  the  French  Huguenots  and 
refused  to  take  part  in  the  Council  of  Trent. 
The  religious  struggle  in  France,  held  back  for 
a  time,  at  length  broke  forth  in  full  vigor,  with 
the  beginning  of  Spanish  depredations  in  the 
Netherlands;  and  every  development  promised 
to  be  pregnant  with  significance  to  the  English 
people.    Gradually   Protestantism   became  sy- 


INTRODUCTION  3 

nonymous  with  loyalty  to  the  English  throne, 
priests  from  Douay  and  Jesuit  missionaries 
became  objects  of  persecution,  and  all  England 
hung  eagerly  upon  the  varying  fortunes  of  the 
French  Huguenots.  Men  and  money  from  Eng- 
land aided  Henry  of  Navarre  in  his  extended 
struggle  against  the  forces  of  Catholicism,  to 
which  faith  he  finally  yielded  to  secure  his 
throne. 

After  a  short  interim  active  relations  with 
France  began  again,  with  negotiations  for  the 
marriage  of  Prince  Charles  of  England  with 
Henrietta  Maria,  daughter  of  Henry  IV.  The 
marriage  once  consummated,  there  followed  a 
long  train  of  domestic  difficulties,  encouraged 
by  the  prejudice  of  the  queen's  French  advisers, 
and  relieved  at  times  by  diplomatic  visits  from 
such  men  as  Bassompierre.  In  1627  England 
sent  an  ill-advised  and  disastrous  expedition  to 
the  defense  of  the  Protestant  town  of  New 
Rochelle.  This  was  distinctly  at  variance  with 
the  general  policy  of  Charles,  however,  which 
turned  emphatically  toward  Catholicism,  and 
was  thus  friendly  to  the  French  crown.  Finally, 
it  was  France  that  received  the  widowed  queen 
of  Charles  I.  and  the  bevy  of  faithful  courtiers 
who  attended  her  in  exile. 

While  this  history  was  unfolding,  various 
men  of  importance  from  each  country  visited 
the  other,  frequently  on  business  of  state, 
and  sometimes  prolonged  their  stay  and 
broadened  their  acquaintance.  The  extended 
residence  of  the  Scotch  Humanist    Buchanan 


4  INTRODUCTION 

in  France,  as  student  and  as  teacher,  pre- 
ceded Elizabeth's  accession  by  only  a  few 
years.  Such  Scotchmen  as  William  Barclay 
and  James  Crichton  accompanied  Mary  Stuart 
into  France.  The  young  Sidney  was  present 
at  the  French  court,  a  friend  of  Henry  of  Na- 
varre and  an  acquaintance  of  Ronsard;  he  was 
an  eye-witness  of  the  Saint  Bartholomew  Mas- 
sacre, and  began  abroad  his  line  of  friendship 
and  intercourse  with  the  French  Protestants. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith  had  a  long  experience  in 
France  as  ambassador  of  Elizabeth.  Ben  Jon- 
son  accompanied  his  young  ward,  the  son  of 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  The  Earl  of  Essex  led  the 
English  troops  sent  by  Elizabeth  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Henry  TV.  Bacon  visited  France  in  the 
suite  of  the  diplomat  Amyas  Paulet.  Hundreds 
of  Catholic  refugees  were  driven  across  the 
Channel  as  the  Protestantism  of  England  was 
intensified.  As  time  went  on,  the  continental 
tour  —  especially  to  France  —  became  more  of 
a  necessity  in  the  training  of  England's  yoimg 
nobility.  Then  came  the  regicide  in  1649,  and 
nobility  of  all  ages  .flocked  to  French  shores.^ 
At  least  two  Englishmen  of  note  gave  literary 
form  to  their  views  regarding  France,  —  James 
Howell,  in  his  Letters  and  his  Instructions  for 

^  Details  of  English- French  intercourse  are  collected 
by  J.  J.  Jusserand,  Shakespeare  in  France  under  the 
Ancien  Regime,  London,  1899;  E.  J.  B.  Rathery,  "Des 
Relations  sociales  et  intellectuelles  entre  la  France 
et  I'Angleterre,"  in  Revue  contemporaine,  xx-xxiii; 
and  Jos.  Texte,  /.  J.  Rousseau  et  le  cosmopolitisme 
litter  aire,  Paris,  1895. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

forreine  travell,  and  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury, 
in  his  autobiography. 

The  names  of  those  Frenchmen  who  visited 
England  throughout  the  period  form  even  a 
more  imposing  array;  although,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  they  seem  to  have  made  little  more 
impression  upon  England  than  the  English  did 
upon  them.  Ronsard  spent  about  three  years 
in  Scotland  and  England.  Du  Bartas,  on  a 
diplomatic  visit  to  Scotland,  so  won  the  heart 
of  James  VI.  that  the  royal  host  was  loath  to 
permit  his  return.  Jacques  Grevin  appeared 
twice  at  the  court  of  Ehzabeth,  as  did  also 
Brantome,  who  found  little  enough  in  his  sojourn 
worth  recalling.  At  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  Montchrestien  visited  England 
while  in  exile,  and  after  him  came  Boisrobert, 
Voiture,  Saint-Amant,  Theophile  de  Viau,  and 
Saint-Evremond.  And  yet,  years  after  the 
Restoration,  the  language  and  literature  of 
England  were  looked  upon  by  France  as  crude 
and  in  many  respects  barbarous. 

The  period  affords  several  notable  examples 
of  correspondence  carried  on  between  leading 
spirits  of  the  two  countries,  —  not  the  least 
being  that  of  Queen  Elizabeth  with  Henry  IV. 
Scholars  especially  engaged  in  this  practice. 
Sidney  corresponded  freely  with  Hubert  Lan- 
guet,  Henri  Estienne,  Hotman,  Pibrac,  and 
Duplessis-Mornay.  William  Camden  exchanged 
letters  with  Hotman,  De  Thou,  Peiresc,  and 
the  brothers  Sainte-Marthe.  The  correspond- 
ence of  De  Thou  and  Peiresc  included  numerous 


6  INTRODUCTION 

other  Englishmen,  among  them  Cotton,  Wot- 
ton,  Barclay,  and  Selden. 

In  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Stuarts,  ample  evidence  attests  the  wide 
knowledge  of  the  French  language,  particularly 
among  the  educated  classes  of  England,  and  like- 
wise the  familiarity  of  these  people  with  French 
literature.  Only  a  few  years  before  Elizabeth's 
coronation,  Nisander  Nucius  had  testified :  ''Les 
Anglois  se  servent  presque  tous  du  langage 
frangois."  ^  During  her  reign  Pasquier  is  au- 
thority for  the  statement  that  in  all  Germany, 
England,  and  Scotland  there  was  no  noble 
household  that  did  not  include  a  teacher  of 
French.^  Edward  Blount,  in  his  introduction 
to  an  edition  of  Lyly's  comedies,  1632,  described, 
the  vogue  of  Lyly's  style  at  the  court  of  Eliza- 
beth by  saying:  "All  our  Ladies  were  then  his 
Schollers;  and  that  Beautie  in  Court  which 
could  not  Parley  Euphueisme  was  as  little 
regarded  as  she  which  now  there  speaks  not 
French." 

The  drama  itself,  especially  after  the  coming 
of  Henrietta  Maria,  contains  numerous  refer- 
ences to  the  knowledge  of  French  as  a  necessary 
courtly  accomplishment.  In  Middleton's  More 
Dissemblers  besides  Women,  the  fourth  scene  of 
the  first  act,  appears  the  statement:  "You've 
many  daughters  so  well  brought  up,  they  speak 
French  naturally  at  fifteen,  and  they  are  turned 
to  the  Spanish  and  Italian  half  a  year  later." 

^In  his  Travels,  1545.  (Camden  Soc.  Publ.,  1841, 
p.  13.)  ^  Quoted  by  Jos.  Texte,  op.  cit.,  p.  18. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

In  Davenant's  The  Wits,  the  Elder  Pallatine  says 
in  the  second  act,  regarding  wealthy  ladies: 
''If  rich,  you  come  to  court,  there  learn  to  be  at 
charge  to  teach  your  paraquetoes  French."  In 
The  Lady  Mother,  by  Glapthorne,  the  dictum  is 
brief  but  absolute:  ''He's  not  a  gent  that  can- 
not parlee." 

Confirmatory  evidence  appears  also  in  the 
information  still  remaining  in  regard  to  certain 
libraries  of  this  period.  The  books  accessible 
to  the  Princess  Elizabeth  herself  and  to  Lady 
Jane  Grey  included  a  goodly  proportion  of 
French  literature.  Elizabeth  the  queen,  it  may 
be  remembered,  prepared  a  translation  of  the 
Miroir  de  Vdme  pecheresse  by  Margaret  of  Na- 
varre. Naturally  enough  there  appear  to  have 
been  many  French  books  in  the  library  of  Mary 
Stuart;  and  the  young  James  VI.  of  Scotland 
grew  up  in  an  academic  atmosphere  in  which 
the  literature  of  France  had  an  important  part. 
Its  effect  on  him  will  be  seen  in  his  own  attempts 
with  the  pen,  and  in  the  encouragement  he  gave 
to  various  translators  and  imitators.  Of  great- 
est significance  is  the  record  still  preserved  of  the 
books  contained  in  1611  in  the  library  of  William 
Drummond  of  Hawthornden,  as  well  as  his  lists 
of  reading  done  in  the  years  1607-1614.^  In  the 
library  list  there  are  120  books  in  French,  as 
against  61  Italian,  8  Spanish,  50  English,  and 
164  Latin.  His  reading  certainly  covered  a 
wide  range  of  material  either  originally  French  or 

*  In  Archceologia  Scotica,  iv.  73  sq. 


8  INTRODUCTION 

known  to  him  in  French  versions.  In  1608,  for 
example,  he  read :  '^  Troisieme  tome  des  His- 
toires  Tragiques,  Comedies  de  la  Rive,  L'Enfer 
d' Amour,  Prince  d' Orange,  Exposition  sur 
PApocalips,  La  Conformite  du  Langage  Frang. 
avec  le  Grec,  Les  Ris  de  Democrite,  Travaux 
sans  Travaile,  Erastus  —  en  Frangois,  Les  Anti- 
quites  de  France,  Dernier  tome  of  De  Serres, 
Le  Seigneur  Des  Accords,  Epistres  de  Pasquier, 
Histoire  des  Albigeois,  La  Curiosite  de  Du 
Plessi,  La  Fuile  du  Peche,  La  Gazzette  Frangois," 
together  with  six  volumes  of  the  Amadis  de 
Gaul,  apparently  in  the  French  form.  Only 
six  other  items  are  noted  for  the  year,  two  of 
them  Latin  works  written  by  Frenchmen.  In 
1609  his  reading  included :  "  Bartas,  13  Tome 
d' Amadis  de  Gaule,  La  Franciade  de  Ronsard, 
Rablais,  Dictionnaire  de  Nicot,  Roland  Furieux 
—  in  Frenche,  Azolains  de  Bembe — in  Frenche, 
Amours  de  Ronsard,  Monophile  d'Estienne 
Pasquier,  Les  Poemes  de  Passerat,  Hymnes  de 
Ronsard,  Les  Odes  de  Ronsard,  Elegies  et 
Eglogues  de  Ronsard,  Deux  Tragedies  de  Jodelle, 
Recherches  de  Pasquier."  Drummond  was  of 
course  a  thorough  linguist  and  an  omnivorous 
reader,  who  was  comparatively  fresh  from  a 
sojourn  in  France;  but  even  at  that  his  ac- 
quaintance with  French  books  may  be  taken 
as  fairly  indicative  of  conditions  prevailing  in 
the  educated  circles  of  Scotland  and  England. 
That  the  English  people  were  anxious  to  pro- 
vide themselves  with  a  knowledge  of  the  French 
tongue,  is  clearly  evidenced  by  the  unfailing 


INTRODUCTION  9 

demand  in  that  day  for  French  grammars  and 
dictionaries.  The  celebrated  teacher  of  French, 
Claude  Holyband  (Saint-Lien),  found  a  ready 
sale  for  edition  after  edition  of  his  text-books,  — 
The  French  Littleton,  first  issued  in  1566,  The 
French  Schoole-Maister,  beginning  with  1573,  and 
A  Dictionarie  French  and  English,  1593.  The 
French  Alphabet,  by  De  la  Mothe  de  Vayer,  had 
a  popularity  that  called  forth  numerous  editions. 
Holyband's  dictionary  was  superseded  in  1611 
by  that  of  Cotgrave,  which  in  turn  went  through 
several  editions.  That  of  1650,  directed  by 
James  Howell,  was  accompanied  by  an  essay 
of  his  on  the  French  language,  which  drew 
freely,  without  admitting  obligation,  upon  the 
Recherches  of  Pasquier.^  Howell  addressed  him- 
self ^'to  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  Great 
Britain  that  are  desirous  to  speak  French  for 
their  pleasure  and  ornament,  as  also  to  all 
merchant  adventurers  as  well  English  as  .  .  . 
Dutch  ...  to  whom  the  said  language  is  neces- 
sary for  commerce  and  forren  correspondence."  ^ 

^  Cf.  Jusserand,  Shakespeare  in  France,  pp.  21-22. 

2  The  following  list  will  afford  some  idea  of  the  English 
demand  for  text-books  dealing  with  the  French  language. 
Dates  in  brackets  indicate  time  of  entry  in  the  Sta- 
tioners' Register :  — 

1566.     Claude  Holyband,  The  French  Littleton.     Other 
eds.,  1578,  1581,  1593,  1597,  1609,  1630,  etc. 
(1567)    A  Dyxcionary  ffrynshe  and  englessche. 
(1567)    Italian,  ffrynsshe,  englesshe  and  laten. 
(1570)    A  bokeof  Copyes  englesshe  ffrenshe  and  Italyon. 
1573.     Claude  Holyband,  The  French  Schoole-Maister. 
Other  eds.,  1582,    1612,  1615,  1619,  1636,  1641, 
1649. 
1575.    A  plaine  pathway  to  the  French  tongue. 


10  INTRODUCTION 

In  France  at  this  time   it  was   the  merchant 
adventurers  alone  who  felt  any  desire  whatever 

(1578)    George    Bishop,    Jr.,     Dictionaire    coUoques    ou 

dialogues  en  quattre  langues. 
1578.    James  Bellot,  The  French  Grammar. 
1580.   John  Baret,   Quadruple  Dictionarie    or  Alvearie, 
containing  .  .  .  English,    Latin,    Greeke,    and 
French. 
1 580.   Claude  Holyband ,  The  Treasurie  of  the  French  tong. 
1583.    Claude  Holyband,   The  Flourie  Field  of  Foure 

languages. 
(1584)    A  Dictionarie  in  Frenche  and  Englishe. 
(1591)    Mat.  Corderius,  Dialogues  (French  and  English). 
1593.    Claude    Holyband,    A   Dictionarie   French    and 

English. 
1595.    G.  de  la  Mothe  de  Vayer,  The  French  Alphabet. 

Other  eds.,   1633,   1639,   1647. 
1605.    Peter  Erondel,  The  French  Garden.  .  .  .  Being 
an  instruction  for  the  attayning  unto  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  French  tongue. 
1611.    Randle  Cotgrave,   A   Dictionarie  of  the  French 
and  English  Tongues.     Other  eds.,  1632,  1650. 
(1615)    The  French  A.  B.C. 

(1615)    A  Book  of  Copies  in  English  French  and  Italian. 
(1615)    The  Declineing  of  Ffrench  Verbs. 
(1617)    Jean  Barbier,  Janua  Linguarum  Quadrilinguis. 
(1623)    A  short  method  for  the  declyning  of  Ffrench  Verbs. 
1623.    John   Wodroephe.    The  Marrowe  of  the    French 

Tongue.     Aiiother  ed.,   1652. 
(1625)   Robt.  Sherwood,  The  French  Tutour.     Another 

ed.,  1634. 
1633-4  Wye  Saltonst all,  CZaws  ad  Por^aw  .  .  .  Wherein 
you  may  readily  find  the  Latin  and  French  for 
any  English  Word.     Oxon. 
1634.    Charles  Maupas,  A  French  Grammar  and  Syntaxe. 

(1635)  Paul  Cougneau,  A  sure  guide  to  the  French  tongue. 

(1636)  The  English,  Latyn,  French,  and  Dutch  Schoole- 

master. 

1636.  Gabriel  Du  Gres,  Grammaticce  Gallicce  Com- 
pendium.    Cantab. 

1639.  Gabriel  Du  Gres,  Dialogi  Gallico-Anglico-Latini. 
Oxon.     Other  eds.,    1652,    1660. 

1639.  New  Dialogues  or  Colloquies,  and  a  Little  Dic- 
tionary of  eight  Languages. 


INTRODUCTION  11 

to  acquire  the  English  tongue;  and  the  only 
handbooks  of  English  known  across  the  Channel 
were  small  compendiums  of  phrases  and  dia- 
logues necessary  for  commercial  intercourse. 

Of  course  there  were  great  masses  of  the  Eng- 
lish people  who  never  learned  French.  But 
ample  provision  was  certainly  made  for  them  in 
a  great  abundance  of  translations  into  English, 
printed  and  circulated  throughout  the  period.^ 
Almost  every  type  of  literature,  or  of  printed 
matter  in  general,  produced  in  France  for  a 
century  prior  to  the  Restoration,  found  its  way 
into  an  English  version,  and  often  the  transfor- 
mation was  accomplished  with  great  rapidity. 
As  already  noted,  much  of  the  time  was  marked 
by  bitter  conflict  between  the  French  Hugue- 
nots and  the  Catholic  League,  accompanied  by 
continued  military  operations  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries. In  all  of  this  the  Protestants  of  England 
felt  the  most  vital  interest.  The  result  was  that 
for  many  years  there  was  a  constant  stream  of 
news-letters,  royal  edicts,  treaties,  controversial 
pamphlets,  and  the  like,  being  turned  from  their 
original  French  form  into  English  and  sold  in 
great  numbers  to  the  populace  of  London.  In 
fact,  one  might  actually  trace  French  history, 
in  accurate  detail,  from  the  catalogue  of  English 
translations. 

The  greatest  documents  of  the  Protestant  faith 

1641.   Claude  Holyband,  A   Treatise  for  Declining  of 

Verbs. 
1656.    Thos.  Blount,  Glossographia. 
^  Cf .  appendix  A. 


12  INTRODUCTION 

—  sermons,  commentaries,  and  argumentative 
treatises  —  were  in  great  demand  in  English  ver- 
sions, and  the  most  famihar  piece  of  hterature  in 
England  for  a  time  was  Joshua  Sylvester's  transla- 
tion of  the  French  epic  of  Protestantism,  the  Se- 
maines  of  Du  Bartas.  In  the  first  three  decades 
of  Elizabeth's  reign  more  than  twenty  separate 
translations  from  John  Calvin  were  offered  to 
the  English  public.  During  the  years  that  fol- 
lowed, an  almost  equal  popularity  was  extended 
to  the  writings  of  Pierre  Viret,  Theodore  de 
Beze,  John  de  I'Espine,  Odet  de  la  Noue, 
Duplessis-Mornay,  and  Pierre  du  Moulin.  It 
remains  to  be  noted  how  far  the  religious  im- 
pulse from  this  literature  affected  the  creative 
product  of  England. 

In  the  field  of  secular  literature,  most  of  the 
French  material  of  excellence  and  significance 
was  turned  into  English  form  without  much 
delay.  Thus  plays  by  Gamier,  written  1574 
and  1578,  were  in  English  by  1592  and  1594; 
Montaigne's  Essais,  completed  in  1588,  were  on 
the  Stationers^  Register  by  1595;  Estienne's 
Apologie  pour  Herodote  waited  from  1566  to  1599 
for  an  English  rendering,  and  the  Quatrains  of 
Pibrac  (1574)  were  in  English  by  1605.  The 
Heptameron  and  the  work  of  Rabelais  waited 
still  longer  for  translation,  the  first  from  1559 
to  1597,  and  the  second  from  1552  until  at  least 
1594,  and  much  more  probably  until  1663.  In 
the  seventeenth  century  translations  appeared 
more  promptly.  The  Astree  and  Barclay's 
Argenis  were  both  in  English  four  years  after 


INTRODUCTION  13 

their  first  appearance.  The  Cid  experienced 
almost  no  delay  at  all.  Such  romances  as 
La  Calprenede's  Cassandra  and  Cleopdtre,  and 
Scudery's  Artamene  began  to  appear  in  Eng- 
lish garb  about  as  soon  as  they  were  completed 
in  French.  The  first  collection  of  Balzac's 
Letters  was  published  in  French  in  1624,  in  Eng- 
lish in  1638.  Sorel's  Francion  waited  from 
1622  to  1655;  his  Berger  Extravagant,  irom.  1627 
to  1654.  Les  Lettres  Provinciales  of  Pascal, 
however,  were  completed  in  French  and  pub- 
lished in  English  the  same  year. 

It  is  significant  to  note  that  during  this  time 
many  important  literary  products,  originally 
in  other  foreign  languages,  came  into  English 
through  the  medium  of  French  versions,  which 
served  as  the  basis  for  translators.  In  this 
group  appear  North's  rendering  of  Plutarch, 
based  on  the  French  of  Amyot,  and  the  English 
Amadis  de  Gaul,  drawn  from  the  French  of 
Herberay  des  Essarts.  The  Iliad,  the  Politics 
of  Aristotle,  and  the  works  of  Seneca  appear  to 
have  had  a  similar  experience.  The  Celestina, 
Guevara's  Golden  Epistles,  and  Boiardo's  Or^ 
lando  Innamorato  all  claim  an  immediate  French 
source  for  their  English  version,  as  do  also  a 
series  of  Spanish  romances  made  English  by 
Anthony  Munday. 

The  list  of  translations  also  includes  a  body 
of  miscellaneous  material  —  some  distinctly 
French,  some  as  definitely  alien  —  all  testifying 
to  the  freedom  with  which  England  was  then 
turning  to   France   for   books   of   every   sort. 


14  INTRODUCTION 

There  are  handbooks  of  manners  and  accom- 
plishments, travel  tales,  manuals  of  correspond- 
ence, medical  treatises,  books  on  gardening, 
and  numerous  scientific  documents,  filling  out  a 
catalogue  that  forms  a  worthy  commentary  on 
Anglo-French  relations. 

There  is  apparently  no  end  to  references  in 
the  literature  of  the  time  commenting  on  the 
English  fondness  for  imitation  of  the  French, 
particularly  in  such  externals  as  fashions  of 
clothing,  bearing,  manners,  and  the  like,  —  the 
peculiar  delights  of  the  returned  traveler. 
The  drama  naturally  displays  such  material  in 
greatest  abundance,  but  it  appears  also  in  non- 
dramatic  literature  throughout  almost  the  entire 
period.     Some  specimens  may  be  cited. 

Sylvester's  translation  of  Du  Bartas  promptly 
adapted,  shortly  after  1600,  a  caustic  reference 
to  French  peculiarities  that  had  appeared  in 
the  Second  Day  of  the  Premihre  Semaine :  — 

''Much  like  the  French  (or  like  ourselves,  their  Apes) 
Who  with  strange  habit  so  disguise  their  shapes : 
Who  loving  Novels,  full  of  affectation, 
Receive  the  Manners  of  each  other  Nation ; 
And  scarcely  shift  they  shirts  so  oft,  as  change 
Fantastick  Fashions  of  their  garments  strange."  ^ 

Bishop  Hall's  Vergidemiarum  contains  two 
satires  explicitly  directed  at  the  Frenchified 
Englishman ;  ^  and  Sir  Thomas  Overbury's 
Characters,  published  a  little  later,  notes  the 

^  Sylvester,  Works,  ed.  1641,  p.  11. 
'  Satires  1  and  7,  book  iii. 


INTRODUCTION  15 

French  and  Italian  trappings  of  ^'An  Affectate 
Traveller."  A  specific  instance  of  the  importa- 
tion of  French  customs  into  English  society 
appears  in  a  complaint  concerning  Lord  Hay, 
just  returned  from  service  as  ambassador  to 
France.^  Some  interesting  detail  is  added  in 
the  Calendar  of  State  Papers  belonging  to  the 
period.^  In  an  epigram,  ''On  English  Moun- 
sieur,"  attributed  to  Ben  Jonson,  a  sound  rating 
is  administered  to  the  pretentious  imitator  who 
has  not  even  traveled. 

^' Would  you  beleeve,  when  you  this  mounsieur  see 
That  his  whole  body  should  speake  French,  not  he? 
That  so  much  skarfe  of  France   and  hat,  and  fether, 
And  shooe,  and  tye,  and  garter  should  come  hether, 
And  land  on  one,  whose  face  durst  never  be 
Toward  the  sea,  farther  than  halfe-way  tree  ? 
That  he,  untravell'd  should  be  French  so  much. 
As  French-men  in  his  company  should  seem  Dutch  ? 
Or  had  his  father,  when  he  did  him  get, 
The  French  disease,  with  which  he  labours  yet  ? 
Or  hung  some  mounsieur 's  picture  on  the  wall, 
By  which  his  damme  conceiv'd  him  clothes  and  all? 
Or  is  it  some  French  statue  ?     No :  't  doth  move, 
And  stoope,  and  cringe.     O  then,  it  needs  must  prove 
The  new  French-taylors  motion,  monthly  made. 
Daily  to  turne  in  Paul's,  and  helpe  the  trade.''  ^ 

This  epigram  had  foundation  enough  to  keep 
it  popular  for  some  time.  It  appears  again,  in 
condensed  form  and  without  acknowledgment, 

*  Nichols,  Progresses  of  James  I.,  iii.  184,  246. 
2  Cal.  of  State  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  xii.  pt.  2, 
DOS.  685,  686,  711. 

'  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  v.  506. 


16  INTRODUCTION 

as  Epigram  562  in  Wits  Recreations,  1640,  where 
it  has  the  title  "On  an  EngHsh  Ape."  This 
same  pubhcation  contained  another  specimen 
even  more  virulent :  — 

On  the  French  English  Ape 

"Mark  him  once  more,  and  tell  me  if  you  can 
Look,  and  not  laugh,  on  yonder  Gentleman. 
Could  I  but  work  a  transformation  strange 
On  him  whose  pride  doth  swell  and  rankle  so, 
I  would  his  carrion  to  a  thistle  change. 
Which  asses  feed  on,  and  which  rusticks  mow."  * 

To  the  same  period  belongs  a  satire  '^  On  a 
Frenchified  traveller,"  by  Lord  Herbert  of  Cher- 
bury.  It  is  more  to  be  expected,  however,  that 
satire  with  this  same  point  should  appear  after 
the  Restoration,  as  in  Samuel  Butler's  poem, 
''On  our  Ridiculous  Imitation  of  the  French." 

As  previously  suggested,  the  drama  is  the 
logical  source  of  information  regarding  the  in- 
fluence of  France  in  the  life  and  customs  of  the 
English  people.  Such  information  is  of  course 
liable  to  the  charge  of  bias  and  exaggeration; 
it  certainly  makes  free  with  the  element  of 
ridicule.  But  there  is  so  much  of  it,  weaving 
France  so  definitely  and  emphatically  into  the 
fabric  of  English  dramatic  literature,  that  it 
must  be  given  serious  place  in  this  discussion. 

There  is  a  very  considerable  borrowing  made 
by  numerous  English  plays  from  the  field  of 
actual  French  literature.^    More  extensive  and 

*  Cf .  Facetiae,  ii.  455.  ^  Cf.  chaps,  ii  and  viii. 


INTRODUCTION  17 

important,  however,  is  the  emplo3^ment  of 
French  history,  often  contemporary,  as  a  basis 
for  Enghsh  dramatic  products.^  Shakespeare 
utiHzes  such  history  incidental!}^,  when  it  is 
involved  with  the  English  history  he  is  repre- 
senting. Early  dramatic  records  mention  a 
play.  The  Tragedy  of  the  Guise,  which  is  later 
listed  as  the  Massacre  of  France.  Webster 
speaks  of  a  play  by  the  former  name  among  his 
own  works. ^  There  is  also  record  of  a  three- 
part  play  by  Dekker  and  Drayton,  The  Civil 
Wars  in  France,  and  another,  with  several 
authors,  under  the  name.  The  Unfortunate  Gen- 
eral —  The  French  History.^  Marlowe's  Massa- 
cre at  Paris  is  familiar  enough,  as  are  also  Chap- 
man's four  tragedies  concerning  Bussy  d'Ambois 
and  Charles,  Duke  of  Biron.  There  is  evidence 
that  in  1617  an  English  play  dealing  with  the 
death  of  the  Marshal  d'Ancre  was  kept  from 
the  stage  by  the  Privy  Council.^  Later  came 
such  plays  as  Chapman  and  Shirley's  Tragedy 
of  Philip  Chahot,  Admiral  of  France,  and  Hem- 
inge's  Fatal  Contrast.  In  many  dramas  where 
the  facts  of  history  are  in  no  way  involved  in 
the  plot,  there  appear  incidental  references,  in 
a  familiar  way,  to  historical  matters.  For  ex- 
ample, Bellamont,  in  Dekker's  Northward  Hoe, 

^  F.  E.  Schelling,  Elizabethan  Drama  1558-164S,  de- 
votes a  chapter  to  this  drama  on  French  history,  treat- 
ing it  as  a  distinct  species. 

^  Cf .  dedication  to  The  Devil's  Law  Case. 

^  Henslowe's  Diary  is  the  source  of  these  details. 

*  Cf .  Colher.  History  of  English  Dramatic  Poetry, 
i.  408;    also  Ward,  English  Dramatic  Literature,  iii.  234. 

c 


18  INTRODUCTION 

tells  the  captain  he  is  preparing  a  tragedy  to 
be  presented  by  gallants  in  the  French  court 
at  the  marriage  festivities  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  and  those  of  Chatilion,  Admiral  of 
France. 

There  is  almost  no  end  to  the  plays  where 
French  scenes  or  French  characters  are  intro- 
duced, sometimes  without  a  trace  of  national 
peculiarity  or  local  color,  in  other  cases  purely 
for  the  effect  obtained  by  such  peculiarities. 
The  fact  that  Shakespeare's  AlFs  Well  that 
Ends  Well,  for  instance,  has  its  scenes  laid  in 
France  and  deals  with  French  characters  gives 
no  tone  of  French  individuality  to  any  portion 
of  the  play.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  such 
dramas  as  Beaumont  and  Fletcher's  The  Elder 
Brother,  Fletcher's  The  Noble  Gentleman,  and 
Massinger's  The  Unnatural  Combat.  Chapman's 
An  Humorous  Day^s  Mirth,  on  the  other  hand, 
not  only  locates  its  scenes  in  Paris,  but  portrays 
there  the  gay  licentious  life  conventionally 
associated  in  many  English  minds  with  French- 
men. Single  French  characters  in  the  drama 
are  usually  caricatures,  introduced  for  a  comic 
effect.  The  traveled  fop  Laverdure,  in  Mars- 
ton's  What  You  Will,  is  a  good  specimen  of 
this  sort.  At  other  times,  indeed,  the  chief 
purpose  of  these  characters  seems  to  be  to  win 
a  laugh  from  the  groundlings  by  their  broken 
English.  This  is  often  the  case  with  men  of 
certain  callings,  such  as  tailors,  dancing-masters, 
or  doctors,  conventionally  represented  as  French- 
men. 


INTRODUCTION  19 

The  London  populace  was  always  ready  to 
detect  and  despise  affectation  in  those  who 
boasted  of  superiority.  It  was  also  possessed 
of  a  deep-rooted  bourgeois  hostility  to  foreigners 
and  to  foreign  customs,  especially  when  these 
latter  were  assumed  unnaturally.  It  is  not 
surprising  then  that  dramatic  literature  in  old 
England  teems  with  biting  references  to  Frenchi- 
fied Englishmen  who  have  traveled  or  pretend 
to  have  done  so ;  and  to  those  various  personal 
peculiarities  which  were  conventionally  cited 
and  recognized  as  Gallic.  A  considerable  com- 
pany of  these  travelers  with  French  airs  could 
be  mustered,  including  Beaumont  and  Fletcher's 
Monsieur  Thomas,  Puntarvolo,  in  Every  Man 
out  of  his  Humour,  Thorello,  in  Davenant's 
The  Fair  Favorite,  and  young  Matchil,  in 
Brome's  The  New  Academy.  Lovel,  in  Jonson's 
The  New  Inn,  like  Shakespeare's  Jacques, 
appears  to  have  sucked  melancholy  out  of  his 
French  journeying. 

The  traits  and  peculiarities  characterized  as 
French  in  the  later  Elizabethan  drama  afford 
a  very  substantial  idea  of  what  this  overcritical 
theater-going  public  professed  to  find  in  their 
Gallic  neighbors.  Bravery,  of  a  kind,  they 
did  concede,  but  it  was  the  bravery  of  the 
moment,  which  accompanied  hot  blood  and  a 
fiery  temper.  The  ''French  brawl"  is  a  thing 
often  mentioned.  This  heated  blood  and  eager 
haste  of  the  Frenchmen  was  supposed  to  make 
them  particularly  ardent  in  love,  and  to  lead 
them    easily    into    lustful    indulgences.     This 


20  INTRODUCTION 

notion  gained  emphasis  from  the  fact  that 
venereal  disease,  so  frequently  the  object  of 
comment  in  the  dramas,  was  regularly  referred 
to  France  for  its  origin.  Treachery  and  decep- 
tion were  constantly  attributed  to  Frenchmen. 
Thus  Gazetto,  in  Dekker's  Match  me  in  London, 
explaining  the  use  he  makes  of  languages,  de- 
clares, ^'If  I  betray,  I'm  French."  In  Ford's 
Lovers  Sacrifice,  Fernando  goes  into  the  matter 
at  greater  length :  — 

"The  French  are  passing  courtly,  ripe  of  wit, 
Kind,  but  extreme  dissemblers ;  you  shall  have 
A  Frenchman  ducking  lower  than  your  knee, 
At  th'  instant  mocking  even  your  very  shoe-ties.'*  ^ 

Drinking  and  profanity  were  represented  as 
dear  to  the  French  heart.  ''The  French  affects 
the  Orleans  grape,"  as  Hey  wood  puts  it.^  In 
one  of  the  familiar  lists  of  national  character- 
istics, Ophioneus  declares  in  Chapman's  Tragedy 
of  Ccesar  and  Pompey,  "Thou  shalt  .  .  .  drink 
with  the  Dutchman,  swear  with  the  Frenchman, 
cheat  with  the  Englishman,  brag  with  the  Scot, 
and  turn  all  this  to  religion."  ^ 

The  detailed  formalities  of  courtly  politeness 
had  come  to  France  and  in  great  part  to  Eng- 
land out  of  Italy.  The  fact  remains  that  the 
dramatists  persisted  in  associating  many  of  these 
with  France,  and  ascribing  them  to  French 
gallants.  French  shrugs,  cringes,  crouches,  and 
courtesies  are  always  confronting  the  reader  of 

*  Act  i,  scene  1.      ^  Song  in  A  Challenge  for  Beauty. 
^  Act  iii,  scene  1. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

plays.  From  courtly  wooing  to  courtly  quar- 
reling,  the  Frenchman's  manners  are  every- 
where regarded  as  the  standard  of  polite  inter- 
course, while  his  dancing  is  above  reproach.  In 
Jonson's  Cynthia^s  Revels,  when  Mercury  in  dis- 
guise contends  in  a  duel  of  courtly  compliment, 
he  poses  as  a  Frenchman  and  is  characterized 
as  ''this  Monsieur,  or  French-behav'd  gentle- 
man here."  In  Shirley's  The  Witty  Fair  One, 
the  tutor  delivers  another  international  listing, 
thus:  '^Ai^e  not  Italian  heads,  Spanish  shoul- 
ders, Dutch  bellies,  and  French  legs,  the  only 
notions  of  your  reformed  English  gentlemen?"  ^ 
On  one  point  there  was  complete  agreement, 
—  the  importance  of  France  as  a  source  of 
fashions  in  clothing.  The  frequent  appearance 
of  the  French  tailor  has  been  already  noted. 
The  extent  to  which  Englishmen  were  supposed 
to  imitate  the  French  garb  is  well  expressed  in 
Eastward  Hoe.  In  the  first  scene  of  the  fourth 
act,  Petronel  and  Seagull  think  they  have  been 
cast  on  the  coast  of  France,  when  they  are  really 
on  the  bank  of  the  Thames.  Petronel  ex- 
claims :  — 

"See,  here  comes  a  couple  of  French  gentlemen: 
I  knew  we  were  in  France  :  dost  thou  think  our  English- 
men are  so  Frenchified,  that  a  man  knows  not  whether 
he  be  in  France  or  in  England,  when  he  sees  'hem?'' 

There  is  an  endless  array  of  references  to  vari- 
ous garments  as  "French"  — French  doublets, 
French    girdles,    French    ruffs,    and    especially 

^  Act  ii,  scene  1. 


22  INTRODUCTION 

French  hoods.  French  velvet,  also,  was  a  term 
much  in  use. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  general  recog- 
nition, in  drama  and  other  forms  of  English 
literature,  of  the  knowledge  of  the  French 
language  as  essential  to  an  accomplished  Eng- 
lishman. Much  of  the  French  tongue,  either  in 
extended  conversations  or  in  scattered  phrases, 
appears  throughout  the  plays  of  the  time.  Most 
of  this  is  in  connection  with  French  scenes  and 
characters  such  as  those  already  discussed.  But 
even  apart  from  these,  French  phrases  repeatedly 
occur  at  unexpected  points  and  for  very  trivial 
reasons.  There  are  also  numerous  miscellaneous 
references  to  France  and  the  French,  —  their 
habits  of  eating,  their  products,  their  coin.  The 
task  of  cataloguing  all  such  references  in  the 
literature  of  the  period  would  be  almost  in- 
terminable. 

For  an  era  of  English  literature  in  which  the 
hegemony  is  really  Italian,  the  French  influences 
operative  in  an  external  way  about  this  Eliza- 
bethan period  are  varied  and  of  great  abun- 
dance. Not  all  of  them,  it  is  true,  can  be  thought 
of  as  favorable  to  literary  production  or  in  any 
way  affecting  it.  Obvious  enough,  however, 
are  such  facts  as  these.  England  throughout 
this  period  was  frankly  conscious  of  the  exist- 
ence of  her  French  neighbors,  and  thoroughly 
awake  to  what  they  thought  and  wrote  and  did. 
The  ideals  and  habits,  and  even  the  mannerisms, 
of  France  were  conventionally  familiar  to  the 
London  populace,  and  were  often  imitated  — 


INTRODUCTION  23 

all  too  often,  if  we  accept  testimony  from  the 
dramas  —  by  those  who  enjoyed  or  thought 
to  enjoy  social  distinction.  The  products  of 
French  literature  found  their  way,  with  a  fair 
degree  of  rapidity,  to  English  shores ;  and  while 
the  educated  classes  read  them  in  the  original, 
translators  busied  themselves  with  English  ver- 
sions for  the  general  public.  In  such  circum- 
stances, whatever  of  her  own  France  had  to 
impart  had  ample  opportunity  to  exercise  its 
influence  upon  English  letters. 

The  following  chapters  are  concerned  with 
the  lines  of  influence  that  apparently  resulted 
from  such  contact.  The  method  of  approach 
may  often  appear  to  be  of  an  objective,  almost 
mechanical,  character;  too  often,  indeed,  it 
lapses  into  a  manipulation  of  parallels  in  thought 
and  phrasing.  But  the  aim  throughout  has 
been  to  construct  as  substantial  a  material 
foundation  as  possible,  at  the  expense  of  mini- 
mizing, so  far  as  this  study  goes,  the  abstract 
generahzations  which  logically  should  rest  upon 
such  a  basis. 

In  the  literary  ideals  and  experiments  of 
Sidney  and  his  friends  —  the  ''Areopagus'' 
group  —  there  were  various  factors  operative 
which  palpably  suggest  French  influence.  Two 
important  types  of  literature  much  practiced 
by  the  later  representatives  of  this  circle  —  the 
sonnet  and  the  long  religious  poem  —  had  been 
particularly  popular  with  the  French  of  a  few 
years  before.  Extended  comparison  reveals 
many  indications  of  actual  indebtedness,  espe- 


24  INTRODUCTION 

cially  to  the  work  of  Du  Bartas.  By  this  time 
the  speculative  utterances  of  Montaigne  had 
found  their  way  into  England,  affecting  the 
external  form  of  the  Elizabethan  essay,  as  well 
as  providing  a  storehouse  of  opinions  and 
learned  citations  for  all  who  cared  to  use  them. 
The  appeal  of  Rabelais,  as  it  came  to  be  felt 
in  England,  was  largely  to  the  Bohemians  of 
literature,  and  his  influence  was  principally 
stylistic. 

A  fresh  wave  of  French  impulse  came  with  the 
accession  and  marriage  of  Charles  L,  when 
French  preciosite  and  French  Platonizing,  de- 
spite national  protest,  gained  a  considerable 
hold  upon  English  court  society.  Mere  foibles 
of  the  elect  these  ideals  may  have  been,  but  they 
carried  with  them  immense  influence  for  litera- 
ture, and  made  possible  the  transfer  of  French 
literary  fashions  with  an  ease  unknown  since 
the  fourteenth  century.  The  spirit  of  the 
seventeenth-century  romance  entered  English 
literature.  It  colored  drama  and  poetic  narra- 
tive and  called  forth  imitations  in  its  own  type. 
The  coterie  system  of  society,  while  it  made  no 
great  impression  upon  England,  attained  power 
enough  to  influence  the  introduction  of  vers  de 
societe  and  literary  correspondence.  Even  the 
tendency  to  burlesque,  then  prevalent  enough 
in  France,  reached  English  shores  before  the 
return  of  the  Stuart  family  threw  open  the  por- 
tals to  the  full  impulse  of  French  standards  of 
taste  and  execution. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Areopagus  Group 

To  the  student  of  Elizabethan  literature  there 
comes,  before  a  great  while,  the  realization  that 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  literary  output  of 
the  last  two  decades  of  the  sixteenth  and  first 
decade  of  the  seventeenth  centuries  was  pro- 
duced by  a  small  group  of  literary  friends  and 
co-workers,  and  was  colored,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  by  the  ideals  that  dominated  there.  At 
the  beginning,  the  friends  thus  associated  ap-, 
pear  to  have  been  Gabriel  Harvey,  Philip  Sjd-| 
ney,  Edmund  Spenser,  Edward^Dyer,  and  prob-j 
ably  Fulke  Greville.  A  little  later  Samuel 
Daniel  and  Abraham  Fraunce  were  admitted. 
Then  came  the  romantic  death  of  Sidney;  and 
his  sister,  the  Countess  of  Pembroke,  who  felt 
the  obligation  of  completing  his  literary  under- 
takings, seems  also  to  have  recognized  a  re- 
sponsibility to  these  associates  of  his,  to  whom 
she  was  already  no  stranger.  Soon  she  became 
even  better  known  as  a  patroness  of  literature 
than  as  a  literary  artist,  and  encouraged  those 
who  remained  of  the  earlier  circle,  as  well  as 
some  whom  she  herself  received,  to  carry  out 
those  ideas  which  had  taken  shape  during  her 
brother's  lifetime.     Prominent  among  the  men 

26 


'/ 


26  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

who  enjoyed  Lady  Pembroke's  patronage  were 
also  Nicholas  Breton,  John  Davies  of  Here- 
ford, and  probably  Sir  William  Alexander,  Earl 
of  Stirling. 

The  earliest  intimation  concerning  this  union 
of  choice  spirits  is  afforded  by  the  series  of  letters 
exchanged,  1579-1580,  between  Gabriel  Harvey, 
then  at  Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  and  his  '' lov- 
ing friend,"  Edmund  Spenser,  who  wrote  from 
Leicester  House,  London,  where  he  was  in  the 
employ  of  Sidney's  uncle. ^  Among  other  things, 
these  letters  represent  Sidney,  Dyer,  and  Spen- 
ser as  fellow-members  of  a  society,  the  Are- 
opagus, from  which  Harvey  was  at  least  not 
excluded.  In  a  letter  dated  October  5  (1.6?), 
1579,  Spenser  says :  — 

"As  for  the  twoo  worthy  gentlemen  Master  Sidney 
and  Master  Dyer,  they  have  me,  I  thanke  them,  in 
some  use  of  familiarity ;  of  whom  and  to  whome  what 
speache  passeth  for  youre  credite  and  estimation 
I  leave  your  selfe  to  conceive,  having  alwayes  so  well 
conceived  of  my  unfained  affection  and  zeale  towardes 
you.  And  nowe  they  have  proclaimed  in  their  dpetwTraya* 
a  general  surceasing  and  silence  of  balde  Rymers,  and 
also  of  the  verie  best  to ;  in  steade  whereof,  they  have, 
by  authoritie  of  their  whole  Senate,  prescribed  certaine 
Lawes  and  rules  of  Quantities  of  English  sillables  for 
English  Verse ;  having  had  thereof  already  great  prac- 
tice and  drawen  me  to  their  fashion.  ...  I  am  of 
late  more  in  love  wyth  my  English  versifying  than 
with  Ryming;  whych  I  should  have  done  long  since 
if  I  would  then  have  followed  your  councell." 

^  The  Harvey-Spenser  Letters  appear  in  vol.  i.  of 
Harvey's  Works,  ed.  Grosart  (Huth  Library),  London, 
1884.  Some  also  appear  in  Harvey's  Letter  Book,  ed. 
E.  J.  L.  Scott  (Camden  Soc.  Publ.),  1884. 


# 


^•^ ITHE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  27 


Before  dispatching  this  letter,  Spenser  re- 
ceived one  from  Harvey,  enclosing  a  specimen 
of  classic  metre  in  English.  Acknowledging 
this,  he  says,  ''I  perceive  you  otherwhiles  con- 
tinue your  old  exercise  of  Versifying  in  Eng- 
lish, whych  glorie  I  had  now  thought  shoulde 
have  bene  onely  ours  heere  at  London  and  the 
court."  ^ 

Harvey's  reply,  dated  October  23,  1579,  in- 
cludes the  statement :  — 

''Your  new-founded  apcLovn-ayov  I  honoure  more, 
than  you  will  or  can  suppose :  and  make  greater 
accompte  of  the  twoo  worthy  gentlemenne,  than  of 
the  two  hundreth  Dionisii  Areopagitce,  or  the  verye 
notablest  senatours  that  ever  Athens  dydde  affourde 
of  that  number."  ^ 

In  April,  1580,  Harvey  declares :  — 

"I  cannot  choose,  but  thanke  and  honour  the  good 
Aungell,  whether  it  were  Gabriell  or  some  other  that 
put  so  good  a  notion  into  the  heads  of  those  two 
excellent  Gentlemen  M.  Sidney  and  M.  Dyer,  the  two 
very  Diamonds  of  Hir  Majesties  Courte  for  many 
speciall  and  rare  qualities :  as  to  helpe  forwarde  our 
new  famous  enterprise  for  the  Exchanging  of  Bar- 
barous and  Balductum  Rymes  with  Artificial  Verses.''^ 

All  that  Spenser  states  and  all  that  Harvey 
believes  about  the  Areopagus,  as  far  as  these 
letters  go,  is  that  it  is  an  association  of  Sidney, 
Dyer,  and  Spenser,  to  experiment  with  classic 

^  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  7  sq. 
Uhid.,  1.  20. 
^Ihid.,  i.  75. 


#• 


28  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROU 

metres  in  English  verse,  a  thing  which  Harvey 
has  long  advocated,  but  which  now  gets  its 
impulse  from  another.*  But  there  is  ample 
ground  for  speculation  as  to  whether  these  were 
the  actual  limits  of  the  Areopagus ;  or  —  to  put 
it  more  broadly  —  whether  the  little  coterie 
of  critical  thinkers  and  creative  artists  there 
brought  together,  whatever  the  specified  pur- 
pose of  their  nominal  organization,  did  not 
rather  feel  called  upon  to  formulate  for  Eng- 
land a  general  system  of  critical  theory  and  try 
the  farthest  literary  possibilities  of  their  ver- 
nacular. There  is  no  question  that  their  rela- 
tionship was  more  vital  than  these  letters  have 
implied,  and  was  strengthened  with  the  passing 
years.  Likewise  there  may  be  shown  a  unity 
of  purpose,  expressed  and  exemplified  by  each 
in  his  peculiar  way,  and  giving  form  to  the 
activity  of  the  circle  far  into  its  later  history. 
The  friendship  of  the  noble  Sidney  and  the 
dependent  Spenser  is  a  commonplace  of  literary 
study.  The  Harvey-Spenser  letters  not  only 
show  that  Spenser  was  then  quartered  in  the 
household  of  Sidney's  uncle,  and  expecting  to 

^  Infra,  p.  72.  Harvey's  idea  of  the  limits  of  this 
circle  may  be  drawn  from  the  postscript  to  his  ''  Earth- 
quake" letter,  written  just  before  the  one  last  quoted. 
"This  Letter,"  he  says,  "may  only  be  shewed  to  the  two 
odde  Gentlemen  you  wot  of.  Marry  I  would  have  those 
two  to  see  it,  as  sone  as  you  may  conveniently. 
Non  Multis  dormio :  non  multis  scribo ;  non  cwpio  placere 

multis. 
Alii  alios  numeros  laudant,  prceferunt,  venerantur; 
Ego  fere  apud  nos,  fere  apud  vos  Trinitatem." 

Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  74. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  29 

be  sent  abroad  on  business  for  him.^  They 
fairly  teem  with  references  to  the  friendly  in- 
tercourse of  Spenser  with  both  Sidney  and 
Dyer.  The  Shepheardes  Calendar,  published  in 
1579,  was  dedicated  to  Sidney,  ''the  noble  and 
vertuous  Gentleman,  most  w^orthy  of  all  titles 
both  of  learning  and  chevalrie."  Spenser's 
Stemmata  Dudleiana,  often  mentioned  in  his 
letters,  was  of  course  to  celebrate  the  glories  of 
his  patron  Leicester's  family,  and  incidentally 
to  contain  many  compliments  to  Sidney.  More 
lavish  still  was  the  commendation  as  time  went 
on.  Sidney  was  presumably  the  brave  courtier 
in  Mother  Hubbard's  Tale,  and  figured  con- 
spicuously in  the  allegory  of  the  Faerie  Queene. 
The  Astrophel  and  the  Ruines  of  Time  were  writ- 
ten to  mourn  his  untimely  fate  and  celebrate  his 
virtues.  Further  evidence  of  Spenser's  regard 
appears  in  the  tributes  he  paid  to  Sidney's 
bereaved  sister.  Besides  introducing  her  in 
his  Colin  Clout-  and  Astrophel,^  he  attached  to 
the  Faerie  Queene  a  sonnet  in  her  honor,  and 
dedicated  the  Ruines  of  Time  to  her,  "as  to  one 
whome  it  most  speciallie  concemeth,  and  to 
whome  I  acknowledge  myselfe  bounden  by 
manie  singular  favours  and  great  graces."  In 
both  sonnet  and  prose  dedication  Spenser  recalls 

^  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  17.  A  still  earlier  connec- 
tion of  Spenser  with  Sidney  and  I.eicester  is  suggested  by 
P.  M.  Buck,  in  Mod.  Lang.  Notes,  March,  1906,  p.  80. 

''  11.  486  sq. 

^  Cf .  the  "doleful  lay"  composed  by  Sidney's  sister 
"Clorinda,"  "the  gentlest  shepherdess  that  lives  this 
day." 


30  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

the  service  rendered  him  by  Sidney  as  patron 
of  his  youthful  muse. 

Edward  Dyer  and  Fulke  Greville  certainly 
shared  in  this  intimacy,  though  the  latter  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  Harvey-Spenser  letters,  and 
seems  to  have  been  the  particular  friend  of  the 
Sidneys.  When  Spenser,  in  1580,  published 
Harvey's  ''Verlayes"  without  that  worthy's 
knowledge,  he  dedicated  the  work  to  the  ^' right 
worshipful  gentleman  and  famous  courtier.  Mas- 
ter Edward  Dyer,  in  a  manner  our  only  English 
poet."  ^  Greville  was  the  devoted  companion 
and  admirer  of  Sidney  from  boyhood,  and  com- 
piled a  panegyric  biography  of  him.  Indeed, 
among  the  virtues  recorded  on  Greville's  tomb- 
stone was  the  fact  that  he  was  ''Frend  to  Sir 
Philip  Sidney."  As  will  be  seen,  he  acknowl- 
edged the  prompting  of  Sidney  in  his  literary 
undertakings.^  Among  Sidney's  works  appears 
a  poem  ''Upon  his  meeting  with  his  two  worthy 
Friends  and  fellow-Poets,  Sir  Edward  Dier  and 
Master  Fulke  Greville";  and  by  his  will  his 
books  were  to  be  divided  between  these  same 
two  gentlemen. 

Harvey,  being  somewhat  older  than  Sidney 
and  Spenser  and  lacking  their  creative  fervor, 
seems  rather  to  have  had  an  advisory  capacity, 
as  a  representative  of  the  English  Humanistic 
tradition.  His  intimacy  was  none  the  less 
genuine.  The  correspondence  shows  Spenser 
constantly   asking  and  receiving  advice  from 

^  Quoted  in  Spenser's  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  i.  71. 
2  Infra,  p.  83. 


THE   AREOPAGUS   GROUP  31 

Harvey  regarding  literary  ventures.  Fortu- 
nately he  did  not  always  follow  it.  Prefixed  to 
the  Shepheardes  Calendar  was  a  letter  to  Harvey 
by  the  editor,  E.  K.  It  begins:  ^'To  the  most 
excellent  and  learned,  both  Orator  and  Poet, 
master  Gabriel  Harvey,  his  verie  speciall  and 
singular  good  friend  E.  K.  commendeth  the  good 
lyking  of  this  his  good  labour,  and  the  patronage 
of  the  new  Poet."  ^  In  fact  E.  K.  attributes  to 
Harvey  the  role  of  Hobbinoll  in  the  Calendar. 
His  gloss  to  the  September  eclogue  states: 
''Now  I  thinke  no  man  doubt eth  but  by  Colin 
is  ever  meant  the  Authors  selfe,  whose  especiall 
good  friend  Hobbinoll  saith  hee  is,  or  more 
rightly  Maister  Gabriell  Harvey:  of  whose 
especiall  commendation,  as  wel  in  Poetrie  as 
Rethorike  and  other  choice  learning,  we  have 
lately  had  a  sufficient  triall  in  clivers  his 
woorkes. "  After  Spenser  had  settled  in  Ireland, 
the  fulsome  compliment  of  his  earlier  corre- 
spondence found  a  soberer  echo  in  a  sonnet 
addressed  to  Harvey.  It  is  dated  from  Dublin, 
July  18,  1586. 


(I 


Harvey,  the  happy  above  happiest  men 

I  read :  that  sitting  like  a  Looker-on 

Of  this  worldes  Stage,  doest  note  with  critique  pen 

The  sharpe  dislikes  of  each  condition : 

And  as  one  carelesse  of  suspition, 

Ne  fawnest  for  the  favour  of  the  great : 

Ne  fearest  foolish  reprehension 

Of  faulty  men,  which  daunger  to  thee  threat. 

But  freely  doest,  of  what  thee  list,  entreat, 

^  Spenser,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  11.  19. 


32  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

Like  a  great  lord  of  peerelesse  liberty : 
Lifting  the  good  up  to  high  Honours  seat, 
And  the  Evill  damning  evermore  to  dy : 
For  Life,  and  Death  is  in  thy  doomefuU  writing : 
So  thy  renowne  lives  ever  by  endighting."  ^ 

Harvey,  like  Spenser,  seems  to  have  been  in 
youth  a  dependent  of  Lord  Leicester  and  may 
have  been  sent  abroad  in  his  service.^  The 
fourth  book,  Gratulationis  Valdinensis  (1578), 
full  of  extravagant  comphment  to  Sidney  and 
to  Leicester,  was  addressed  to  ^'the  most  noble 
and  most  cultivated  youth.  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
to  me  on  many  accounts  by  far  the  dearest  (of 
all  young  men)."  Harvey  was  so  prone  to 
extravagance  in  praise  or  blame,  that  one  can- 
not take  in  all  seriousness  the  numerous  ornate 
compliments  for  Lady  Pembroke  scattered 
through  his  writings ;  ^  especially  since  many  of 
these  hinge  upon  a  tract  she  is  supposed  to 
have  written  in  Harvey's  defense  during  his 
controversy  with  Nash.*  The  tract  has  never 
been  found,  but  there  is  ample  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  the  Countess  continued  her  brother's 
friendship  for  the  Humanist.     It  may  well  be 

1  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  253-254. 

2  Cf.  Bk.  i,  Gratulationis  Valdinensis;  Wks.,  ed.  cit., 
i.  p.  XXXV  sq. 

3Cf.  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  295-6,  276;  ii.  16. 
263-4,  319,  320-7,  329.  These  references  are  cited  by 
AUce  H.  Luce,  The  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Antonie, 
Weimar,  1897. 

*  "  Pleased  it  hath  a  gentlewoman  rare. 

With  Phoenix  quill  in  diamont  hand  of  Art, 
To  muzzle  the  redoubtable  Bull-bare 
And  Play  the  galiard  Championesses  part." 
—  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  295. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  33 

noted  further  that  there  is  one  place  in  Harvey's 
^^  Foure  Letters/^  1592,  where  he  groups  the 
^'deere  Lovers  of  the  Muses  and  professed  Sonnes 
of  the  same/'  as,  '^Edmond  Spenser,  Richard 
Stanihurst,  Abraham  Fraunce,  Thomas  Watson, 
Samuell  Daniell,  Thomas  Nash,  and  the  rest." 
It  will  be  interesting  later  to  recall  that  he 
thanks  these  men  ''for  their  studious  endevours, 
commendably  employed  in  enriching  and  polish- 
ing their  native  tongue,  never  so  furnished,  or 
embellished  as  of  late."^ 

The  devotion  which  Daniel  and  Fraunce  — 
both  named  above  by  Harvey  —  displayed 
toward  this  earlier  coterie,  and  the  encourage- 
ment they  received  there,  are  abundantly  in- 
dicated. Daniel  must  have  been  a  particular 
favorite  of  the  Countess  of  Pembroke,  to  whom 
he  dedicated,  in  succession,  his  Delia  sonnets, 
in  1592,2  Cleopatra  in  1594,  and  the  1609  edi- 
tion of  his  Civil  Wars,  The  dedication  of  the 
Defence  of  Ryme,  in  1607,  is  addressed  to  Lady 
Pembroke's  son,  Philip  Herbert,  but  acknowl- 
edges obligation  to  her  and  her  household. 
These  dedications  indicate  a  degree  of  personal 
relationship  considerably  beyond  ordinary  pat- 
ronage, and  contain  so  much  of  significance  for 
the  later  steps  in  this  study  that  they  will  be 
quoted  in  some  detail  farther  on.^    Spenser's 


1  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  218. 

^  Twenty-seven  of  these  sonnets  had  previously  been 
published  in  the  first  edition  of  Sidney's  Astrophel  and 
Stella,  1591.   On  Daniel  and  Lady  Pembroke,  cf .  p.  114  sg. 

3  Infra,  pp.  61,  115. 


34  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

Colin  Clout,  published  in  1595,  was  probably 
written  four  years  earlier/  It  contains  a  com- 
mendatory comment  on  Daniel,  which  seems  to 
have  a  peculiar  importance  in  connection  with 
the  classic  tragedies  fostered  by  Lady  Pembroke.^ 
The  comment  reads :  — 

"  Yet  doth  his  trembling  Muse  but  lowly  flie, 
As  daring  not  too  rashly  mount  to  hight, 
And  doth  her  tender  plumes  as  yet  but  trie 
In  love's  soft  laies  and  looser  thoughts  delight. 
Then  rouse  thy  feathers  quickly,  Daniell, 
And  to  what  course  thou  please  thyself  advance. 
But  most  me  seemes  thy  accent  will  excell 
In  tragicke  plaints  and  passionate  mischance.'' 

Daniel  was  also  a  warm  friend  of  Fulke  Greville, 
with  whom  he  engaged  in  correspondence,  and 
to  whom  he  dedicated  his  poetic  defense  of 
national  learning  and  literature,  Musophilus. 

Abraham  Fraunce  had,  according  to  Oldys, 
proceeded  to  Cambridge  under  the  patronage, 
and  even  at  the  expense,  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney; 
and  there  are  various  indications  that  a  cordial 
welcome  was  extended  him  by  Sidney's  literary 
circle.  Certain  lyrics  of  his  also  appeared  in  the 
first  edition  of  Astrophel  and  Stella,  while  his 
Arcadian  Rhetorike,  published  in  1588,  reveals 
devotion  to  Sidney  in  its  very  title.  Incident- 
ally it  quotes  from  the  unpublished  manuscript 
of  Spenser's  Faerie  Queene.  The  manuscript  of 
Fraunce's  Lawyers  Logic  reveals  that  it  was  to 
be  entitled  The  Shepherd'' s  Logic,  and  dedicated 

^  The  dedicatory  letter  is  dated  December  27,  1591. 
^  Infra,  p.  80. 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  35 

to  Sir  Edward  Dyer.  It  was  printed  in  1588, 
with  a  dedication  to  Sidney's  brother-in-law,  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke.  There  are  two  places  in 
Spenser's  works  that  seem  to  give  recognition 
to  Fraunce's  poetic  efforts.  One  is  in  Colin 
Clout,  a  probable  reference  to  Fraunce's  trans- 
lation from  Virgil  of  Corydon's  lament  for 
Alexis :  — 

''There  is  Corydon,  though  meanly  waged, 
Yet  hablest  wit  of  most  I  know  this  day."  * 

In  the  Faerie  Queene  we  hear  of  — 

"Amyntas  wretched  fate, 
To  whom  sweet  poets  verse  hath  given  endless  date/'^ 

apparently  a  reference  to  the  Latin  eclogues  of 
Thomas  Watson  and  their  English  version  by 
Fraunce.  Again  among  Fraunce's  works  appear 
various  products  dedicated  to  the  Countess  of 
Pembroke,  two  of  them  with  her  name  in  the 
title.  These  are  The  Arcadian  Rhetorike,  1588,' 
The  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Emanuell,  1591,"* 
The  Countess  of  Pembroke' s  Ivychurch,  1591,  and 
its  third  part,  Amyntas  Dale,  1592. 

At  the  time  when  this  circle  of  literary  men 
first  appeared,  England  was  on  the  threshold 
of  a  splendid  period  of  creative  activity,  in 
which  the  members  of  the  circle  were  to  play  a 

1 11.  382-383.  2  iii   vi   stanza  45. 

•''  The  only  copy  extant  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 
*  Reprinted  in  Grosart's  Miscellanies,  Fuller  Worthies 
Library,  iii. 


36  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

significant  part.  With  their  breadth  of  vision, 
keenness  of  perception,  and  eagerness  of  spirit, 
these  men  could  not  even  have  met  each  other 
from  time  to  time  and  chatted  over  their  ambi- 
tions and  attempts,  without  evolving  a  body  of 
critical  doctrine  and  a  group  of  literary  ideals. 
That  they  were  actually  working  toward  a  com- 
mon end,  and  felt  the  inspiration  of  united 
effort,  seems  highly  probable ;  and  that  end  was  a 
far  more  vital  one  than  the  measuring  of  syllabic 
quantities. 

The  first  note  of  this  larger  purpose  appears 
in  1579,  in  the  introduction  to  the  October 
eclogue  of  the  Shepheardes  Calendar.  The  om- 
niscient commentator,  E.  K.,  says  of  poetry :  — 

"  Specially  having  bene  in  all  ages  and  even  amongst 
the  most  barbarous,  alwayes  of  singular  accoumpt 
and  honor,  and  being  indede  so  worthy  and  com- 
mendable an  arte,  or  rather  no  arte,  but  a  divine  gift 
and  heavenly  instinct  not  to  bee  gotten  by  laboure 
and  learning,  but  adorned  with  both;  and  poured 
into  the  witte  by  a  certain  'Ev^ovcr6ao-/>tds  and  celestiall 
inspiration,  as  the  Author  hereof  els  where  at  large 
discourseth  in  his  booke  called  The  English  Poete, 
which  booke  being  lately  come  to  my  hands,  Imynde 
also  by  Gods  grace,  upon  further  advisement,  to 
publish.'' 

A  year  or  so  later  we  have  further  notice  of 
Spenser's  ideas  in  particular.  In  1580  he  had 
taken  advantage  of  friendship,  by  publishing, 
without  knowledge  of  the  author,  a  small  collec- 
tion of  Harvey's  writings,  including  some 
rhymed   ''Verlays."     The  title-page  bears  the 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  37 

date  August  1,  1580,  and,  as  previously  noted, 
the  dedication  is  to  Sir  Edward  Dyer.  Harvey 
seems  to  have  been  only  half  displeased,  to 
judge  by  the  communication  found  in  his  Letter 
Book}  Here  he  proposes  an  atonement  in  the 
form  of  ^'CII  hairs"  from  Spenser's  beard,  which 
the  latter  must  obligate  himself  to  pay  at  stated 
intervals.  Then  follows  significant  material  in 
the  form  of :  — 


''The  Condicion  of  this  Obligation 

(which  haply  my  joinge  Italianate  Seignior  and  French 
Monsieur  will  objecte). 

''What  thoughe  Italy,  Spayne,  and  Fraunce,  rav- 
isshed  with  a  certayne  glorious  and  ambitious  desier 
(your  galantshipp  would  peradventure  terme  it  zeale 
and  devotion)  to  sett  oute  and  advaunce  ther  owne 
languages  above  the  very  Greake  and  Lattin,  if  it 
were  possible,  and  standinge  altogither  uppon  termes 
of  honour  and  exquisite  formes  of  speaches,  karriinge 
a  certayne  brave,  magnificent  grace  and  maiestye 
with  them,  do  so  highly  and  honorabely  esteeme  of 
their  countrye  poets  reposing  on  greate  parte  of  their 
sovraigne  glory  and  reputation  abroade  in  the  worlde 
in  the  famous  writings  of  their  nobblist  wittes  ?  What 
though  you  and  a  thousand  such  nurrishe  a  stronge 
imagination  amongst  yourselves  that  Alexander, 
Scipio,  Caesar  and  most  of  ower  honorablist  and 
worthyest  captaynes  had  never  bene  that  they  were 
but  for  pore  blinde  Homer?  What  though  it  hath 
universally  bene  the  practisse  of  the  floorishingist 
States  and  most  politique  commonwelthes  from  whence 
we  borrowe   our   substantiallist    and  most  material! 

^  Ed.  cit.,  p.  65  sg. 


38  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

praeceptes  and  examples  of  wise  and  considerate 
governement,  to  make  the  very  most  of  ther  vulgare 
tunges,  and  togither  with  ther  seignioryes  and  do- 
minions by  all  means  possible  to  amplifye  and  enlarge 
them,  devisinge  all  ordinarye  and  extraordinarye 
helpes,  both  for  the  polisshinge  and  refininge  them  at 
home,  and  alsoe  for  the  spreddinge  and  dispersinge 
of  them  abroade?  What  though  II  Magnifico  Segnior 
Immerito  Benivolo  ^  hath  notid  this  amongst  his 
politique  discourses  and  matters  of  state  and  governe- 
mente  that  the  most  couragious  and  valorous  minds 
have  evermore  bene  where  was  most  furniture  of 
eloquence  and  greatest  stoare  of  notable  orators  and 
famous  poets."  ^ 

These  two  references  alone  bring  out  the  fact 
that  Spenser,  with  the  knowledge  of  his  friends, 
was  at  that  time  taking  a  vital  interest  in  the 
mass  of  critical  theory  then  attracting  so  much 
interest  on  the  Continent  and  even  among  the 
Humanists  at  home ;  that  he  even  had  material 
together  ready  for  the  publication  of  a  book, 
The  English  Poet,  acquainting  England  with  the 
dignity  and  responsibility  of  the  poet's  calling; 
that  the  real  impulse  prompting  to  such  study 
and  to  all  types  of  poetic  experiment  was  a 
national  or  patriotic  one,  the  desire  to  develop 
and  enrich  the  English  vernacular  that  it  might 
assume  its  proper  place  before  men. 

Within  a  very  few  years  Sidney  composed  his 

^  Both  Immerito  and  Benivolo  are  frequently  used 
for  Spenser  in  the  Harvey-Spenser  correspondence. 

2  In  E.  K.'s  letter  to  Harvey,  prefixed  to  the  Calendar, 
had  appeared  the  statement,  "Our  mother  tongue  of 
itself  is  full  enough  for  prose  and  stately  enough  for 
verse." 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  39 

Defense  of  Poesy,  which  reveals  the  fact  that  he 
too  had  been  thinking  and  studying  along  these 
same  lines.  The  whole  question  of  the  position 
and  function  of  poetry  is  taken  up  at  some 
length,  but  Sidney  too  finds  various  opportuni- 
ties to  deal  with  conditions  in  England  and 
reiterate  the  importance  of  the  vernacular,  of 
which  he  declares,  ''For  the  uttering  sweetly 
and  properly  the  conceits  of  the  mind,  which 
is  the  end  of  speech,  that  hath  it  equally  with 
any  other  tongue  in  the  world."  ^ 

The  same  ideal  finds  expression  in  the  passage 
already  quoted  from  Harvey's  Foure  Letters, 
thanking  the  poets  who  have  employed  their 
studious  endeavors  ''in  enriching  and  polish- 
ing their  native  tongue."  Various  contempo- 
raries, particularly  Samuel  Daniel,  made  much  of 
the  service  of  Sidney,  in  advancing  English 
learning  and  letters  and  driving  the  beast  of 
Barbarism  from  the  land.  In  the  dedication 
of  Cleopatra,  1594,  appears  this  stanza :  — 

"Now  where  so  many  Pennes  (like  Speares)  are  charg'd, 
To  chase  away  this  tyrant  of  the  North ; 
Grosse  Barbarisme,  whose  powre  grown  far  inlarg'd 
Was  lately  by  thy  valiant  brothers  worth 
First  found,  encountred,  and  provoked  forth : 
Whose  onset  made  the  rest  audacious, 
Whereby  they  likewise  have  so  well  discharged 
Upon  that  hideous  Beast  incroaching  thus." 

*  An  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber,  London,  1868, 
p.  70.  Various  critics,  beginning  with  Dr.  Grosart, 
have  suggested  that  The  English  Poet  influenced  Sidney's 
treatise  and  was  perhaps  largely  embodied  in  it. 


40  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

Two  years  before,  the  same  idea  had  entered 
into  the  dedication  of  the  Delia  to  Lady  Pem- 
broke, —  '^  whome  the  fortune  of  our  time  hath 
made  the  happie  and  iudiciall  Patronesse  of  the 
Muses  (a  glory  hereditary  to  your  house)  to 
preserve  them  from  those  hidious  Beestes, 
ObUvion  and  Barbarisme."  Daniel's  own  devo- 
tion to  the  cause  of  English  enlightenment  and 
his  pride  in  literary  achievement  find  extended 
expression  in  the  Musophilus,  1602,  a  dialogue 
in  verse  between  Musophilus  and  Philocosmus, 
who  argue  as  their  names  suggest.  The  dis- 
cussion is  along  general  lines,  however,  with 
practically  no  local  references/  As  late  as  1607 
appeared  Daniel's  Defence  of  Ryme,  indicating 
that  his  interest  in  such  matters  was  still  alive .^ 
The  fact  that  these  various  men  were  busily 
putting  in  practice  these  ideals  is  too  obvious  to 
require  comment. 

In  the  later  history  of  this  literary  circle, 
though  the  ideas  promulgated  by  its  originators 
continued  to  dominate  thought  and  effort,  new 
conditions  necessarily  arose  to  change  direction 


^  The  general  plan  of  this  may  have  been  suggested 
by  Henri  Estienne's  Dialogues  du  nouveau  langage. 

2  Fraimce's  Arcadian  Rhetorike,  in  spite  of  its  narrower 
purpose,  might  provide  interesting  evidence  along  these 
same  lines.  The  title  seems  to  indicate  a  broad,  modern 
point  of  view:  "The  Arcadian  Rhetorike,  or  the  Pre- 
cepts of  Rhetorike  made  plaine  by  examples  Greeke, 
Latin,  English,  Italian,  French,  Spanish,  out  of  Homer's 
Ilias  and  Odissea,  Virgil's  iEglogs,  Georgikes  and  ^Eneis, 
Songs  and  Sonets,  Torquato  Tassoes  Goffredo,  Aminta, 
Torrismondo,  Salist  his  Judith  and  both  his  semaines, 
Boscan  and  Garcilassoes  sonets  and  -^glogs.   .  .   ." 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  41 

and  shift  emphasis  in  these  propaganda.  Thus, 
by  1607,  Daniel  felt  perfect  freedom  in  writing 
a  treatise  against  classic  metres  in  English  and 
dedicating  it  to  Lady  Pembroke's  son,  with  the 
statement  that  he  had  ''received  the  first  notion 
for  the  formal  ordering  of  these  compositions  at 
Wilton."  In  the  same  way  the  element  of 
Protestant  devotion,  present  from  the  beginning, 
appeared  to  play  a  more  important  part  with  the 
later  men.^  In  fact  the  person  of  Lady  Pem- 
broke herself,  in  her  Protean  role  of  scholar, 
creative  artist,  religious  enthusiast,  benevolent 
patroness,  and  mistress  of  an  excellently  ordered 
household,  seems  to  have  inspired  and  colored 
the  literary  efforts  of  those  whom  she  grouped 
about  her. 

Prominent  among  the  late  members  of  the 
group  appears  Nicholas  Breton,^  who  dedicated 
to  Lady  Pembroke  no  less  than  five  of  his 
works :  The  Pilgrimage  to  Paradise  ioned  with 
the  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Love,  1592;  Auspi- 
cante  Jehova,  Maries  Exercise,  1597;  WiVs 
Trenchmour,  1597;  The  Ravisht  Soule  and 
Blessed  Weeper,  1601;  and  the  Countess  of 
Pembroke's  Passion  (undated).  Breton's  alle- 
giance to  the  early  group  of  writers  is  marked 
in  his  works,  the  Pilgrimage  to  Paradise,  for  in- 
stance, being  an  allegory  after  the  manner  of 
the  Faerie  Queene.  He  also  composed  epitaphs 
for  both  Sidney  and  Spenser. 

John  Davies  of  Hereford,  whose  works,  like 

*  Infra,  chap.  iv. 

2  Cf.  Breton,  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  London,  1877. 


42  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

Breton's,  took  a  decidedly  religious  tone,  frankly 
acknowledges  his  obligation  to  Lady  Pembroke 
and  her  family.^  He  praises  her  in  two  sonnets, 
and  in  the  epistle  dedicatory  to  his  Muses 
Sacrifice,  in  1612.  In  Worthy  Persons  he  de- 
clares to  her :  — 

''I  am  hee 

That  (maugre  Fate)  was,  is,  and  still  will  be 
The  triton  of  your  praise." 

When  the  poetic  version  of  the  Psalms  by 
Sidney  and  his  sister  was  first  printed  in  1823, 
it  had  this  statement  on  the  title-page:  ^'Now 
first  printed  from  A  Copy  of  the  Original  Manu- 
script Transcribed  by  John  Davies  of  Hereford, 
In  the  Reign  of  James  the  First." 

Sir  William  Alexander's  relation  to  this  circle 
is  not  so  clear.  Even  if  no  direct  connection  is 
evident,  he  certainly  worked  along  similar  lines 
with  its  representatives,  and  knew  and  appre- 
ciated their  efforts.  He  had  been  tutor  and 
literary  adviser  to  King  James  while  that  mon- 
arch was  still  in  Scotland,  and  soon  followed  him 
to  England,  where  he  was  promptly  installed 
as  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  king's  chamber. 
His  training  and  tastes  were  similar  to  those  of 
Lady  Pembroke's  literary  following,  and  an  early 
acquaintance  would  have  been  the  only  natural 
result.  That  Samuel  Daniel,  at  least,  quickly 
recognized  Alexander's  importance  and  knew 
his  literary  plans,  is  apparent  from  some  lines 

^  "I  am  not  so  much  mine  own  as  yours."  —  Wks., 
ed.  Grosart,  i.  97. 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  43 

in  the  dedication  of  Philotas  (1605)  ^  ''to  the 
Prince" :  — 

"And  though  you  have  a  Swannet  of  your  own 
Within  the  bankes  of  Douen  ^  meditates 
Sweet  notes  to  you,  and  unto  your  renowne 
The  glory  of  his  Musicke  dedicates, 
And  in  a  lofty  tone  is  yet  to  sound 
The  deepe  reports  of  sullen  tragedies ;  .  .  .   " 

Alexander  was  a  devoted  admirer  of  Sidney's 
Arcadia,  to  which,  hi  1613,  he  added  a  "com- 
pletion" of  the  Third  Book.  In  his  Anac- 
risis,  composed  about  twenty  years  later  and 
addressed  to  his  friend  WiUiam  Drummond,  he 
still  praises  the  Arcadia,  and  says  of  his  own 
addition  to  it,  "it  were  enough  to  be  excellent 
by  being  second  to  Sidney,  since  who  ever  could 
be  that,  behoved  to  be  before  others."  ^ 

The  consideration  that  has  called  forth  this 
extended  preliminary  statement  is  at  length  in 
order,  —  the  part  played  by  France,  or  rather 
by  French  literary  theorists,  in  providing  im- 
pulse for  the  propaganda  of  this  English  circle, 
as  well  as  actual  models  upon  which  creative 
efforts  might  be  built.  Italy,  of  course,  was  the 
real  source  of  this  sort  of  doctrine,  and  France 
hi  her  turn  often  colored  it  so  little  with  her 
own  peculiarities  of  thought,  that,  without 
positive  evidence  of  direct   indebtedness,  little 

^      ^  Daniel,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  iii.  101. 

^  Douen  was  a  river  near  Alexander's  home  in  Scot- 
land, and  is  often  mentioned  in  his  poems. 

^  Wm.  Drummond,  Works,  Folio  ed.,  Edin.,  1711, 
p.  161. 


44  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

can  be  said  in  many  cases  for  French  influence. 
There  are  certain  phases  of  the  Enghsh  move- 
ment, however,  that  appear  to  be  distinctly 
French  and  justify  investigation.  Prior  to  this, 
it  will  be  well  to  note  the  relations  of  individuals 
in  this  English  group  to  France,  to  French  people, 
and  to  French  literature. 

Spenser,  though  probably  deprived  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  a  grand  tour,  appears  to  have  been 
none  the  less  familiar  with  French  literature, 
especially  the  writings  of  Du  Bellay.  It  is  true 
that  his  renderings  from  the  French  are  as  a  rule 
free  and  often  inaccurate,  but  he  worked  as  an 
adapter  rather  than  a  translator.  It  is  probable 
that  even  in  youth  he  began  this  adapting  of 
French  poetry.  In  1569  appeared  the  English 
version  of  Van  der  Noodt's  Theatre  for  World- 
lings, containing  two  poetic  pieces,  The  Visions 
of  Petrarch  and  The  Visions  of  Bellay,  repre- 
sented as  derived  respectively  from  Brabantish 
and  Dutch  versions  of  the  originals.  The  second 
follows  so  literally  Du  Bellay's  own  verses,  and 
the  first  is  so  closely  modeled  on  a  French 
translation  of  Petrarch  by  Marot,  that  one  might 
well  be  skeptical  regarding  these  Brabantish 
and  Dutch  intermediaries.  Moreover,  in  Spen- 
ser's Complaints,  published  in  1591  and  never 
questioned  by  him,  almost  these  same  English 
poems  appear  as  the  eighth  and  ninth  parts. 
There  has  been  much  controversy  pro  and  con,^ 

^  Cf.  articles  by  Emil  Koeppel  in  Eng.  Stud.,  xv. 
53  sq.,  and  xxvii.  100  sq. ;  and  by  J.  B.  Fletcher  in  Mod. 
Lang.  Notes,  October,  1898. 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  45 

but  the  probability  remains  that  young  Spenser 
contributed  adaptations  from  the  French  to  Van 
der  Noodt's  Theatre.  Three  other  divisions  of 
Spenser's  Complaints  are  indebted  to  Du  Bellay. 
The  Ruins  of  Rome  by  Bellay  acknowledges  thus 
its  own  obligation ;  ^  and  the  Ruins  of  Time 
shows  many  resemblances  to  Du  Bellay's  Songe, 
of  which  the  Visions  of  the  World's  Vanity  is 
only  a  reflex.^  Such  indebtedness  gives  vital 
sincerity  to  a  tribute  like  the  following,  in 
U Envoy  to  the  Ruins  of  Rome:  — 

"  Bellay,  first  garland  of  free  Poesie 
That  France  brought  forth,  though  fruitfuU  of  brave 

wits, 
Well  worthie  thou  of  immortalitie. 
That  long  hast  traveled,  by  thy  learned  writs, 
Olde  Rome  out  of  her  ashes  to  revive, 
And  give  a  second  hfe  to  dead  decayes ! 
Needes  must  he  all  eternitie  survive, 
That  can  to  other  give  eternall  dayes : 
Thy  dayes  therefore  are  endles,  and  thy  prayse 
Excelling  all,  that  ever  went  before."  ^ 

Another  palpable  French  borrowing  of  Spen- 
ser's is  found  in  the  November  and  December 
eclogues  of  the  Shepheardes  Calendar,  both  of 
these  being  drawn  from  Marot.  This  may  also 
be  taken  as  a  further  dependence  on  Du  Bellay, 
who,  in  his  Deffence  et  Illustration  de  la  Langue 
Frangoyse,  giving  a  list  of  models  for  pastoral, 
cites  Theocritus,  Virgil,  and  Sannazaro,  and  then 

*  Cf.  Faerie  Queene,  i.  v.  49:  "The  Antique  ruins  of 
the  Romanes  fall." 

2  Cf.  Koeppel,  in  Eng.  Stud.,  xv.  80. 
^  Spenser,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  iii.  170. 


46  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

commends  ^'cete  Ecclogue  sur  la  naissance  du 
filz  de  Monseigneur  le  Dauphin,  a  mon  gre  im 
des  meilleurs  petiz  ouvraiges  que  fist  onques 
Marot."  ^  E.  K.,  in  his  Epistle  prefixed  to  the 
Calendar,  enlarges  on  Du  Bellay's  list  of  eclogue 
writers,  giving  French  form  to  their  names,  and 
concludes  it:  ''and  divers  other  excellent  both 
Italian  and  French  Poetes,  whose  foting  this 
Author  every  where  followeth."  ^  An  interest- 
ing connection  will  also  be  found  arising  between 
the  Faerie  Queene  and  the  Semaines  of  Du 
Bartas.^ 

Sidney's  relations  with  France  were  manifold. 
They  began  in  1572,  with  a  sojourn  at  the  court 
of  Charles  IX.  of  France,  where  his  attractive 
qualities  soon  won  for  him,  foreigner  that  he 
was,  the  good  will  of  all  the  French  nobility, 
and  a  special  mark  of  royal  favor  in  an  appoint- 
ment as  gentleman  of  the  king's  chamber.  Here 
began  a  warm  friendship  with  Henry  of  Navarre, 
which  Greville  considered  worthy  of  special  no- 
tice.^ Here  too  he  must  at  least  have  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Ronsard,  who  was  attached  to 
the  court,  had  an  apartment  at  the  Louvre,  and 
probably  was  writing  his  sonnets  for  Helene.^ 
This  acquaintance  must  have  been  recalled  often 

^  Du  Bellay,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-Laveaux,  i.  40. 

2  Spenser,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  ii.  30.  Noted  by  J.  B. 
Fletcher,  "Areopagus  and  Pleiade,"  in  Jour,  of  Germ. 
PhiloL,  ii.  447  sq.  ^  Infra,  p.  169  sg. 

■*  Fulke  Greville,  Life  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  in  Works, 
ed.  Grosart,  1870,  iv.  35. 

^  J.  J.  Jusserand,  in  Nineteenth  Century,  April,  1898, 
p.  602. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  47 

to  Sidney's  mind,  for  Ronsard  appears  to  have 
been  a  close  friend  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester  — 
the  uncle  of  Sidney  and  the  patron  of  Harvey 
and  Spenser,  —  celebrating  him  in  verse  as 
'Tomement  des  Anglois."  ^  Eonsard's  verses 
were  alike  the  solace  of  Mary  Stuart  in  prison 
and  the  delight  of  Elizabeth  on  her  throne.^ 
He  is  lavish  in  his  hearsay  praises  of  the  English 
queen,^  and  her  admiration  for  him  is  noted 
thus  by  his  biographer  Binet :  — 

"II  fut  tant  admire  par  la  Rojnie  d'Angleterre, 
qui  lisoit  ordinairement  ses  ecrits,  qu'elle  les  voulut 
comme  comparer  a  un  diamont  d'excellente  valeur 
qu'elle  luy  envoya."  * 

Sidney's  stay  at  Paris  was  concluded  and  his 
later  convictions  affected  by  the  Massacre  of 
Saint  Bartholomew's  Day ;  but  escaping  to  Frank- 
fort, he  fell  in  with  another  Frenchman,  Hubert 
Languet,  who,  in  spite  of  greater  age  and  ex- 
perience, entered  with  him  into  relations  of  the 
closest  comradeship.  Languet's  devoted  Prot- 
estantism came  not  amiss  after  the  horrors  of 
Bartholomew,  and  paved  the  way  for  a  series 
of  friendships  with  French  Protestants,  which 
stand  out  clearly  in  Sidney's  career.     Languet, 

^  Ronsard,  (Euvres,  ed.  Bibl.  Elzev.,  1860,  iv.  382. 

^  Binet,  Vie  de  Pierre  Ronsard,  in  Archives  curieuses 
de  Vhistoire  de  France,  prem.  serie,  x.  390. 

3  Ronsard,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-Laveaux,  ill.  242  sq. 

*  Fletcher,  op.  cit.,  p.  432,  suggests  that  Sidney  may 
have  noted  that  Elizabeth  was  envious  of  the  luster  which 
Ronsard  at  Paris  and  Tasso  at  Ferrara  shed  on  their 
sovereigns. 


48  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

through  his  correspondence/  was  almost  the 
guiding  factor  in  Sidney's  Italian  experiences, 
which  followed  soon  after  their  meeting.  The 
letters  between  them  savor  strongly  of  the 
early  type  of  Humanism,  with  solemn  discus- 
sions of  well-rounded  education,  of  improvement 
of  style  by  Ciceronian  study  —  not  too  servile,  — 
and  above  all^  of  the  Circe-enchantments  of 
Italy. 

Among  the  other  French  friends  and  corre- 
spondents of  Sidney  may  be  noted  Languet's 
Protestant  co-worker  in  political  theory,  Fran- 
cois Hotman ;  ^  the  poet  Pibrac,^  referred  to 
several  times  in  Languet's  letters;  Henri 
Estienne,^  Protestant  scholar,  translator,  and 
champion  too  of  the  inherent  possibilities  of  his 
native  language,  —  who  was  an  admirer  of 
Sidney,  gave  him  a  copy  of  a  moral  treatise 
written  in  Greek  by  Estienne  himself,  and  in 
1581  dedicated  to  him  an  edition  of  Herodian 
together  with  a  Latin  version  by  Poliziano; 
Banosius,  ardent  follower  of  Ramus's  Platon- 
ism,  —  who  in  1575  promised  Sidney  the  first 
copy  of  his  edition  of  Ramus's  commentaries, 
because  he  recognized  the  young  Englishman's 

^  Cf.  Huherti  Langueti  Epistolce  Politicce  et  Historicce 
ad  Philippum  Sydnwum,  Francofurti,  1633;  also  the  Eng- 
lish translation  of  the  Correspondence  by  S.  A.  Pears, 
London,  1845. 

2  E.  J.  B.  Rathery,  "Des  Relations  sociales  et  in- 
tellectuelles  entre  la  France  et  TAngleterre,"  in  Rev. 
contemp.,  1855,  prem.  s^rie,  xxi.  54.  The  Quatrains  of 
Pibrac  were  translated  into  English  by  Sylvester  by  1605. 

3  Zoiich,  Memoirs  of  Philip  Sidney,  ed.  York,  1809, 
p.  117. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  49 

fondness  for  the  theme  and  his  ability  to  pro- 
mulgate it  at  home.^  Another  enthusiastic 
French  Protestant,  Duplessis-Mornay,  came  to 
England  in  1577;  and,  having  been  for  eight 
years  a  warm  friend  of  Languet,  was  promptly 
received  into  the  company  of  Sidney  as  well  as 
of  the  court  .^  Sidney  stood  as  the  god-father 
of  Duplessis-Momay's  daughter,  born  in  Eng- 
land in  1578;  and  later  undertook  the  Enghsh 
translation  of  his  treatise,  De  la  verite  de  la 
religion  chrestienne.  Finally,  we  note  Sidney 
as  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Du  Bartas,  as 
well  as  a  translator  of  his  poetry,  the  translation 
being  licensed  in  1588. 

After  he  returned  from  his  Italian  tour,  Sid- 
ney's service  to  the  court  was  full  of  activity. 
Official  trips  abroad  were  interspersed  with  the 
entertainment  of  foreign  ambassadors  at  home. 
When  an  embassy  from  France,  for  instance, 
appeared  at  court  in  1581  to  negotiate  a  mar- 
riage between  Elizabeth  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou, 
Philip  Sidney  and  Fulke  Greville  w^ere  the  lead- 
ers in  the  jousting;  and  on  their  return  via  the 
Netherlands,  Sidney  was  among  those  chosen  to 
attend  them  as  far  as  Antwerp.^    According  to 

^  H.  R.  Fox  Bourne,  Philip  Sidney  (Heroes  of  the 
Nations),  p.  190.  Sidney's  relations  with  Languet, 
Estienne,  and  Banosius  are  noted  by  Harvey  in  his 
address  to  Sidney,  bk.  iv.  Gratulationis  Valdinensis :  — 

"What  trophies  of  thy  genius  Stephanus  showed: 
Still  more  Languetus;  most  of  all  Banosius." 

'  Memoires  de  Madame  de  Mornay,  ed.  Paris,  1868,  i. 
118,  120. 

'   Zouch,  Memoirs  of  Philip  Sidney,  ed.  cit.,  p.  178  sq. 


50  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

Greville,  Sidney's  last  composition,  in  the  very 
face  of  death,  was  a  French  poem,  La  cuisse 
rompue} 

Evidence  of  French  influence  in  Sidney's 
creative  work  is  not  very  positive.  His  sonnets 
are  comparatively  independent  of  slavish  bor- 
rowing. The  Arcadia,  however,  gives  evidence 
of  considerable  indebtedness,  both  in  substance 
and  in  form,  to  the  French  version  of  the  Amadis 
de  Gaul,  begun  by  Herberay  des  Essarts,  espe- 
cially to  the  eleventh  book.^  There  is  perhaps  a 
possibility  of  direct  French  influence  in  such  a 
character  as  the  pedant.  Master  Rombus,  in  The 
Lady  of  May,  but  Rombus  represents  a  very 
common  continental  type,  especially  in  Italian 
comedy,  and  affords  no  substantial  evidence.^ 

As  Lady  Pembroke's  interests  were  closely 
allied  with  her  brother's,  she  may  properly  be 
supposed  to  have  esteemed  his  French  acquaint- 

*  Life  of  Sidney,  ed.  cit.,  p.  138. 

2  This  relation,  already  slightly  noted  by  Dunlop  and 
Grasse,  was  developed  in  1893,  by  William  Vaughn 
Moody,  in  a  Sohier  Prize  Essay  (unpub.)  at  Harvard 
University.  It  has  since  been  noted  independently 
by  K.  Brunhiiber,  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Arcadia  und  ihre 
Nachldufer,  Niirnberg,  1903. 

^  The  Italian  Conimedia  delV  Arte  was  being  played 
in  Paris  about  the  time  Sidney  was  there;  and  for  that 
matter  Italian  actors  were  playing  in  London  in  1578. 
Certain  French  waiters,  especially  Grevin  and  Larivey, 
who  adapted  Italian  comedies  about  this  time,  furnish 
in  their  work  numerous  characters  and  situations  which 
may  really  have  influenced  Elizabethan  dramatists; 
but  in  nearly  every  case  this  same  material  was  as  easily 
accessible  to  the  Englishmen  who  used  it,  in  the  Corn- 
media  deir  Arte,  the  regular  Italian  comedy,  or  even  in 
the  classics. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  51 

ances  and  have  shared  his  regard  for  their  writ- 
ings. In  the  case  of  Duplessis-Mornay,  for 
example,  she  translated  his  Discours  de  la  vie  et 
de  la  mort,  apparently  as  a  companion  piece  to 
the  version  of  La  verite  de  la  religion  chres- 
tienne  begun  by  Sir  Philip.  Among  the  other 
members  of  the  group,  we  are  at  least  sure 
that  both  Dyer  and  Greville  were  scholarly 
and  accomplished  courtiers,  the  former  having 
traveled  abroad,  the  latter  being  kept  at  home, 
we  are  told,  because  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  ad- 
miration for  his  accomplishments.  Daniel  will 
be  seen  to  display  French  influence  in  his  writ- 
ings. Both  Daniel  and  Harvey  paid  tribute  to 
the  poetry  of  Du  Bartas;  and  Breton,  Davies, 
and  Alexander  were  indebted  to  it.^  As  may 
be  seen  from  the  complete  title  of  the  Arcadian 
Rhetorike,  Fraunce  was  well  acquainted  with 
these  poems  and  drew  numerous  citations  from 
them.^ 

About  thirty  years  previous  to  the  first  united 
efforts  of  this  Areopagus  group  in  England,  there 
had  arisen  in  France  an  association  of  poets  and 
literary  theorists,  calling  themselves  La  Pleiade, 
and  having  such  an  identity  of  purpose  and  so 
similar  a  history  that  the  parallel  with  our  Eng- 
lish circle  offers  attractive  possibilities.^  The 
leading  spirits  in  the  group  had  been  nourished 
by  the  Humanistic  teachings  of  the  French 
scholar  Dorat,  and  the  movement  fostered  was 

*  Cf .  chap.  iv.  ^  Supra,  p.  40,  note. 

^  This  parallel  is  developed  at  length  by  J.  B.  Fletcher, 
"  Areopagus  and  Pleiade,"  in  Jour,  of  Germ.  Philol.,  vol.  ii. 


52  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

only  the  regular  step  made  in  every  nation  to 
which  Humanism  extended,  —  the  realization 
that  one's  own  vernacular  is  great  in  possibility 
and  should  be  made  great  in  achievement. 
The  program  of  the  circle,  as  fost  expressed 
in  Du  Bellay's  Deffence  et  Illustration  de  la 
Langue  Frangoyse,  in  1549,  as  well  as  in  later 
critical  discussions  by  its  members,  justifies  the 
statement  that  the  fundamental  purpose  of  the 
Pleiade  organization  was  the  patriotic  one  of 
establishing  the  inherent  excellence  of  the  French 
language,  considering  the  best  means  for  en- 
riching and  developing  it,  and  then  experiment- 
ing, in  various  creative  efforts,  in  order  to  obtain 
actual  results  from  this  exploited  medium  of 
expression.  The  general  method  of  enrichment 
was  to  be  along  the  line  of  digestive  imitation 
already  made  familiar  by  the  Humanists. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  these  discus- 
sions soon  gathered  to  themselves  most  of  the 
conventional  themes  and  notions  which  then 
formed  the  body  of  critical  controversy  in 
Europe :  moreover,  as  time  went  on,  various 
new  turns  and  interpretations  were  given  to 
Pleiade  theories,  by  external  conditions,  by  the 
personal  views  of  later  controversialists,  by  the 
character  and  fate  of  literary  attempts  among 
the  members.  By  1579,  indeed,  Baif  had  em- 
phasized and  tested  classic  versifying  to  an 
extent  scarcely  dreamed  of  by  his  fellows  three 
decades  earlier;  Estienne  had  arisen  from  his 
Greek  Humanism  to  exalt  the  French  language 
and   insist   upon    its    protection    from    Italian 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  53 

taint;  Du  Bartas,  seizing  some  of  the  tenets 
of  Pleiade  theory,  had  carried  them  to  extremes 
in  the  interests  of  Protestant  poetry ;  the  classic 
type  of  drama  had  gained  a  wide  vogue  through 
the  assistance  of  the  ItaHans;  and  the  verse 
forms  of  Italy,  exploited  first  by  Pleiade  leaders, 
had  taken  further  shape  in  the  hands  of 
Desportes.  Various  new  treatises  on  literary 
criticism  had  appeared  in  these  thirty  years, 
including  several  commentaries  on  Ai'istotle's 
Poetics;  and  even  in  England  the  Humanists 
had  progressed  to  the  threshold  of  vernacular 
exploitation/  Obviously  Sidney  and  his  friends, 
with  their  scholarly  attainments  and  wide  ex- 
perience, had  constant  opportunity  to  come  in 
contact  with  this  whole  development.  An 
elaborate  parallel  between  their  activities  and 
those  of  the  Pleiade,  then,  would  of  necessity 
contain  many  details  in  no  way  indicative  of 
immediate  influence,  however  real  such  influence 
may  have  been  in  general.  The  better  plan,  as 
already  suggested,  is  to  select  those  phases  in 
which  there  are  peculiar  reasons  why  England 
should  have  been  affected  by  French  example. 

The  first  consideration  is  the  existence  of  the 
Areopagus  circle  itself.  The  Areopagus  proper 
may  indeed  have  been  no  more  than  Harvey 
understood  it  to  be,  an  association  or  academy 
to  experiment  with  classic  metres  in  the  ver- 
nacular. The  Accademia  delta  Nuova  Poesia 
had  existed  for  this  purpose  forty  years  earlier, 

^  Cf.  on  this  whole  matter  J.  E.  Spingarn,  Literary 
Criticism  in  the  Renaissance,  New  York,  1899. 


54  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

in  Italy.  Baif's  Academie  de  Poesie  et  de 
Musiqiw,  chartered  by  the  French  king  only 
two  years  before  Sidney's  first  visit  to  France, 
must  certainly  have  had  considerable  influence 
on  this  English  group.  But  it  has  been  care- 
fully noted  that  in  the  real  thought  and  effort 
in  which  this  English  circle  cooperated  there  was 
the  wider  purpose  which  was  fundamental  with 
the  Pleiade. 

England  did  not  have  to  go  to  the  Pleiade 
for  this  patriotic  conception  of  the  vernacular, 
nor  for  the  plan  of  digestive  imitation  by  which 
the  native  tongue  was  to  receive  enrichment. 
Controversy  on  the  question  had  begun  with 
Dante,  and  been  carried  on  in  the  sixteenth 
century  by  Bembo,  Castiglione,  Varchi,  Muzio, 
Tolomei,  and  others,  to  be  finally  summed  up 
for  Italy  in  an  oration  by  Salviati  in  1564.^ 
French  Humanists  had  broken  the  path  for  the 
Pleiade,  and  Estienne  had  supplemented  Pleiade 
effort.  English  Humanism,  with  which  Sid- 
ney's group  was  intimately  connected,  had  ad- 
vanced just  to  the  dividing  line,  or  a  bit  beyond. 
John  Sturm,  Ascham's  friend  and  counselor, 
seeking  only  the  perfection  of  prose  Latinity 
among  students,  and  deploring  the  time  lost  by 
children  in  learning  a  vernacular  tongue,  had 
advocated  a  liberal  system  for  the  imitation  of 
models  of  style.  He  confessed  admiration  for 
modern  Italian  poetry,  and,  in  lieu  of  good 
Latin,  advocated  the  cultivation  of  the  ver- 

1  Cf.  Spingarn,  op.  cit.,  pp.  161-162. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  55 

nacular  as  a  source  of  refinement.^  His  ideas 
found  their  way  into  England  through  such  men 
as  Ascham  and  Cheke.  His  more  Hberal  trea- 
tise, De  nobilitate  literata,  was  translated  in  1570. 
Sir  John  Cheke,  still  thinking  of  the  ideal  of 
excellence  in  Latin  prose,  advocated  a  plan  of 
digestive  imitation  similar  to  Sturm's,  illustrat- 
ing it  by  Cicero's  imitation  of  Demosthenes. 
His  example  thus  considered  imitation  in  a 
language  that  was  different  from  that  of  the 
moclel.^  Roger  Ascham  drew  his  doctrine  of 
imitation  directly  from  Sturm  and  Cheke,  and 
restated  the  example  of  Cicero  and  Demosthenes 
for  those,  presumably,  w^ho  would  learn  perfec- 
tion in  Latin  prose  style.  Ascham  w^as  ready 
enough  to  accept  material  from  the  Italian 
Humanists,  but  was  outspoken  in  condemna- 
tion of  the  Circe-enchantments  of  Italian  roman- 
tic literature. 

We  are  privileged  to  see  Harvey  almost  in 
process  of  transformation  in  regard  to  vernacular 
usage.  In  his  earlier  studies  he  was  a  devout 
and  somewhat  bigoted  worshiper  of  Ciceronian 
''eloquentia."  During  a  vacation  from  the 
university  in  1577,  according  to  his  own  testi- 
mony, he  had  been  won  away  from  this  narrow 
position,  and  had  come  to  look  for  the  whole 
man  in  a  writer  as  the  source  of  style;  and, 
though  still  exalting  Cicero,  to  attend  first  to 

^  Cf.  Charles  Schmidt,  La  vie  et  les  travaux  de  Jean 
Sturm,  Strasbourg,  1855. 

^  Cf .  John  Strype,  Life  of  Sir  John  Cheke,  London, 
1705. 


56  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

the  life  and  power  of  the  man  and  not  the  mere 
surface  pohsh  of  his  language.  "Let  every 
man,"  he  says  significantly,  "learn  to  be,  not 
a  Roman,  but  a  Frenchman,  German,  Briton, 
or  Italian."  ^  Indeed  by  this  time  modern 
literatm^e  and  modern  customs  from  the  con- 
tinent, previously  condemned  by  Ascham,  were 
making  considerable  inroads  into  England,  as 
Harvey  complains  in  various  places.^ 

Sidney  had  long  been  familiar  with  the  Human- 
ist point  of  view,  at  least  since  the  beginning  of 
his  acquaintance  with  Languet.  As  late  as  1579, 
in  writing  to  his  younger  brother  Robert,  then 
abroad,  he  was  as  outspoken  as  Ascham  or 
Harvey  in  condemning  the  life  and  customs  of 
Italy,  though  there  is  nothing  said  of  her  lit- 
erature. To  Robert  also  he  expressed  tersely 
enough  his  views  on  Ciceronianism :  "So  you 
can  speak  and  write  Latin,  not  barbarously,  I 
never  require  great  study  in  Ciceronianism,  the 


^  Cf .  Henry  Morley,  "Spenser's  Hobbinoll,"  in  Fort- 
nightly Review,  v.  (n.  s.),  279. 

2  E.g.  in  his  hexameter  poem  concerning  such  fashions, 
Letter  Book,  p.  97,  with  the  hne,  "O  tymes,  O  manners, 
O  French,  O  Itahsh  Inglande."  There  is  a  similar 
strain  in  his  "Earthquake"  letter  to  Spenser:  "Tully 
and  Demosthenes  nothing  so  much  studyed,  as  they 
were  wonte:  Livie  and  Salust  possiblye  rather  more, 
than  lesse:  Lucian  never  so  much:  Aristotle  muche 
named,  but  little  read:  Xenophon  and  Plato,  reckned 
amongest  Discoursers,  and  conceited  Superficiall  f ellowes : 
.  .  .  Matchiavell  a  great  man:  Castilio  of  no  small 
reputation:  Petrarch  and  Boccace  in  every  mans 
mouth:  .  .  .  The  French  and  Italian  when  so  highly 
regarded  of  SchoUers?  The  Latine  and  Greeke,  when 
so  lightly?"    Works,  ed.  Orosart,  i.  69. 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  57 

chief  abuse  of  Oxford,  qui  dum  verba  sectantur, 
res  ipsas  negligunty  ^  Spenser,  as  a  boy  at 
Merchant  Taylors'  School,  must  have  come  m 
contact  with  Dr.  Mulcaster,  then  head-master. 
Mulcaster  was  a  liberal  Humanist,  who  by  1582, 
when  he  published  his  First  part  of  the  Ele- 
mentarie,  was  willing  to  express  a  defense  of  the 
English  vernacular  as  enthusiastic  as  any  of 
those  yet  encountered.^ 

There  seems  to  be  something  wanting  in 
English  Humanism,  and  for  that  matter  in  all 
Humanism,  to  account  entirely  for  the  con- 
certed activity  of  Sidney's  circle.  Humanism 
offered  the  speculations  of  schoolmen  seeking 
excellence  in  oratorical  prose,  often  with  no 
regard  for  poetry;  and  approached  vernacular 
enrichment  usually  with  regret  that  a  perfect 
Latinity  could  not  be  had.  Indeed  for  a  proto- 
type of  the  Areopagus  group  in  its  larger  sense 
only  one  circle  of  men  appears  available.  The 
Pleiade  were  poetic  enthusiasts  united  to  carr}^ 
into  actual  practice  the  ideas  they  had  received 
from  Humanism.  The  work  they  had  under- 
taken must  have  been  familiar  to  Sidney's 
group,  just  as  the  results  of  their  undertakings, 
however  divergent  from  original  intentions, 
were  familiar.  In  1575,  Ronsard's  Ahrege  de 
VArt  Poetique  frangois  was  utilized  by  Gascoigne 
as  a  model  for  his  Certayne  Notes  of  Instruction 

^  These  letters  are  printed  in  Sidney's  Miscellaneous 
Works,  ed.  W.  Gray,  Oxford,  1829,  p.  278  sq. 

2  Cf .  I.  Disraeli,  Amenities  of  Literature,  New  York, 
1847,  ii.  27;   also  Henry  Morley,'  English  Writers,  ix.  187. 


58  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

concerning  the  Making  of  Verse;  ^  the  very  year 
of  the  Harvey-Spenser  letters,  Estienne's  Precel- 
lence  du  langage  frangois  was  recalUng  in  men's 
mind  the  service  of  the  Pleiade  leaders.  The 
large  results  of  their  imited  activities  were 
vividly  enough  remembered  to  make  them  a 
natural  model  for  eager  young  English  poets 
with  similar  ambitions. 

Before  proceeding  to  investigate  further 
French  influence  in  the  activities  of  the  Are- 
opagus group,  an  interesting  parallel  deserves 
attention,  involving  the  possibility  that  the 
versatile  career  of  the  Countess  of  Pembroke 
was  modeled  considerably  on  that  of  Margaret 
of  Navarre,  the  ''amiable  mother  of  the  Renais- 
sance" in  France.  Margaret  was  one  of  those 
brilliant,  attractive,  and  thoroughly  capable 
Renaissance  women,  so  familiar  in  Italian 
society.  She  was  of  the  religious  type,  how- 
ever, represented  among  the  Italians  by  Vit- 
toria  Colonna,  with  whom  indeed  Margaret 
exchanged  letters.  She  was  equipped  with  a 
good  education,  a  large  intellectual  endowment, 
and  a  full  capacity  for  enjoying  life,  giving  her 
power  in  social  relations,  in  literary  effort,  and 
to  some  extent  in  political  affairs.  She  had  for 
many  years  her  coterie  of  poets,  and  after  1540 
encouraged  them  in  the  study  and  expression 
of  the  Platonic  philosophy.^  Her  patronage 
was  thoroughly  disinterested,  prompted  largely 

^  This  is  noted  by  Spingarn,  op.  cit.,  p.  256. 
2  Cf .  Abel  Lefjanc,  "  Le  Platonisme  et  la  litt^rature 
en  France,"  in  Rev.  d'histoire  litt.  de  la  France,  1896. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  59 

by  an  open-hearted  benevolence.  Her  house- 
hold was  the  asylum  for  harassed  preachers  and 
free-thinkers,  as  well  as  the  meeting-place  of 
poets;  and  both  classes  joined  in  celebrating 
her  gentleness  and  sweet  sympathy  even  more 
than  her  sparkle  of  wit  and  beauty  of  person. 
Brantome  puts  it  in  this  way,  "Elle  estoit  tres 
bonne,  douce,  gratieuse,  charitable,  grand' 
aumosniere  et  ne  desdaignant  personne."  ^  Mar- 
garet was  also  devoutly  religious.  From  early 
life  she  accepted  many  of  the  Protestant  teach- 
ings and  evidenced  a  decided  leaning  toward 
those  who  professed  the  faith.  She  never 
formally  broke  away  from  Catholicism,  and  the 
rigid  dogmatism  of  Calvin  was  in  general  equally 
distasteful  to  her.  The  more  liberal  early  teach- 
ings of  the  Reformation  appealed  rather  to  her 
mind,  deeply  tinged  as  it  was  by  mysticism.  This 
is  the  mood  of  her  numerous  religious  poems,  the 
spirit  that  found  pleasure  in  welcoming  all  those 
who  suffered  for  truth's  sake.  Even  her  Platon- 
ism  was  taken  up  reverently  and  fused  with 
this  religious  mysticism,^  so  that  its  literature, 
under  her  inspiration,  is  rather  theoretical  than 
highly  adulatory. 

^  Brantome,  (Euvres,  ed.  Bibl.  Elzev.,  Paris,  1890, 
X.  292.  Cf.  on  this  whole  characterization  A.  Tilley,  Lit- 
erature of  the  French  Renaissance,  i.  96  sq. 

2  This  fusion  of  Platonism  and  Christianity  had  of 
course  come  to  Margaret  out  of  Italy,  probably  from 
the  teaching  of  Ficino.  A.  Lefranc,  "Marguerite  de 
Navarre  et  le  Platonisme  de  la  Renaissance,"  in  Bihl. 
de  VEcole  des  Charles,  Iviii.  259  sq.,  calls  attention  to  the 
influence  of  Nicholas  de  Cuse,  really  a  forerunner  of  Ficino 
in  this  regard. 


60  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

There  was  every  reason  that  Sidney's  sister 
should  have  been  famihar  with  the  character  of 
Margaret  and  the  significance  of  her  patronage 
of  French  letters;  every  reason  too  that  she 
should  have  admired  and  imitated  such  a  per- 
sonality. England  had  been  deeply  interested 
in  the  struggles  of  the  French  Protestants,  and 
throughout  these  the  family  of  Margaret  had 
been  much  in  evidence.  Sidney's  warm  friend- 
ship with  Henry  of  Navarre,  Margaret's  grand- 
son, has  already  been  noted  as  extending  from 
1572.  Sixteen  tales  from  Margaret's  Heptame- 
ron  had  been  incorporated  in  Painter's  Palace 
of  Pleasure,  first  published  in  1566.  The  com- 
plete work,  after  circulating  for  forty  years, 
retained  interest  enough  to  justify  an  English 
version  in  1597  and  another  in  1600.  Her 
Miroir  de  Vame  pecheresse  had  been  turned  into 
English  as  early  as  1544  by  the  young  Princess 
Elizabeth,  and  thus  bore  among  English  people 
the  mark  of  royal  favor. 

The  parallel  of  Lady  Pembroke  to  Margaret 
of  Navarre  may  be  rapidly  developed,  chiefly 
by  quotation  from  a  host  of  tributes  and  dedi- 
cations.^ During  her  brother's  life  she  had  been 
intimately  concerned  in  most  of  his  literary 
labors.  At  his  death  she  worked  over  and 
augmented  his  Arcadia  and  gave  it  to  the  pub- 
lic in  authorized  form;  completed  the  verse 
translations  of  the  Psalms  which  they  had  begun 
together ;  translated  from  the  French  Duplessis- 

^  Cf .    Alice    H.    Luce,    The    Countess    of  Pembroke's 

Antonie. 


THE   AREOPAGUS   GROUP  61 

Mornay's  Discours  de  la  vie  et  de  la  mort,  as  a 
companion  piece  to  her  brother's  half-finished 
rendering  of  the  Verite  de  la  religion  chres- 
tienne,  which  was  completed  by  Arthur  Golding ; 
and  turned  into  English  Garnier's  classic  tragedy 
of  Antoine.  Testimony  to  her  ability  as  a 
writer  is  abimdant,  but  these  quotations  appear 
most  authoritative:  — 

''Urania,  sister  unto  Astrofell, 
In  whose  brave  mynd,  as  in  a  golden  coffer, 
All  heavenly  gifts  and  riches  locked  are, 
More  rich  than  perles  of  Ynde,  or  gold  of  Opher, 
And  in  her  sex  more  wonderfuU  and  rare." 

—  Spenser,  Colin  Clout,  11.  488  sq. 

''  Learned  Mary,  the  honorable  Countesse  of  Pembrook 
...  is  very  liberall  unto  Poets ;  besides  shee  is  a  most 
delicate  Poet,  of  whome  I  may  say,  as  Antipater  Sido- 
nius  writeth  of  Sappho  :  — 

Dulcia  Mnemosyne  demirans  carmina  Sapphus, 
Qucesivit  decima  Pieris  unde  foretJ' 

—  Meres,  Palladis  Tamia,  in  Arber's  English 
Garner,  ii.  101. 

Her  extensive  patronage  of  literary  men  was 
characterized  by  clearness  of  vision  and  breadth 
of  purpose,  as  Daniel  indicates  in  the  dedication 
of  his  classic  tragedy  Cleopatra :  — 

"  Loe  heere  the  labour  which  she  did  impose, 
Whose  influence  did  predominate  my  Muse : 
The  starre  of  wonder  my  desires  first  chose 
To  guide  their  travels  in  the  course  I  use : 
She,  whose  cleare  brightnesse  had  the  powre  t'  infuse 
Strength  to  my  thoughts,  from  whence  these  motions 

came, 
Call'd  up  my  spirits  from  out  their  low  repose, 


62  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

To  sing  of  State,  and  tragicke  notes  to  frame, 

I,  who  (contented  with  an  humble  song,) 

Made  musique  to  my  selfe  that  pleased  me  best, 

And  onely  told  of  Delia  and  her  wrong, 

And  prais'd  her  eyes,  and  plaind  mine  owne  unrest : 

(A  text  from  whence  my  Muse  had  not  digrest) 

Madam,  had  not  thy  well  grac'd  Antony; 

(Who  all  alone,  having  remained  long,) 

Required  his  Cleopatras  company."  ^ 

Nicholas  Breton,  in  the  dedication  of  Wit^s 
Trenchmour,  1597,  preserves  a  graphic  picture 
of  the  refined  household  over  which  she  presided, 
suggesting  also  her  benevolence. 

"It  was  my  greatest  happiness  that  of  this  world 
I  ever  founde,  to  light  into  the  court-hke  home  of 
a  right  worthy  honorable  lady.  .  .  .  Her  house 
being  in  a  manner  a  kind  of  little  Court,  her  Lorde 
in  place  of  no  meane  command,  her  person  no  less 
than  worthily  and  honourablie  attended,  as  well  with 
Gentlewomen  of  excellent  spirits,  as  divers  Gentlemen 
of  fine  cariage :  .  .  .  a  house  richly  garnished,  honor 
kindly  entertained,  vertue  highly  esteemed,  service 
well  rewarded,  and  the  poor  blessedly  relieved.  .  .  . 
Ever  since  ...  if  I  have  come  among  men,  it  hath 
been  like  a  Faire  of  rude  people,  compared  to  the 
sweet  company  of  that  house;  if  in  the  company  of 
women,  like  a  meeting  of  Gossips,  in  respect  of  the 
gracious  spirits  of  the  sweete  creatures  of  that  little 
paradise.''  ^ 

This  description  certainly  approaches  the  con- 
ditions that  characterized  the  households  of 
the  great  ladies  of  the  Renaissance.  That 
Breton  himself  was  aware  of  the  resemblance, 

^  Daniel,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  London,  1885,  iii.  23. 
2  Breton,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  London,  1877,  ii.  18. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  63 

appears  from  his  dedication  of  the  Pilgrimage 
to  Paradise,  five  years  earher :  — 

.  .  .  "who  hath  redde  of  the  Duchesse  of  Urbina, 
may  sale,  the  Itahans  wrote  wel :  but  who  knowes 
the  Countesse  of  Pembroke,  I  think  hath  cause  to 
write  better :  and  if  she  had  many  followers,  have 
not  you  mo  servants  ?  and  if  they  were  so  mindfull  of 
their  favours,  shall  we  be  forgetfull  of  our  dueties? 
no,  I  am  assured,  that  some  are  not  ignorant  of  your 
worth,  which  will  not  be  idle  in  your  service.  .  .  .^'  ^ 

Some  of  the  phraseology  in  this  last  quotation 
seems  to  suggest  the  Platonic  cult,  which  must 
have  been  familiar  to  Lady  Pembroke  and  her 
household,  if  only  through  Sidney's  regard  for 
it.  His  writing  is  frequently  colored  by  Platonic 
doctrine.  As  early  as  1575  Banosius  recognized 
his  devotion  to  it;  and  as  late  as  1584-1585, 
Giordano  Bruno,  a  vigorous  exponent  of  Platon- 
ism,  was  dedicating  books  to  him.^  The  Delia 
sonnets  of  Daniel,  dedicated  to  Lady  Pembroke, 
are  full  of  Platonic  spirit,  and  it  is  sigificant 
that  the  title  is  probably  borrowed  from  Maurice 
Sceve's  Delie,  ohjet  de  la  plus  haute  vertu,  sl  col- 
lection of  dizains  prepared  under  patronage  of 
Margaret  of  Navarre  and  celebrating  the  highest 
type  of  Platonism. 

^  It  is  an  open  question  how  seriously  Daniel  looked 
to  Lady  Pembroke  as  the  real  Delia  of  his  sonnet  se- 
quence. The  29th  Sonnet,  "To  M.  P.,"  with  its  sug- 
gestion of  poverty  or  humble  rank  as  a  barrier  to  love, 
seems  particularly  significant.     Cf.  chap.  iii. 

2  Cf .  I.  Frith,  Life  of  Giordano  Bruno,  London,  1887, 
chap.  V.  On  the  Platonism  in  Astrophel  and  Stella 
cf .  J.  B.  Fletcher,  "  Did  '  Astrophell '  love  '  Stella  'V  in 
Mod.  Philol.  Y.  253  (1907). 


64  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

The  blending  of  Platonism  and  Christianity 
already  noticed  in  her  continental  prototypes 
was  present  in  Lady  Pembroke.  But  just  as 
Margaret,  under  French  influences,  had  devel- 
oped her  reformed  faith  beyond  that  of  Vittoria 
Colonna,  and  made  it  more  the  directive  force 
of  her  existence;  so  Lady  Pembroke,  under 
favorable  environment  in  England,  was  a  devout 
Protestant,  firm  in  convictions  which  Platonism 
could  beautify  but  not  change.  The  religious 
character  of  her  own  works  would  be  proof 
enough  of  this ;  the  Protestantism  of  her  circle 
adds  weight  to  the  thought ;  and  a  computation 
of  the  actual  amount  of  religious  literature 
dedicated  to  her  honor  in  and  out  of  her  circle 
leaves  no  doubt  whatever.  These  things  do 
not,  of  course,  establish  the  fact  of  Lady  Pem- 
broke's emulation  of  Margaret  of  Navarre. 
Every  point  noted,  except  perhaps  the  last, 
could  be  paralleled  as  well  in  Vittoria  Colonna. 
But  the  interest  of  English  Protestants  in  gen- 
eral and  the  Sidneys  in  particular  in  the  re- 
ligious contentions  of  France,  makes  it  unlikely 
that  the  Lady  Mary  at  this  time  would  have  gone 
farther  for  a  model  than  to  this  French  patroness 
of  liberal  Protestantism  and  national  letters. 

There  now  remain  to  be  considered  those  par- 
ticular lines  of  activity  in  the  circle  of  the  Sid- 
neys which  for  one  reason  or  another  seem  in- 
debted to  French  influence.  For  instance  there 
are  some  methods  of  language  enrichment  which 
give  such  indication,  particularly  the  revival 
of  archaisms  and  the  use  of  compound  words. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  65 

In  the  earlier  documents  of  the  Pleiade,  archaic 
French  was  a  resource  urged  much  more  em- 
phatically by  Ronsard  than  by  Du  Bellay.  The 
actual  poetry  of  the  Pleiade,  however,  was  all 
in  the  direction  of  Italian  imitation;  and  the 
possible  employment  of  archaism  was  practically 
forgotten  until  the  spirited  campaign  of  Estienne 
in  its  defense  and  against  Italianizing.  Es- 
tienne's  insistence  on  the  inherent  excellence  of 
his  native  tongue  became  public  as  early  as 
1565,  in  his  treatise,  De  la  conformite  du  langage 
frangois-  avec  le  grec,  and  was  vigorously  sup- 
ported in  his  Dialogues  du  nouveau  langage^ 
and  La  precellence  du  langage  frangois,  appearing 
in  1578  and  1579,  just  when  the  Shepheardes 
Calendar  w^as  taking  final  form.  The  anti- 
Italian  tone  of  Estienne's  doctrine,  while  in 
strict  harmony  with  the  position  of  one  group  of 
the  Humanists,^  certainly  had  little  effect  on  the 
poetry  of  the  English  circle,  who  imitated  the 
Italians  as  the  Pleiade  had  done.^  The  use  of 
archaism,    however,    found    one   vigorous    ad- 


^  The  probable  dependence  of  Daniel's  Musophilus 
upon  this  work  has  been  noted,  supra,  p.  40,  note. 

^  Sir  John  Cheke,  for  instance,  "would  allow  of  no 
words  but  such  as  were  true  English,  or  of  Saxon  origi- 
nal."    (Life,  by  John  Strype,  p.  213.) 

3  Marty-La veaux.  La  Langue  de  la  Pleiade,  i.  44, 
notes  that  Ronsard,  as  he  grew  old,  talked  of  repudiating 
the  pompous  new  classical  terms  adopted  by  his  imitators, 
and  insisting  only  on  archaic  and  dialect  borrowings. 
Yet  he  had  so  fa/ conformed  to  popular  opinion  (in  the 
face  of  Pleiade  teaching)  as  to  withdraw  most  of  his 
archaic  and  dialect  expressions  from  his  work  and  leave 
the  Greek  and  Latin  coinages  in. 


66  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

herent,  —  Edmund  Spenser.  His  fondness  for 
archaic  diction,  not  only  in  the  Calendar,  where 
there  was  reasonable  justification  for  it,  but  also 
throughout  the  whole  structure  of  the  Faerie 
Queene,  is  familiar  enough.  In  E.  K.'s  letter 
to  Harvey,  accompanying  the  Calendar,  there  is 
an  elaborate  statement  of  the  value  of  such 
language,  quite  in  the  spirit  of  Estienne's  con- 
temporary writings. 

"In  my  opinion  it  is  one  especiall  praise,  of  many, 
which  are  due  to  this  poet,  that  he  hath  labored  to 
restore,  as  to  their  rightfull  heritage,  such  good  and 
naturall  English  wordes  as  have  beene  long  time  out 
of  use,  and  almost  cleane  disherited.  Which  is  the 
only  cause,  that  our  mother  tongue,  which  truly  of 
it  self  is  both  full  inough  for  prose,  and  stately  inough 
for  verse,  hath  long  time  been  counted  most  bare  and 
barren  of  both.  Which  default  when  as  some  en- 
devoured  to  salve  and  recure,  they  patched  up  the 
holes  with  peeces  and  rags  of  other  languages,  borrow- 
ing here  of  the  French,  there  of  the  Italian,  every 
where  of  the  Latin,  not  weighing  how  ill  those  tongues 
accord  with  themselves,  but  much  worse  with  ours : 
So  now  they  have  made  our  English  tong  a  gallimaufray 
or  hodgepodge  of  all  other  speeches."  ^ 

Sidney  in  the  Defense  of  Poesy  tersely  dis- 
poses of  the  matter  unfavorably,^  but  there  is 
good  reason  to  believe  that  Spenser  and  his 
editor  were  prompted  from  France. 

^  Spenser,  Wks.  ed.  Grosart,  ii.  25. 

2  ''That  same  framing  of  his  [the  Calendar's]  style  to 
an  old  rustic  language  I  dare  not  allow,  since  neither 
Theocritus  in  Greek,  Virgil  in  Latin,  nor  Sannazzaro 
in  Italian  did  affect  it."  (Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber, 
p.  62.) 


THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP  67 

Regarding  the  use  of  compound  words,  the 
only  statement  from  Du  Bellay  is  capable  of  a 
more  general  interpretation:  ^'Je  veux  bien 
avertir  celuy  qui  entreprendra  un  grand  oeuvre, 
qu'il  ne  craigne  point  d'inventer,  adopter,  et 
composer  a  I'immitation  des  Grecz  quelques  motz 
francoys,  comme  Ciceron  se  vante  d'avoir  fait 
en  sa  langue."  ^  Ronsard,  however,  in  the 
Ahrege  de  Vart  poetiqiie,  1565,  is  explicit  enough : 
'*Tu  composeras  hardiment  des  mots  a  I'imita- 
tion  des  Grecs  et  des  Latins,  pourveu  qu'ils 
soient  gracieux  et  plaisans  a  I'aureille."  ^  The 
most  devoted  adherent  of  this  practice  will  be 
found  to  be  Du  Bartas,  whose  Protestant  poetry 
was  well  known  to  the  Areopagus  following. 
Whether  they  took  immediate  impulse  from  Du 
Bartas  or  looked  back  of  him  to  Pleiade  dictum, 
Spenser,  and  more  especially  Sidney,  used  com- 
poimds  freely  in  their  works,  while  Sidney 
definitely  recommended  them  in  the  Defense  of 
Poesy.  The  English,  he  says,  ''is  particularly 
happy  in  compositions  of  two  or  three  words 
together,  near  the  Greek,  far  beyond  the  Latin, 
—  which  is  one  of  the  greatest  beauties  can  be 
in  a  language."  ^  The  fact  that  Sidney's  use 
of  compounds,  especially  in  the  Arcadia,  was 
recognized  as  due  to  French  influence,  is  shown 
by  the  following,  from  Hall's  Vergidemiarum :  — 

''He  knows  the  grace  of  that  new  elegance 
Which  sweet  Philisides  fetch 'd  of  late  from  France, 

^  Defence  et  Illustration  de  la  langue  frangoysej  bk,  u. 
chap.  6. 

2  Ronsard,  CEuvres,  ed.  Bibl.  Elz6v.,  vii.  335. 
2  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber,  p.  71. 


68  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

That  well  beseem 'd  his  high-stil'd  Arcady, 
Though  others  marre  it  with  much  liberty, 
In  epithets  to  join  two  wordes  in  one 
Forsooth  for  adjectives  can't  stand  alone; 
As  a  great  poet  could  of  Bacchus  say 
That  he  was  Semele-femori-gena/'  ^ 

Through  the  combined  influence  of  Sidney  and 
Spenser  and  of  the  poetry  of  Du  Bartas,  both  in 
the  original  and  in  Sylvester's  translation,  this 
excessive  use  of  compounds  spread  rapidly 
through  English  literature,  a  French  importa- 
tion of  weighty,  if  not  salutary,  influence.^ 

In  the  introduction  of  classic  metres,  so  promi- 
nent a  feature  in  the  Areopagus  program,  appears 
another  activity  urged  upon  the  reformers  from 
many  directions.  Naturally  this  method  of 
versifying  was  a  popular  one  with  the  later 
Humanists.  Among  the  English,  Ascham  and 
Harvey  were  particularly  urgent  regarding  it. 
On  the  continent  it  had  enjoyed  an  extensive 
history,  originating  ui  Italy  and  spreading  to  all 
countries  under  Italian  influence.  The  Italian 
Accademia  delta  Nuova  Poesia  has  already  been 
mentioned,  from  which  came  Tolomei's  book  of 
precept  and  experiment,  Versi  e  Regole  de  la 
Nuova  Poesia  Toscana,  published  at  Rome  in 
1539.  Various  treatises  and  hexameter  poems 
appeared  in  Italy  and  France  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  among  which  the  earlier  utterances  of 
the   Pleiade    offered  nothing  of   novelty.^    Of 

*  Bk.  vi.  satire  1. 

2  Of.  the  discussion  in  chap.  iv. 

3  G.  Carducci  collects  the  Italian   poems  in  classical 
metres,  as  well  as  Tolomei's  rules,  in  his  La  Poesia  barbara 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  69 

necessity,  these  discussions  and  creative  at- 
tempts soon  called  attention  to  an  important 
matter,  the  difficulty  of  adapting  a  modem 
language,  with  its  illogical  spelling,  to  the 
classic  system  of  quantitative  verse.  The  relief 
was  simple,  —  to  reform  the  orthography  and 
make  it  phonetic.  Ramus,  who  was  a  believer 
in  quantitative  verse  in  French,  advocated  this, 
together  with  the  simplified  spellmg  that  would 
make  it  practicable,  in  his  Grammar,  in  1562. 
The  English  scholar,  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  had 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Ramus  at  Paris  some 
twenty  years  before  this,  and  after  returning 
to  England,  had  joined  with  his  friend  John 
Cheke  to  promulgate  a  phonetic  system  of  Eng- 
lish orthography.^ 

In  France,  Jean-Antoine  de  Baif,  a  member  of 
the  Pleiade  circle,  busied  himself  in  putting 
these  theories  into  practical  execution.  Draw- 
ing probably  upon  the  plan  of  the  Accademia 
delta  Nuova  Poesia,^  as  well  as  upon  the  phonetic 
spelling  system  of  Ramus,  he  helped  to  organize, 
in  1570,  the  Acadernie  de  Poesie  et  de  Musique,^ 
and  published,  four  years  later,  his  Etrenes  de 
Poezie  Fransoeze  an  Vers  Mezures,  in  which  his 

nei  secoli  xv  e  xvi,  Bologna,  1881.  Cf.  also  G.  Mignini, 
Saggio  di  grammatica  storica:  i  versi  italiani  in  metrica 
latina,  Perugia,  1886.  French  experiments  are  treated 
by  Egger,  HeUenisme  en  France,  Paris,  1869,  i.  290  sq., 
and  Darmesteter  and  Hatzfeld,  Seizieme  siecle  en  France, 
p.  113  sg. 

^  Cf.  John  Strype,  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith;  ibid., 
Life  of  Sir  John  Cheke.         ^  gaif  visited  Italy  in  1563. 

^  Cf.  E.  Fr6my,  L' Academic  des  derniers  Valois,  Paris, 
1887. 


70  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

spelling  reform  is  patent  even  in  the  title.  The 
character  and  aim  of  this  Academie  is  perhaps 
best  indicated  by  an  extract  from  the  '^  Letters 
Patent "  of  the  king,  regarding  the  formal  re- 
quest of  Baif  and  the  musician  De  Courville :  — 

"...  contenant  que  depuis  trois  ans  en  ga  ils  au- 
roient  auec  grande  estude  &  labeur  assiduel  vnanime- 
ment  trauaille  pour  raduancement  du  langage  Frangois, 
a  remettre  sus,  tant  la  fagon  de  la  Poesie,  que  la 
mesure  &  reglement  de  la  Musique  anciennement 
vsitee  par  les  Grecs  &  Romains,  ...  &  que  des  cette 
heure  pour  le  peu  qu'ils  y  ont  employe,  ils  auroient 
desia  paracheue  quelques  essays  de  Vers  mesurez 
mis  en  Musique,  mesuree  selon  les  loix  a  peu  pres  des 
Maitres  de  la  Musique  du  bon  &  ancien  age.  Et 
qu'apres  I'entreprise  loiiable,  menee  iusques  a  tel 
point,  ils  n'ayent  pu  penser  ny  trouuer  meilleur  moyen 
de  mettre  en  lumiere  IVsage  des  Essays  heureusement 
reiissis,  .  .  .  que  dressans  a  la  maniere  des  Anciens, 
vne  Academie  ou  Compagnie  composee,  tant  de  Com- 
positeurs, de  Chantres  &  loiieurs  d'Instrumens  de  la 
Musique,  que  des  honnestes  Auditeurs  d'icelle,  que 
non  seulement  seroit  vne  Eschole  pour  seruir  de 
Pepiniere,  d'ou  se  tireront  vn  iour  Poetes  &  Musiciens, 
par  bon  Art,  instruits  &  dressez  pour  nous  donner 
plaisir,  mais  entierement  profiteroient  au  public  .  .  ."^ 

A  survey  of  the  ^'Statuts"  governing  this 
assembly  ^  emphasizes  the  fact,  already  apparent 
here,  that  this  was  a  somewhat  formal  and 
elaborate  affair,  in  which  music  had  a  very 
prominent  part,  but  that,  after  all,  practice  in 
classic  metres  was  really  carried  on  with  serious 
intent.     This  organization  was  in  its  full  vigor 

^  Baif,  CEuvres,  ed.  Marty- La veaux,  1.  p.  lii  sq. 
'  Printed  in  Baif,  (Euvres,  ed.  cit.,  i.  p.  Iv  sg. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  71 

when  Sidney  visited  France  in  1572.  It  de- 
clined at  the  death  of  Charles  IX.,  but  in  all 
probability  came  to  Sidney's  attention  again 
soon  after  1576,  when  it  was  revived  with  a 
larger  scope,  as  the  Academie  du  Palais,  and 
Sidney's  friend  Pibrac  became  its  leader.^ 

When  Sidney  and  his  friends  were  tm'ned  to 
the  study  of  classic  metres,  probably  under  the 
immediate  impulse  of  the  Humanists  about 
them,  this  French  academy  must  have  been  in 
their  minds  as  representing  a  well-ordered 
method  of  getting  at  results.  True,  they  simpli- 
fied operations  to  suit  their  needs,  but  it  is  worth 
noting  that  when  Sidney  discusses  the  whole 
question  in  the  Defense  of  Poesy,  the  relation  of 
classic  verse  to  music  finds  a  place  in  his  non- 
committal statement :  — 

''Whether  of  these  ^  be  the  more  excellent  would 
bear  many  speeches;  the  ancient  no  doubt  more 
fit  for  music,  both  words  and  tune  observing  quantity ; 
and  more  fit  Uvely  to  express  divers  passions,  by  the 
low  or  lofty  sound  of  the  well-weighed  syllable.  The 
latter  likewise  with  his  rime  striketh  a  certain  music 
to  the  ear;  and,  in  fine,  since  it  doth  delight,  though 
by  another  way,  it  obtaineth  the  same  purpose ;  there 
being  in  either,  sweetness,  and  wanting  in  neither, 
majesty.  Truly  the  English,  before  any  other  vulgar 
language  I  know,  is  fit  for  both  sorts."  ^ 

*  Du  Bellay  {Defence,  pt.  i.  eh.  9)  alludes  briefly  to  the 
possibility  of  classic  metres  in  French ;  Pasquier  (Recher- 
ches  dela France,  bk.  vii.  ch.  11)  defends  them;  Chamard 
(ed.  of  Deffence,  1904,  p.  115)  mentions  Jodelle,  Denisot, 
Buttet,  Rapin,  D'  Aubigne,  even  Ronsard,  among  those 
interested  in  them. 

^  I.e.  ancient  or  modern  methods  of  versifying. 

'  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber,  p.  70. 


72  THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP 

According  to  the  Harvey-Spenser  letters,  the 
actual  system  of  versifying  first  taken  up  by 
Sidney  was  not  that  of  Baif,  but  was  the  more 
difficult  plan  projected  by  the  Englishman  Drant/ 
demanding  a  strict  observance  of  the  Latin  rules 
for  syllabic  quantity  without  modifying  the 
orthography  to  facilitate  this.  Harvey  argues 
against  this  scheme  in  favor  of  a  system  in  which 
accepted  English  accents  shall  be  retained.  He 
also  insists  upon  the  necessity  for  a  reform  in 
spelling :  ''In  the  meane,  take  this  for  a  general 
Caveat,  and  say  I  have  revealed  one  great 
mysterie  unto  you:  I  am  of  Opinion,  there  is 
no  one  more  regular  and  justifiable  direction, 
eyther  for  the  assured,  and  infallible  Certaintie 
of  our  English  Artificiall  Prosodye  particularly, 
or  generally  to  bring  our  Language  into  Arte, 
and  to  frame  a  Grammer  or  Rhetorike  thereof: 
than  first  of  all  universally  to  agree  upon  one 
and  the  same  Ortographie,  in  all  pointes  con- 
formable and  proportionate  to  our  Common 
Natural  Prosodye."  ^  The  system  of  spelling  he 
prefers  is  that  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith. 

Already,  in  the  Defense  of  Poesy,  Sidney  was 
unwilling  to  commit  himself  regarding  English 


^  Yet  Harvey  likes  to  think  that  he  is  perhaps  re- 
sponsible for  the  whole  undertaking.  Cf.  the  quotation 
on  p.  27  supra,  "  I  cannot  choose,  but  thanke  and  honour 
the  good  Aungell,  whether  it  were  Gabriell  or  some  other 
that  put  so  good  a  notion  into  the  heads  of  these  two 
excellent  Gentlemen  .  .  ."  Spenser,  in  the  Latin  poem 
to  Harvey  attached  to  his  letter  of  October,  1579,  speaks 
of  Harvey  as  his  "Angel  Gabriel." 

2  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  i.  76-77. 


THE    AREOPAGUS  GROUP  73 

quantitative  verse.  He  and  Spenser  soon  real- 
ized the  futility  of  such  methods  for  them. 
Richard  Stanyhurst's  translation  from  the 
^neid,  in  1582,  produced  independently  of  the 
Areopagus  group,  displayed  vagaries  enough  to 
condemn  the  whole  project.  Several  rhetorical 
treatises,  however,  continued  to  support  the  idea 
somewhat  generally,  imtil  finally  Samuel  Daniel, 
in  his  Defence  of  Ryme,  1602,  offered  this  state- 
ment, apparently  with  the  authority  of  Lady 
Pembroke:  ''The  Latin  numbers,  notwith- 
standing their  excellency,  seemed  not  sufficient 
to  satisfy  the  ear  of  the  world."  ^  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  Abraham  Fraimce,  following 
blindly  the  lead  of  early  Areopagus  activities, 
had  prepared  and  dedicated  to  Lady  Pembroke 
three  elaborate  compositions  in  hexameters, 
the  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Emantiell,  1591 ;  the 
Countess  of  Pembroke's  Ivychurch,  1591;  and 
Amyntas  Dale,  1592.  The  first  of  these  was 
accompanied  by  hexameter  versions  of  some  of 
the  Psalms.^ 

In  the  marked  Protestantism  of  the  litera- 
ture produced  by  the  Areopagus  group  there  is 
probably  considerable  French  influence.  It  is 
true  that  from  its  inception  the  circle  itself  was 
so  emphatically  Protestant  that  anything  pro- 
duced there  might  receive  a  religious  coloring. 
But  during  the  formative  period  in  the  lives  of 

^  Daniel,  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iv.  39. 

^  Baif  made  two  different  attempts  to  render  the 
Psalms  into  hexameter  verse.  Cf.  CEuvres,  ed.  cit., 
vol.  i.  Introduction;   also  v.  365. 


74  THE  AREOPAGUS   GROUP 

Sidney  and  Spenser,  France  was  a  battle-ground 
of  Protestantism,  and  England  then  grew  accus- 
tomed to  watch  every  development  in  the  strug- 
gle and  look  to  the  great  Protestant  leaders 
there  for  inspiration.^  Sidney's  list  of  friends 
among  the  prominent  French  Protestants  has 
been  mentioned.  The  Pleiade  itself  was  Catho- 
lic in  faith,  and  distinctly  pagan  in  its  literature. 
Soon,  however,  there  was  in  France  a  marked 
reaction  against  this  paganism,  led  by  men  who 
in  other  respects  were  friends  of  the  Pleiade.  As 
early  as  1550,  Theodore  de  Beze,  in  the  preface 
to  his  Sacrifice  d' Abraham,^  regrets  that  ^'tant 
de  bons  esprits  en  France  s'amusent  a  flatter 
leurs  idoles,  c'est  a  dire  leurs  seigneurs  ou  leurs 
dames;"  and  he  adds,  ^'a  la  verite  il  leur  seroit 
mieux  seant  de  chanter  un  cantique  a  Dieu  que 
de  petrarquiser  im  sonnet  et  faire  I'amoureux 
transi."  ^  Estienne,  too,  added  the  charge  of 
paganism  to  his  general  objection  against 
Italianization.  Du  Bartas  definitely  sounded 
the  call  of  the  ^'Heavenly  Muse,"  summoning  all 
good  poets  to  turn  their  verse  to  the  celebration 
of  holy  things,  he  himself  setting  an  elaborate 
example.  His  Judith  and  Uranie  were  pub- 
lished in  1573,  and  his  Premiere  Semaine  in  1578, 
just  before  the  formation  of  the  Areopagus. 
The  large  influence  his  poetry  exercised  in  Eng- 

^  Cf .  the  religious  material  in  the  list  of  translations, 
appendix  A. 

2  This  was  translated  into  English  by  Arthur  Golding 
in  1577. 

3  Noted   in    Louis    Clement,    Henri   Estienne    et   son 
CBuvrefrangaise,  Paris,  1899,  p.  162. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  75 

land  has  been  suggested,  and  is  developed  fully 
in  a  separate  chapter.  By  the  time  this  Prot- 
estant influence  was  actively  operative  in  France 
and  England,  however,  it  was  supplemented  by 
another  impulse  tow^ard  religious  literature,  the 
product  of  the  Catholic  Reaction,  fh^st  manifest 
in  Italy.  In  the  religious  spirit  of  Spenser's 
work  both  these  forces,  Protestant  and  Catholic, 
are  involved.  Sidney,  too,  must  have  felt  them 
both,  although  his  direct  impulse  came  from 
Du  Bartas  and  French  Protestantism.^  In  the 
later  group,  centered  about  Lady  Pembroke, 
this  religious  tone  is  everywhere  present,  domi- 
nated by  the  convictions  of  the  lady  herself 
and  the  influence  of  Du  Bartas.  Fraunce, 
Breton,  and  John  Davies  of  Hereford  were  easily 
the  leaders  in  this  sort  of  composition,  as  a 
glance  at  the  titles  previously  quoted  from  them 
will  indicate. 

In  the  Defense  of  Poesy,  Sidney,  under  influ- 
ence from  the  current  continental  criticism  of 
his  time,  expressed  himself  at  length  regarding 
the  present  and  future  of  English  drama.  The 
popular  productions  of  his  day  he  found  bad, 
because  of  their  disregard  of  the  unities,  their 
blending  of  tragic  and  comic,  their  lack  of 
stately  dignity.  Seneca  was  named  as  a  stand- 
ard, with  some  qualified  praise  for  the  English 
tragedy  Gorhoduc,  and  favorable  mention  of 
Buchanan's   tragedies   in   Latin .^     Out   of  this 

^  Cf.  his  statement  in  the  Defense,  regarding  the  need 
of  religious  spirit  in  lyric  poetry,  infra,  p.  108. 
2  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber,  p.  63  sq. 


76  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

critical  attitude  of  Sidney's  probably  arose  the 
considerable  vogue  of  classic  tragedy  among 
the  later  members  of  his  circle.  The  actual 
impulse  came  from  Lady  Pembroke  herself, 
whose  Antonie,  written  in  1590  and  published 
two  years  later,  was  soon  followed  by  similar 
compositions  by  Daniel,  Kyd,  Fulke  Greville, 
and  Sir  William  Alexander.  There  is  certainly 
some  French  influence  in  this  movement; 
enough  at  least  to  claim  careful  investigation. 

There  were  various  influences  in  the  England 
of  that  day  to  encourage  any  individual  or 
coterie  of  scholarly  attainments  to  experiment 
in  classic  tragedy.  Sidney's  opinions  in  the 
Defense  were  merely  an  echo  of  the  accepted 
critical  theories  of  Italy  and  France,  which  were 
then  permeating  English  thought.  The  Senecan 
tragedies  themselves  were  then  familiar  to  Eng- 
lishmen, both  in  the  original  and  in  translation, 
the  Ten  Tragedies  of  Seneca,  which  appeared  in 
translation  in  1581,  being  in  most  instances 
reprints  of  earlier  separate  versions,  some  of 
them  dating  back  to  1559  and  1560.^  The 
academic  Latin  play  in  imitation  of  Seneca  was 
then  also  familiar,  as  is  shown  by  Sidney's 
reference  to  the  Latin  tragedies  composed  by 
the  Scotchman  Buchanan  in  France.  As  late 
as  1581,  Sidney  and  Leicester  were  present  at 
the    performance    of    Gager's    Latin    tragedy 

^  Troas  had  been  printed  in  1559,  and  Thyestes  in 
1560.  Hippolyius  was  licensed  as  early  as  1556-1557. 
Cf.  Cunliffe,  Influence  of  Seneca  on  Elizabethan  Tragedy, 
London,  1893,  p.  3. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  77 

Meleager,  at  Oxford.  This  play  was  printed  in 
1592.^  Numerous  other  products  of  this  sort 
were  appearing  from  time  to  time,  both  in  Eng- 
land and  on  the  continent.  Vernacular  trage- 
dies in  the  Senecan  vein  were  even  more  com- 
mon, especially  in  Italy  and  France;  and  these, 
paralleling  the  efforts  of  Lady  Pembroke  and 
her  circle,  would  seem  more  logically  to  be  the 
immediate  impulse  of  the  English  vogue. 

This  a  priori  opinion  is  confirmed  in  part  by 
investigations  made  by  Dr.  John  Ashby  Lester 
some  years  ago.  These  involved  a  comparative 
study  of  the  tragedies  of  Seneca;  the  early 
English  specimens  of  classic  tragedy  —  namely 
Gorhoduc,  Tancred  and  Gismunda,  and  The  Mis- 
fortunes of  Arthur;  a  group  of  French  classical 
tragedies  including  Jodelle's  Cleopdtre,  Brunin's 
La  Soltane,  Grevin's  Cesar,  and  Gamier 's  Porcie, 
Hippolyte,  Cornelie,  La  Troade,  and  Antigone; 
and  finally,  the  available  specimens  of  classic 
tragedy  produced  by  Lady  Pembroke  and  her 
friends.^  In  general  he  found  that  the  early 
classical  tragedies  in  English  differ  materially 
from  the  Senecan  usage  at  certain  points,  where 
the  later  English  group  is  one  with  the  French 
series  in  closely  following  the  Senecan  model. 
Thus  the  early  English  group  shows  the  employ- 
ment of  seventeen  and  even  twenty-two  char- 

*  Cf .  Fleay,  Biog.  Chronicle  of  the  English  Dramaj 
London,  1891,  i.  236. 

2  The  results  are  embodied  in  his  dissertation,  Con- 
nections between  the  Drama  of  France  and  Great  Britain 
particularly  in  the  Elizabethan  Period,  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, 1900  (unpublished). 


78  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

acters  in  a  play/  while  all  the  others,  with  the 
exception  of  Fulke  Greville's  poem  tragedies/ 
follow  Seneca  in  never  exceeding  ten.  While 
the  chorus  in  Seneca  averages  almost  one-fourth 
of  the  play,  that  of  the  early  English  group  never 
exceeds  one-sixteenth  of  the  whole,  though  the 
French  and  the  later  English  plays  again  closely 
follow  Seneca.^  The  same  cleavage  occurs  in  the 
matter  of  verse  form  in  the  choruses ;  the  first 
English  group,  like  the  early  English  translations 
from  Seneca,  exhibiting  the  simplest  kind  of 
verse  with  regular  rhyme  scheme,  while  the 
French  and  later  English  plays  follow  Seneca 
himself  in  the  use  of  lyric  metres,*  and  display 
intricate  rhyme  schemes,  developing  in  com- 
plexity from  Jodelle  to  Alexander.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  later  English  group  follows  the 
French  series  in  a  definite  departure  from  the 
custom  found  in  Seneca  and  the  early  English 
specimens,  of  using  the  chorus  merely  as  an 
*' ideal  spectator"  moralizing  upon  the  action. 
It  shares  rather  in  the  development  of  the  play, 
though  sometimes  to  a  very  limited  extent.^ 

In  this  manner,  independent  of  other  con- 
siderations, are  derived  the  conclusions  that  the 

^  Tancred  and  Gismunda  is  an  exception  on  this 
count,  there  being  only  eight  characters;  Philotas  is 
an  exception  on  the  other  side,  employing  sixteen. 

^  Alaham  has  eighteen  scenes  and  Mustapha  fifteen. 

^  Philotas  is  again  an  exception,  the  chorus  being 
only  one-sixteenth  of  the  whole. 

^  Exception  is  again  found  in  the  dramas  of  Fulke 
Greville. 

^  The  choruses  in  Buchanan's  Latin  tragedies  are 
little  more  than  moralizing  spectators. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  79 

late  English  classic  drama  is  more  than  a  mere 
continuation  of  the  earlier  attempts,  unin- 
fluenced from  without ;  that,  owing  to  its  paral- 
leling the  French  in  definite  departures  from 
both  the  original  and  the  translated  Seneca,  it 
can  hardly  have  received  its  new  impulse  from 
the  original  source ;  and  accordingly  that  it  was 
influenced  by  continental  vernacular  imitations 
of  Seneca,  wuth  the  antecedent  probability  in 
favor  of  the  French.  It  remains  to  be  seen  how 
far  detailed  fact  will  substantiate  these  con- 
clusions. 

The  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Antonie,  written 
in  1590,  and  printed  in  1592,  was  avowedly 
''done  into  English  from  the  French  of  Gamier," 
perhaps  the  most  popular  and  effective  of  that 
group  of  French  playwrights  who  responded 
to  the  call  of  the  Pleiade.  The  translation  is  an 
extremely  careful  one,  following  the  1585  edi-  j 
tion  of  Garnier's  Antoine.  It  renders  his  Alex- 
andrine couplets  by  blank  verse,  and  strives  to 
reproduce  the  lyric  variety  of  his  choruses.^  It 
is  evident  that  Lady  Pembroke  intended  this 
translation  as  the  beginning  of  a  concerted 
effort.  Daniel's  dedicatory  stanzas  to  Cleo- 
patra,  with  their  direct  testimony  of  Lady 
Pembroke's  agency  in  his  w^ork,  have  been 
quoted;  as  has  Spenser's  injunction  to  Daniel 
in  Colin  Clout,  that  he  try  his  wings  in  dealing 
with  tragic  plaints  and  passionate  mischance. 
Considering  the  date  at  which  Colin  Clout  was 
probably  composed,  it  is  certainly  a  plausible 

^  Luce,  op.  cit.,  p.  41, 


80  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

supposition  that  Spenser,  on  his  visit  to  England, 
had  renewed  his  acquaintance  with  Lady  Pem- 
broke, just  as  she  was  finishing  Antonie  and  urg- 
ing Daniel  to  follow  her  example ;  and  that  the 
advice  in  Colin  Clout  is  merely  Spenser's  public 
approval  of  the  plan  of  the  Countess. 

Daniel's  Cleopatra  first  appeared  in  1594, 
and  takes  up  the  story  where  Lady  Pembroke's 
Antonie  drops  it.  There  had  been  numerous 
classical  plays  on  the  subject,  most  prominent 
being  Giraldi  Cinthio's  in  1541,  and  Jodelle's, 
in  1552;  but  no  immediate  source  for  Daniel's 
drama  has  been  found.  It  conforms  closely  to 
the  manner  of  Antonie  and  its  French  prototypes, 
and  may  well  have  drawn  its  material  from 
North's  Plutarch}  Its  popularity  with  readers 
is  shown  by  the  numerous  editions  required, 
appearing  in  1594,  1599,  1601,  1605,  1607,  1609, 
1611(2),  and  1623.  It  also  appears  in  two  dis- 
tinct versions,  the  editions  of  1607,  1609,  and 
1611  displaying  a  complete  working-over  with 
much  additional  material.^  This  new  material, 
at  least  in  part,  is  almost  certainly  based  on 
Garnier's  Antoine  or  on  Lady  Pembroke's  trans- 
lation.^ 

In  his  dedication,  Daniel  promised  ''other 
musique  in  this  higher  straine";  but  when  he 
turned  to  drama  again  in  1605,  the  vogue  had 
decreased,^  and,  in  spite  of  his  protests,  his  own 

^  Lester,  op.  cit.,  p.  134. 

2  Daniel,  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  iii.  31. 

^  Lester,  op.  cit.,  p.  142. 

■*  Epistle  dedicatory,  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  iii.  102. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  81 

allegiance  appears  to  have  weakened  somewhat. 
The  material  of  Philotas  is  not  French,  and  no 
source  for  the  play  has  come  to  light.  The  usual 
Senecan  form  and  spirit  are  maintained,  how- 
ever, with  some  variations.  There  are  sixteen 
characters  in  the  play,  and  no  monologue  is 
introduced.  The  choruses  occupy  only  about 
one-sixteenth  of  the  extent  of  the  play,  and 
except  for  that  of  the  second  act,  are  in  heroic 
verse. 

About  this  time  Thomas  Kyd  contributed 
to  the  Senecan  vogue  a  translation  of  Garnier's 
Cornelie,  under  the  title,  Pompey  the  Great,  his 
faire  Corneliaes  Tragedie,  This  appeared  in 
1594.  There  is  a  theory,  based  on  an  extremely 
questionable  identification  of  Kyd  with  an  "up- 
start noverint"  criticized  in  Greene's  Menaphon, 
which  would  place  the  composition  of  Kyd's 
tragedy  before  1589;  but  it  hardly  deserves 
consideration  here.^  The  translation  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  Countess  of  Sussex,  the  aunt  of 
Lady  Pembroke.  Kyd  complains  of  the  "bitter 
times  and  privie  broken  passions"  he  has  en- 
dured in  writing  it,  and  promises  that  his  "pass- 
ing of  a  Winters  weeke  with  desolate  Cornelia" 
shall  be  followed  by  a  "Sommers  better  travell 
with  the  Tragedy  of  Portia."  The  natural  in- 
ference is  that  Kyd,  at  a  low  ebb  of  fortune, 
knew  of  the  successful  translation  by  Lady 
Pembroke  and  her  desire  to  encourage  the 
vogue,   and   used   this   means    of   gaining  her 

^  Cf.  Thos.  Kyd,  Cornelia,  ed.  Gassner,  p.  iv. 
o 


82  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

patronage,  by  voluntary  contribution  to  her  pet 
project.  The  attempt  was  a  failure,  however. 
The  supposed  second  edition  of  Cornelia  has 
been  shown  to  have  been  only  a  reissue  of  un- 
sold copies,  with  changed  title-page ;  ^  and  the 
promised  translation  of  Garnier's  Porcie,  so  far 
as  we  know,  never  came  to  light.  It  is  not  fair 
to  account  for  this  failure  by  a  decline  of  in- 
terest in  these  classic  tragedies,  for  the  numer- 
ous editions  of  Daniel's  play  show  that  this 
decline  came  much  later.  It  would  seem  more 
probable  that  the  audience  for  which  Lady 
Pembroke  and  Daniel  were  writing  resented 
this  attempt  of  Kyd  to  break  into  the  circle, 
while  his  usual  public  had  no  taste  for  such 
efforts.  The  statement  in  William  Gierke's 
Polimanteia,  1595,  appears  to  bear  this  out: 
''Gornelia's  Tragedy,  however  not  respected, 
was  excellently  well  done."  ^ 

The  tragedies  of  Fulke  Greville,  upon  closer 
investigation  of  their  date,  fit  much  more  ac- 
curately into  the  general  movement  than  is 
ordinarily  supposed.  Greville's  own  testimony, 
in  his  Life  of  Sidney,  fixes  the  time  of  writing 
considerably  earlier  than  1608-1609,  the  date 
commonly  assigned  because  quarto  editions  are 
known  to  have  existed  then.^  He  states  specifi- 
cally that  the  treatises  which  were  to  be  his 
choruses  were  written  in  his  youth;*  and  that, 


*  Cf.  Thos.  Kyd,  Cornelia,  ed.  Gassner,  p.  iv. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  iv. 

^  Cf.  Luce,  op.  cit.,  p.  49. 

*  Life  of  Sidney,  ed.  Grosart,  p.  151. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  83 

in  emulation  of  Sidney's  method,  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  steal  minutes  of  time  from  his  daily 
services  and  ''employ  them  in  this  kind  of 
writings" — referring  to  the  tragedies.^  More 
explicit  still  are  his  statements  regarding  the 
destroyed  tragedy  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra: 
^'Lastly,  concerning  the  tragedies  themselves, 
they  were  in  their  fii^st  creation  three :  whereof 
Antonie  and  Cleopatra,  according  to  their  ir-. 
regular  passions  in  forsaking  empire  to  follow 
sensuality,  were  sacrificed  in  the  fire.  The 
executioner,  the  author  himselfe.  Not  that  he 
conceived  it  to  be  a  contemptible  younger 
brother  to  the  rest;  but  lest  while  he  seemed 
to  looke  over-much  upward,  hee  might  stumble 
into  the  astronomer's  pit."  ^  Thus  we  are  in- 
formed that  the  "executed"  play  was  the  latest 
of  the  three.  Immediately  he  goes  on  to  ex- 
plain that  the  drama  appeared  dangerous  to 
him  and  to  his  friends,  "many  members  in  that 
creature  .  .  .  having  some  childish  wantonnesse 
in  them,  apt  enough  to  be  construed  or  strained 
to  a  personating  of  vices  in  the  present  govern- 
ors and  government." 

After  noting  the  poetic  fondness  for  sudden 
metamorphoses  in  human  affairs,  he  continues : 
"And  again  in  the  practice  of  the  world,  seeing 
the  like  instance  not  poetically  but  really 
fashioned  in  the  Earle  of  Essex,  then  falling; 
and  even  till  then  worthily  beloved,  both  of 
Queen   and    people;    this    sudden    descent    of 

*  Life  of  Sidney,  ed.  cit.,  p.  150.  *  Ibid.,  p.  155. 


84  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

a  greatnesse,  together  with  the  quality  of  the 
actors  in  every  scene,  stir'd  up  the  Author's 
second  thoughts,  to  bee  careful  —  in  his  owne 
case  —  of  leaving  faire  weather  behind  him." 
Obviously  this  latest  of  the  three  tragedies  was 
destroyed  about  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  1601.  If  the  three  productions  were 
composed  in  stolen  minutes,  the  inception  of 
the  plan  would  thus  be  thrown  well  forward  to 
a  time  soon  after  Daniel's  first  success.  The 
immediate  sources  of  these  plays  are  not  known. 
From  the  author's  own  explanation,  the  pur- 
pose of  his  writing  was  preeminently  didactic. 
Material  such  as  that  embodied  in  his  Treatises 
on  Monarchy  and  Religion,^  was  to  be  presented 
to  the  public;  and  to  make  this  more  vital  it 
was  to  form  the  choruses  of  tragedies  —  the 
tragic  action  being  only  a  means  to  this  sup- 
posedly higher  end.^  Though  the  temperament 
of  the  author  may  have  hastened  the  process, 
this  is  only  a  natural  working  out  of  the  Senecan 
vogue  brought  so  prominently  to  Greville's  at- 
tention. The  choruses  of  the  French  writers 
and  their  English  followers,  while  participat- 
ing more  or  less  in  the  action,  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity to  moralize  on  the  situations.  Senten- 
tious wisdom  confronted  the  reader  or  hearer  at 
every  turn.  Greville,  apparently  with  the  ac- 
quiescence of  his  cot^rie,^  merely  changed  the 

^  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  vol.  i. 
2  Life  of  Sidney,  pp.  150,  220. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  155:  "by  the  opinion  of  these  few  eyes, 
which  saw  it." 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  85 

method  of  approach  and  wrote  the  play  to  fit 
the  preaching.  In  their  general  structure, 
Alaham  and  Mustapha  make  good  their  rela- 
tionship to  the  group  under  consideration. 
They  appear  to  run  to  a  greater  number  of 
scenes,  but  stage  presentation  was  never  in  the 
author's  mind.^  That  the  choruses  are  not 
lyric  is  to  be  expected  from  the  importance 
they  had  for  him  as  representing  his  longer  di- 
dactic treatises.  One  wonders  if  Greville  is 
thinking  of  Lady  Pembroke  and  her  influential 
position  when  he  apologizes  for  some  of  his 
female  characters:  "I  presumed,  or  rather  it 
escaped  me,  to  make  my  images  beyond  the 
ordinary  stature  of  excesse,  wherein  again  that 
women  are  predominant,  is  not  for  malice  or  ill 
talent  to  their  sexe.  .  .  ."  ^  At  any  rate,  the 
long  and  intimate  relation  of  Fulke  Greville  to 
the  Sidneys  and  their  friends,  and  the  close 
resemblance  of  these  plays  to  the  rest  of  the 
group,  are  points  enough,  in  the  absence  of  con- 
tradictory evidence,  to  indicate  that  he  con- 
formed to  the  French  influence  dominating  Lady 
Pembroke's  circle.^ 

The  Tragicomedie  of  the  Vertuoiis  Octavia,  by 
Samuel  Brandon,  appeared  in  1598,  dedicated 
to  Lady  Lucia  Audlay.  It  has  the  form  and 
spirit  of  the  later  Senecan  drama  and  concerns 
itself  with  the  omnipresent  Antony,  this  time 

»  Life  of  Sidney,  p.  223. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  220. 

'  Bounin's  La  Soltane  is  concerned  with  the  execution 
of  Mustapha. 


86  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

in  the  earlier  period  of  his  life.  There  seems 
to  be  no  evidence  of  any  direct  influence  of 
Lady  Pembroke  and  her  circle. 

The  last  group  of  plays  offers  at  least  some 
interesting  possibilities.  Their  author,  William 
Alexander,  appears  to  have  begun  the  series 
under  an  independent  line  of  continental  in- 
fluence, while  still  a  resident  of  Scotland.  King 
James,  with  whom  Alexander  was  closely  asso- 
ciated in  literary  matters,  had  studied  in  youth 
under  Buchanan,  the  author  of  classical  trage- 
dies in  Latin,  and  had  his  tastes  turned  in  that 
direction.  He  had  always  had  access  to  a 
large  assortment  of  French  literature,^  and  drew 
upon  it  freely  in  his  own  attempts.^  His  per- 
sonal regard  for  Du  Bartas  and  interest  in  the 
Frenchman's  work  reacted  of  course  upon  his 
courtiers.^  As  has  been  noted,  Alexander  fol- 
lowed James  to  England,  and  as  a  gentleman 
of  Prince  Henry's  chamber  had  every  oppor- 
tunity for  contact  with  Lady  Pembroke  and 
her  literary  friends. 

In  1604  Alexander's  Darius  was  published 
in  London,  together  with  Croesus,  under  the 
title  Monarchicke  Tragedies.     The  Alexandrean 

^  Cf .  The  Library  of  James  VI.  of  Scotland,  ed.  G.  F. 
Warner,  Edin.,   1893. 

2  In  the  preface  of  his  Reulis  and  Cautelis,  in  1595, 
James  says :  "  I  have  lykewayis  ommittit  dyvers  iigures, 
quhilkis  are  necessare  to  be  usit  in  verse,  for  two  causis. 
The  ane  is,  because  they  are  usit  in  all  languages,  and 
thairfore  are  spoken  of  be  Du  Bellay,  and  sindrie  utheris, 
quha  hes  written  in  this  airt."  —  ed.  Arber,  p.  54. 

^  Cf.  chap.  iv.  for  the  relation  of  both  James  and 
Alexander  to  Du  Bartas. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  87 

Tragedy  appeared  alone  in  1605,  and  Julius 
Ccesar,  accompanied  by  the  three  earUer  plays, 
was  published  in  1607,  the  title  Monarchicke 
Tragedies  being  employed  for  this  volume  also. 
Dr.  Lester  has  gone  source-hunting  for  these 
dramas,  with  only  moderate  success.  The 
Daire  of  Jacques  de  la  Taille,  printed  posthu- 
mously by  his  brother  Jean  in  1572,  bears  some 
general  resemblance  to  Darius,  but  only  enough 
to  run  both  plays  back  to  a  probable  common 
source  in  Quintus  Curtius,  though  Alexander 
may  well  have  been  familiar  with  the  French 
play.  For  Croesus  and  the  Alexandrean  Tragedy 
no  sources  have  been  found.  Jacques  de  la 
Taille  did  indeed  write  an  Alexander,  published 
in  1573,  but  it  is  only  the  ghost  of  Alexander 
that  gives  the  name  to  the  English  play.  By  a 
series  of  parallels,  however,  Dr.  Lester  is  able 
to  establish  a  strong  probability  that  the  Julius 
Ccesar  was  modeled  on  the  well-known  Cesar 
of  Jacques  Grevin  and  enlarged.  The  additions 
indicate  some  indebtedness  to  Kyd's  Cornelia. 
In  all  four  plays  there  are  the  stylistic  peculiari- 
ties that  have  characterized  both  the  French 
and  the  English  groups.  The  didactic  element  is 
especially  strong  throughout,  to  an  extent  that 
at  once  suggests  Greville's  dramas,  and  along 
the  same  lines  of  thought  that  he  emphasized.^ 
In  view  of  this  there  arises  the  probability  of  a 
new  significance  in  the  title  Monarchicke  Trage- 
dies, used  first  by  Alexander  in  1604  and  again 

^  Note  the  same  line  of  thought  embodied  in  Alex- 
ander's Parcenesis,  printed  1604. 


88  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

in  1607.  For  Greville  the  didactic  material  of 
his  choruses  had  to  do  with  the  temptations 
and  mistakes  of  monarchs,  and  was  indeed  em- 
bodied, probably  before  1603,  in  a  separate  long 
poem  entitled  Treatises  of  Monarchy.  There  is 
every  reason  that  Alexander  and  the  members 
of  Lady  Pembroke's  circle,  with  their  unusual 
coincidence  of  tastes  and  training,  should  have 
become  well  acquainted  almost  immediately 
upon  the  Scotchman's  arrival.  From  any  mem- 
ber of  the  coterie  Alexander  might  have  learned 
of  G'reville's  didactic  attempts,  still  timorously 
avoiding  publication.  The  outspoken  nature 
that  would  dare  a  Parcenesis,  emboldened  by  a 
feeling  of  security  in  the  new  king's  good  will, 
would  immediately  have  been  encouraged  to 
further  publication  by  this  kinship  of  ideas 
with  a  man  so  much  respected  as  Fulke  Greville. 
The  term  "Monarchicke  Tragedies"  would  be  a 
natural  result.  That  the  importance  of  Alex- 
ander was  quickly  recognized  and  his  further 
plans  known  to  Samuel  Daniel,  is  shown  by  the 
dedication  of  Philotas,  in  1605,  ''to  the  Prince."  ^ 
With  Alexander  the  creative  efforts  of  this 
little  English  Senecan  school  ceased.  The 
Countess  of  Pembroke  and  her  following  ap- 
parently had  done  their  best  to  carry  out,  in 
one  genre  at  least,  the  ideals  of  the  reform 
movement  started  as  far  back  as  1580.  That 
this  dramatic  venture  remains  a  mere  excres- 
cence on  the  history  of  English  literature  is  due 

*  Supra,  p.  43. 


THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP  89 

to  no  lack  of  zeal  or  cooperation  on  their  part. 
For  a  time  it  did  assume  considerable  promi- 
nence among  certain  classes,  and  it  would  be 
impossible  to  say  how  large  a  part  it  played  in 
bringing  regularity  into  English  dramatic  struc- 
ture. As  regards  its  relations  to  the  correspond- 
ing line  of  French  drama  subsequent  to  the 
Pleiade,  the  case  has  been  put  as  fairly  as 
possible.  In  some  instances  there  has  been 
avowed  translation;  in  others  there  has  been 
an  accumulation  of  parallels  pointing  with  great 
probability  to  immediate  influence.  The  prod- 
uct of  both  movements  shows  a  remarkable 
identity  in  all  the  essentials  of  its  thought  and 
structure.  The  possibility  of  direct  impulse 
from  Seneca  has  not  entered  seriously  into  the 
discussion,  nor  have  the  Latin  tragedies  of 
scholars  been  considered  as  an  immediate  in- 
fluence. Another  uncertainty  in  the  question 
arises  from  the  fact  that  Italy,  throughout  the 
sixteenth  century,  was  doing  this  same  kind  of 
dramatic  work,  and  to  a  great  extent  influenced 
the  form  and  spirit  of  the  French  tragedy.  The 
strength  of  the  claim  for  French  influence  in 
this  English  dramatic  vogue,  however,  lies 
primarily  in  the  accumulation  of  evidence  con- 
firming the  loyal  cooperation  of  these  play- 
wrights with  the  Countess  of  Pembroke,  whose 
model  was  avowedly  French;  as  well  as  in  the 
indications  already  presented,  that  in  various 
matters  of  practical  reform  this  English  group 
had  from  its  inception  been  accustomed  to  look 
to  the  example  of  France.    Two  questions  await 


90  THE  AREOPAGUS  GROUP 

more  detailed  consideration,  before  the  im- 
portance of  this  hterary  circle  ceases:  one,  the 
extent  to  which  English  writers,  turning  like 
the  disciples  of  the  Pleiade  from  classic  ideals 
to  the  exploitation  of  Italian  sonnets,  drew  di- 
rectly upon  France  for  their  inspiration;  the 
other,  the  influence  in  England  of  the  poetry 
of  Du  Bartas,  in  its  original  form  and  in  the 
localized  translation  of  Sylvester. 


CHAPTER  III 

The  Elizabethan  Sonnet 

In   the   list   of   new   genres   prescribed   for 
French  poets  in  the  manifesto  of  the  Pleiade, 
in  1549,  prominent  mention  was  made  of  the 
sonnet,  a  "non  moins  docte  que  plaisante  in- 
vention itahenne,"  which  was  to  be  modeled    ij 
upon ''  Petrarque  et  quelques  modernes  Italiens."    ; ' 
This  was  not  the  first  introduction  of  the  sonnet 
to  French  soil,  nor  did  Du  Bellay  represent  it 
as  such.     In  his  second  preface  to  the  Olive, ^  a 
year  later,  he  ascribes  to  Melin  de  Saint-Gelais 
the   distinction   of   importing   this   form,    and 
later    criticism    is    inclined    to    confirm    this.^ 
Clement  Marot,  however,  was  certainly  not  far  | 
behind  Saint-Gelais  in  the  undertaking;    and 

*  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-Laveaux,  i.  72. 

2  The  question  is  summed  up  by  Tilley,  Literature  I 
of  the  French  Renaissance,  i.  152-153.  He  notes  that  » 
of  the  nineteen  sonnets  of  Saint-Gelais  which  have  been 
pubUshed,  nine  were  not  written  before  1544,  one  was 
written  in  1540,  one  certainly  later  than  1533,  and 
another  not  earlier  than  1531.  The  remaining  eight 
cannot  be  dated.  Two  sonnets  by  Marot  were  printed 
in  the  1538  edition  of  his  works,  and  one  of  these,  by  a 
reference  it  contains,  shows  that  it  was  written  not  later 
than  May  1,  1532.  Saint-Gelais  is  known  to  have  spent 
some  time  in  Italy,  and  may  well  have  had  sonnets  in 
manuscript  circulation  before  Marot  wrote  any. 

91 


92  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

several  other  French  poets,  including  Sceve, 
Peletier,  and  Margaret  of  Navarre  herself,  had 
anticipated  the  Pleiade  reform  in  this  regard.^ 

Pleiade  sonneteering  was  no  less  enthusiastic 
and  extensive  by  reason  of  this  anticipation. 
With  common  impulse  the  members  applied 
themselves  promptly  and  diligently  to  an 
imitation,  more  or  less  digestive,  of  the  still 
accumulating  mass  of  Italian  models.  Before 
this  impulse  had  worked  itself  out  at  the  end 
of  the  century,  the  output  of  sonnets  in  France 
was  large  indeed.  Ronsard's  various  ^^  Amours '' 
and  sonnets  number  more  than  nine  hundred; 
Du  Bellay's  Olive  and  Regrets  amount  to  over 
three  hundred;  while  among  the  later  men 
Desportes  stands  out  with  another  three  hun- 
dred to  his  credit.  The  sonnet,  alien  and  imi- 
tative as  it  was,  became  immensely  popular. 
As  in  Italy,  there  was  feminine  influence  to  en- 
courage it,  and  the  cult  of  Platonism  had 
already  blended  with  it  beyond  the  Alps.  It 
kept  all  the^  'well-worn  conventionalities  of 
thought,  and  trafficked  with  the  familiar  tricks 
of  style.     It  sold  itself  to  flattery  for  material 

^  Maurice  Scfeve  approached  the  sonnet  very  closely 
in  his  series  of  four  hundred  and  forty-nine  Platonic 
dizains,  under  the  title  Delie,  oh  jet  de  la  "plus  haute  vertu, 
in  1544.  Two  sonnets  by  him  appeared  in  the  Mar- 
guerites de  la  Marguerite,  1547,  which  also  contained  a 
sonnet  by  Margaret  herself.  Sceve  was  strongly  influ- 
enced by  the  conceits  of  Serafino  dell'  Aquila  and  his 
immediate  predecessors.  Peletier,  in  1547,  published  a 
volume  of  poems  containing  twelve  sonnets  translated 
from  Petrarch.  A  later  volume,  published  in  1555,  con- 
tained ninety-six  sonnets. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  93 

gain,  degraded  itself  to  the  celebration  of  un- 
worthy passions,  reacted  at  times  even  into 
moral  and  religious  fervor;  in  short,  it  repro- 
duced; with  the  modifications  due  to  environ- 
ment, the  history  of  its  somewhat  earlier  de- 
velopment at  home. 

Before  even  an  attempt  is  made  at  the  still 
more  complicated  problem  of  French  and 
Italian  influence  upon  the  English  sonnet,  it 
is  desirable  to  summarize,  at  least,  these  modi- 
fications on  French  soil,  in  order  to  establish  — 
apart  from  the  conventionalized  material  —  as 
unified  a  conception  as  possible  of  that  far 
from  homogeneous  product,  the  sonnet  in 
France.  These  characteristics  do  not  lend 
themselves  readily  to  systematic  arrangement, 
as  they  extend  from  matters  of  mechanical 
detail  to  such  general  considerations  of  spirit 
and  imaginative  vigor  as  rest  only  on  the  im- 
pression drawn  from  wide  reading.  Neither 
are  they  characteristics  which  Italy  had  not 
already  anticipated  in  her  sonneteering;  but 
are  rather  those  qualities  or  tendencies  pre- 
viously manifest  at  certain  points  in  the  Italian 
development,  and  seized  upon  and  magnified  by 
certain  of  the  French  poets  until  they  assumed 
a  new  importance,  even  helping  to  give  char- 
acter to  the  product. 

Thus,  in  the  Petrarchistic  revival  led  by 
Bembo,  there  was  among  certain  poets  a  tire- 
less effort  after  the  dignity  and  polish  of  rhe- 
torical elegance,  paralleling  the  prose  ideals  of 
the  earlier  Ciceronians.    This  rhetorical  stand- 


94  TtlE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

f  ard,  especially  pleasing  to  the  French  genius, 
was  in  excellent  harmony  with  fundamental 
I  doctrines  of  the  Pleiade.  Ronsard,  the  com- 
placent champion  of  a  polished  and  elevated 
style,  first  turned  instinctively  to  the  models 
where  this  characteristic  appeared,  and  then 
developed  it  to  an  extent  that  has  individualized 
his  work.  To  a  less  degree  this  rhetorical 
polish  is  visible  in  the  work  of  his  associates. 
Closely  allied  to  this  quality,  especially  in  Ron- 
sard  again,  appears  a  vigor  and  vividness  of 
imagination,  which  at  times  completely  revital- 
izes some  borrowed  bit  of  conventional  descrip- 
tion, and  throughout  whole  series  of  Amours 
imparts  a  convincing  sense  of  reality  of  feel- 
ing and  intensity  of  passion.  Desportes  also 
possesses  this  power,  when  he  is  not  tram- 
meled by  the  abundant  conceits  of  his  preferred 
models. 

Both  these  men,  as  well  as  certain  of  the 
lesser  artists,  allowed  their  lyric  efforts  to  be 
affected  by  such  matters   of  environment  as 
their   own   material   needs   and   the   degraded 
t  practices  of  a  corrupt  court.     Sonnets  of  lavish 
flattery  to  possible  patrons  were  common  enough 
in  Italy;    where  indeed  social  conditions  were 
such  that  a  Tullia  d'Ai'agona  could  pose  as  a 
leader  in  the  Petrarchan  cult.     In  France,  how- 
j    ever,  the  accepted  masters  of  the  sonnet  vogue 
I    devoted  no  small  amount  of  their  talents   to 
t    such  necessities,  flattering  an  undeserving  no- 
bility, assisting  with  their  verse  the  numerous 
amours  of  royalty,   and  even  celebrating  the 


THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  95 

creatures  of  still  lower  passions.  Ronsard's 
first  book  of  Hymnes,  1555,  was  so  full  of  sys- 
tematic soliciting  of  patronage  that  Pasquier 
remonstrated  with  him  regarding  it.^  Amadis 
Jamyn  wrote  sonnets  to  assist  Charles  IX.  in  a 
love  suit,  and  did  honor  in  verse  to  the  mignons 
of  Henry  III.  Desportes  was  of  particular 
assistance  to  Henry  while  that  monarch,  then 
the  Duke  of  Anjou,  was  seeking  the  favors  of 
Renee  de  Rieux,  "la  belle  Chateauneuf,"  and 
contributed  sonnet  after  sonnet  to  the  under- 
taking. Henry  retained  the  poet  in  his  service 
after  his  coronation;  so  that  Desportes,  like 
Jamyn  and  Ronsard,  was  called  upon  to  do 
honor  to  the  mignons,  and  managed  to  profit 
by  their  favor.  It  is  not  surprising  that  such 
activities  as  these  reacted  somewhat  upon  the 
whole  literary  product  of  the  poets  concerned, 
and  operated  in  harmony  with  their  frequent 
changes  in  the  personnel  of  favorites  to  give 
their  work  a  somewhat  hard  and  selfish  tone  of 
worldliness. 

This  effect  is  perhaps  heightened  by  another 
French  characteristic,  for  which  Italy  had  pre- 
pared the  way.  The  Pleiade  movement,  as  has 
been  seen,  made  much  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
models  which  vernacular  poets  were  to  imitate. 
In  actual  practice,  the  lyric  poets  appear  to 
have  been  only  fairly  true  to  this  ideal,  inter- 
spersing many  imitations  of  Greek  and  espe- 
cially of  Latin  poets  among  their  works,  but 
drawing  their  inspiration  and  often  their  ma- 

*  Cf .  Ronsard,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-La veaux,  i,  p.  xxxviii. 


96  THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

terial  for  these  directly  from  the  Italian.*  The 
French  poets  did  receive  much  immediate 
direction  from  Greek  and  Latin,  however.  The 
popularity  of  Anacreon,  or  of  the  works  attrib- 
uted to  him,  is  attested  by  the  enthusiastic 
reception  accorded  to  the  edition  of  these  poems 
bv  Henri  Estienne  in  1554,  and  to  the  transla- 
tion  of  them  by  Remy  Belleau  in  1556,  as 
well  as  by  the  numerous  indications  of  their 
influence  in  the  poetry  of  that  period.  Among 
the  Latins,  Catullus,  Tibullus,  and  Ovid  were 
freely  drawn  upon.  Not  only  did  the  form  and 
spirit  of  these  poets  appear  prominently  in 
French  odes,  madrigals,  elegies,  and  the  like 
during  the  sixteenth  century;  but  the  sonnets 
also  of  French  poets  were  considerably  affected 
by  this  spirit,  with  its  frank  joy  in  sensuous 
delight,  its  tenderness  and  playfulness,  its  in- 
sistence on  the  ^'Carpe  diem"  motive.  Except 
for  the  fact  of  French  familiarity  with  the 
Greek  and  Latin  authors,  all  this  might  well 
have  been  drawn  from  Italian  sources;  for 
Cariteo  and  Ariosto  had  both  gone  for  inspira- 
tion to  similar  sources,  and  Serafino,  avowedly 
sensual,  had  preached  ''Carpe  diem"  to  a  long 
succession  of  mistresses.  Perhaps  it  is  safer  to 
say  that  the  French  poets,  enlarging  upon 
Italian  example,  had  gone  freely  to  the  Greek 
and  Latin  for  models. 
The  religious  reaction,  manifest  in  the  later 

\  ^  E.g.  the  influence  upon  Du  Bellay  and  Ronsard  of 
Alamanni's  Opere  Toscane.  Cf.  H.  Hauvette,  Luigi 
Alamanni,  sa  vie  et  son  oeuvre,  Paris,  1903. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  97 

history  of  the  French  sonnet,  was  also  a  further 
development,  under  new  conditions,  of  an 
Italian  prototype.  The  renewed  religious  ac- 
tivity of  Italy,  as  displayed  in  the  Council  of 
Trent,  while  it  turned  creative  artists  to  reli- 
gious thoughts,  also  produced  a  fashion  of  spir- 
itualizing the  secular  literature  already  popu- 
lar.^ This  process  was  applied  to  the  Decameron, 
to  the  Orlando  Furioso,  and,  naturally  enough, 
to  the  work  of  Petrarch.  In  1536  appeared  the 
Petrarca  Spirituale  of  Malipieri;  and  long 
before  its  popularity  had  waned,^  Salvatorino 
had  completed,  in  1547,  his  Tesauro  di  Sacra 
Scrittura,  developed  from  the  Rime  of  Petrarch. 
When  this  tendency  to  employ  the  sonnet  for  \ 
religious  purposes  reached  France,  it  found  itself 
in  new  company;  for  the  zealous  Protestant 
spirit  there  was  willing  enough  to  utilize  an 
outgrowth  of  the  Catholic  Reaction,  when 
such  outgrowth  was  so  thoroughly  in  harmony' 
with  Protestant  desires.  Thus  there  appeared, 
in  the  decline  of  the  Pleiade  movement,  the 
spectacle  of  the  Catholic  courtier  Desportes 
reveling  in  the  extravagant  conceits  of  his 
Amours  in  seasons  of  good  fortune,  and  turning 
during  illness  or  depression  to  sonnets  of  reli- 
gious devotion,  into  which  he  did  not  alw^ays 
avoid   introducing  his   characteristic   tricks  of 

^  Cf.  A.  Graf,  Attraverso  il  cinquecento ,  p.  77  sq.,  and 
Dejob,  L'Influence  du  Concile  de  Trente  sur  la  litterature 
et  les  beaux-arts,  Paris,  1884. 

2  There  were  ten  editions  of  the  Petrarca  Spirituale 
by  the  end  of  the  century. 

H 


98  THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

style ;  while  contemporary  with  him  the  Hugue- 
not Du  Bartas  was  sounding  the  call  of  Urania 
to  those  who  would  employ  verse  in  God's 
service,  and  minor  poets,  like  Jacques  de  Billy, 
were  busying  themselves  with  ''spiritual  son- 
nets" of  sincere  devotion.  After  a  considera- 
tion of  the  religious  activities  of  those  who 
dominated  the  sonnet  literature  in  England  at 
the  end  of  the  century,  it  becomes  apparent 
enough  which  of  these  impulses  was  to  domi- 
nate there. 

Some  points  remain  to  be  noted  regarding 
the  developments  given  in  France  to  the  form 
of   the   sonnet.     Following  the  later   Italians, 
\  French   poets   had   a   particular   fondness   for 
\  emphasis  at  the  conclusion  of  the  quatorzain, 
'  together  with  the  presence  of  epigram.     Ron- 
sard,  especially,  showed  a  fondness  also  for  a 
certain  rhyme  scheme    in    the    sestette.^    The 
[  hendecasyllabic  metre  of  Italy  was  not  so  easy 
!,    for  the  French  vocabulary,  so  that  the  ten- 
i^  syllable  verse  prevailed  in  the  sonnets  of  France. 
Baif,  however,  included  six  sonnets  in  Alex- 
andrines in  his  Amours  de  Meline,  in  1552,  and 
Ronsard  began  employing  this  type  of  verse  at 
almost  the  same  time.     Ronsard,  indeed,  be- 
came   the    champion    of    the    Alexandrine    in 
France,^  employing  it  in  most  of  the  Amours 
de  Marie  and   Sonnets  pour  Helene,  as  well  as 

^  Cf.  note,  infra,  p.  111. 

2  In  his  Preface  to  the  Franciade,  Ronsard  speaks  of 
Alexandrines,  "lesquels  vers  j'ay  remis  le  premier  en 
honeur." — CEuvres,  ed.  Marty-La veaux,  iii.  516. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  99 

in  many  hymns.  Baif  continued  to  use  the 
verse,  and  Du  Bellay  adopted  it  for  his ^ Regrets.  ^' 
The  French  poets,  while  by  no  means  innova- 
tors, gave  final  conventionality  to  the  fashion 
of  designating  by  fanciful  names  the  mistresses 
they  addressed,  and  allowing  these  names  to 
serve  as  titles  for  their  sonnet  collections. 
Thus  Ronsard's  sonnets  appeared  as  Amours  de 
Cassandre,  Amours  de  Marie,  and  Sonnets  pour 
Helene;  BsiiVs  as  Amours  de  Meline  and  Amours 
de  Francine;  and  Desportes's  as  Amours  de 
Diane  and  Amours  de  Cleonice;  while  Sceve 
celebrated  ''  Delie "  and  Claude  de  Ponteux, 
*'  Vldee^  The  element  of  originality  in  this 
practice,  though  slight,  is  perhaps  the  stronger 
because  so  much  of  the  Italian  sonnet  material 
came  into  French  hands  in  the  shape  of  miscellan- 
eous collections,  drawn  from  the  work  of  large 
numbers  of  poets,  of  varying  talents  and  ideals.^ 
After  all,  however,  the  French  sonnet  of  the 
sixteenth  century  is  largely  a  product  imitated 
from  the  Italians;  so  largely,  indeed,  that  the 
able  scholars  of  several  countries  are  still  con- 
cerning themselves  with  the  problem  of  its  in- 
debtedness, and  are  continually  bringing  to 
light  new  lines  of  relationship.^    If  this  matter 

^  Cf .  J.  Vianey,  "Les  sources  italiennes  de  TOlive," 
in  Annates  Internationales  d'histoire  comparee,  1901,  for  a 
discussion  of  Du  Bellay's  indebtedness  to  the  Rime  diverse 
di  molti  eccellenti  autori,  published  1545-1550. 

2  Among  important  books  and  articles  of  recent 
date  bearing  upon  this  subject,  the  following  may  be 
noted :  — 

M.  Fieri,  Le  Petrarquisme  au  XVI'  siecle;   Petrarque  et 
Ronsard,  Marseilles,  1896. 


100  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

is  somewhat  entangled,  a  far  more  intricate 
complication  is  presented  in  the  development 

>  of  the  English  sonnet.  In  any  particular  Eng- 
lish collection,  there  may  be  borrowings  direct 

I  from  Petrarch  or  from  any  one  of  his  numerous 
groups  of  Italian  imitators,  most  of  whom  were 
well  known  to  the  English  poets.  There  may 
be  indebtedness  to  French  sonneteers  who  have 

i  modeled  more  or  less  closely  upon  Petrarch  or 
his  imitators.  As  the  vogue  progresses,  there 
may  even  be  dependence  on  the  work  of  other 
Englishmen.  At  any  point  a  thought  or  quota- 
tion from  the  classics  may  have  played  its  part 
in  creating  or  transforming  a  group  of  lines. 
Above  all,  there  is  the  question  of  individual 

*  M.  H.  Vaganay,  Le  Sonnet  en  Italie  et  en  France  au 
seizieme  Steele  Essai  de  bibliographie  comparee, 
Lyon,  1902-1903. 

^  Max  Jasinski,  Histoire  du  sonnet  en  France,  1903.  (Re- 
viewed by  Rene  Doumic  in  Revue  des  deux  mondes, 
March  15,  1904.) 
Henri  Chamard,  Joaehim  Du  Bellay,  Lille,  1900.  (Re- 
viewed by  J.  Vianey  in  Revue  d'hist.  litt.,  viii.  151 
sq.) 

E.  S.  Ingraham,  The  Sources  of  Les  Amours  de  J.  A.  de 

Baif,  Univ.  of  Penn.  dissertation,  1905. 
J.  Vianey,  ''  Les  sources  italiennes  de  TOlive,"  in  Annates 
Internationales  d'histoire  comparee,  1901 ;  "  L'Arioste 
et  la  Pleiade,"  in  Bulletin  italien,  1901 ;  "  L'influence 
italienne  chez  les  precurseurs  de  la  Pleiade,"  in 
Bull,  ital,  1903;  "Un  Modele  de  Desportes  non 
signale  encore:  Pamphilo  Sasso,"  in  Revue  d'hist. 
litt. ,  1903 ;  "  La  part  de  I'imitation  dans  les  Regrets," 
in  Bull,  ital,  1904. 

F.  Flamini,   Studi   di    Storia    letteraria,    Livorno,    1895 

(p.  346  sq.,  and  appendix,  p.  433  sq.,  "I  Plagi  di 
P.  Desportes");  "  Di  alcune  imitazioni  italiane  nei 
poeti  francesi  del  Cinquecento/'  in  Atti  del  Congresso 
Internazionale,  Rome,  1903. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  101 

creative  genius,  which  from  a  field  of  wide 
reading  gathers,  blends,  adapts,  and  amplifies, 
until  often  there  is  left  only  a  trace  of  some 
conventional  thought  or  figure,  so  that  identi- 
fication of  source  is  impossible.  A  bungling 
workman  like  Soothern,  or  a  careless  and  irre- 
sponsible one  like  Lodge,  will  translate  almost 
slavishly  from  his  originals.  A  creative  mind, 
like  that  of  Sidney  or  Shakespeare,  appropriates 
freely  from  all  sources,  and  yet  the  result  has 
the  distinctive  vitality  of  an  original  produc- 
tion. Two  conclusions  follow  from  these  con-  "T 
siderations.  A  slight  resemblance  in  thought 
or  even  in  expression  between  an  English  sonnet 
and  some  particular  French  or  Italian  product 
does  not  necessarily  argue  indebtedness  at  this 
point  until  the  whole  field  of  possible  sources 
has  been  considered,  and  perhaps  not  then. 
On  the  other  hand,  for  the  best  men  of  the 
group,  when  once  a  congenial  acquaintance  is 
established  with  a  set  of  possible  models,  it  is 
reasonably  safe  to  suppose  an  indebtedness, 
along  broader  and  more  general  lines,  larger 
than  any  detailed  collection  of  parallels  would 
represent.  On  this  account,  particular  in- 
stances of  close  resemblance  will  be  used  freely 
in  this  chapter,  but  with  no  disposition  to 
exaggerate  their  real  importance.^ 

^  The  most  valuable  collection  of  this  sort  of  data  is 
found  in  Sidney  Lee's  Introduction  to  the  Elizabethan 
Sonnets,  in  the  New  English  Garner.  Further  details 
appear  in  two  articles  by  L.  E.  Kastner,  in  the  Athenceum 
for  October  22  and  29,  1904;  in  a  dissertation  by  Max 
Maiberger,  Studien  Uber  den  Einjluss  Frankreichs  an  der 


102  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

Emphasis  should  be  given  to  the  thought 
that,  in  deahng  with  Itahan  sources  in  particu- 
lar, even  the  most  obscure  poets  may  have  to 
be  reckoned  with  as  immediate  models,  the 
reason  being  that  England,  like  France,  had 
access  to  numerous  miscellaneous  collections  of 
these  poems  all  during  the  period  of  her  own 
activity.  For  this  reason  alone  there  is  noth- 
ing surprising  in  the  fact  that  at  one  time, 
when  Gabriel  Harvey  seeks  to  pay  a  compliment 
to  George  Gascoigne,  he  does  so  by  compar- 
ing him  with  the  apparently  obscure  Italian, 
Ercole  Strozza :  — 

"Gascoignus  solus,  seipsum  cum  Hercule 
Strozza  comparat,  homine  Italo 
Eodemque  viro  generoso  ac  poeta  nobili."  ^ 

All  investigation,  moreover,  tends  to  confirm 
a    very    considerable    detailed    knowledge    of 

Elizabethan  Litter atur ;  Die  Lyrik  in  d.  2.  Halfte  des  XVI. 
Jahrhunderts,  Mtinchen,  1903.  Special  studies  include: 
E.  Koeppel's  treatment  of  Sidney's  sonnets  in  his 
"  Studien  zur  Geschichte  des  engl.  Petrarchismus  im  16. 
Jahrh.,"  in  Roman.  Forschungen,  v.  65  sq.;  Joseph 
Guggenheim er,  Quellen-studien  zu  Samuel  Daniels  Delia, 
1898;  O.  Hoffman,  "Studien  zu  Alex.  Montgomery," 
Englische  Studien,  lOL.  24  sq.;  and  W.  C.  Ward's  notes 
to  his  edition  of  William  Drummond's  poems.  P. 
Borghesi,  Petrarch  and  his  Influence  on  English  Litera- 
ture, 1905,  is  too  puerile  a  work  to  deserve  serious  atten- 
tion. Italian  works  of  value  are:  Carlo  Segre,  Studi 
Petrarcheschi,  Florence,  1903  (contains  article  on  Wyatt 
and  Surrey);  I.  Zocco,  Petrarchismo  e  Petrarchisti  in 
Inghilterra,  Palermo,  1906. 

^  Harvey,  Letter  Book,  ed.  cit.,  p.  55.     Noted  by  Lee, 
Introd.  to  Elizabethan  Sonnets,  ed.  cit.,  1.  p.  xxxviii. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  103 

Italian  literature  among  the  educated  people 
of  Elizabethan  England. 

The  sonnet  first  came  to  England  direct 
from  Italy,  fully  as  early  as  it  was  introduced 
into  France.  Wyatt  and  Surrey,  influenced 
particularly  by  the  sonnet  writing  of  Serafino 
and  his  group  at  the  close  of  the  quattrocento;'' 
had  domesticated  the  form  in  somewhat  crude 
fashion,^  Surrey  emphasizing  the  concluding 
epigram  toward  which  his  models  were  tending, 
and  strengthening  it  by  a  rhyme  scheme  evolved 
perhaps  from  the  Italian  strambotti,  and  marked 
by  a  final  couplet.  This  final  couplet  was 
destined  to  become  a  distinctive  feature  of  the 
Elizabethan  sonnet.  After  the  sonnets  of 
Wyatt  and  Surrey  were  printed,  in  1557,  in 
TotteVs  Miscellany,  the  genre,  while  by  no  means 
lost  sight  of,  experienced  no  real  development 
in  England  until  it  was  taken  up  by  members 
of  the  Areopagus  circle  especially,  as  a  part  of 
the  general  exploitation  of  the  vernacular  as 
a  medium  for  poetic  expression.  In  connection 
with  that  movement  French  influence  began 
to  be  manifest.  Before  1580  Spenser  alone 
had,  if  appearances  may  be  trusted,  rendered 
French  sonnets  into  English  verse,  and  thus 
brought  them  into  the  literature,  in  the  Theatre 
for  Worldlings,  already  discussed.^ 

During  the   interval   between    TotteVs   Mis- 

^  It  should  be  remembered  that  Chaucer  had  worked  / 
over  the  88th  sonnet  of  Petrarch  as  the  "  Song  of  Troilus/'  ' 
in  Troilus  and  Cressida,  bk.  i.  11.  400-420. 

'  Supra,  p.  44. 


i.> 


104  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

cellany  and  the  real  vogue  of  English  sonnet 
writing,  England  was  kept  in  touch  with  French 
literature  by  acquaintance  with  at  least  one 
poet,  Clement  Marot.  Barnabe  Googe  shows 
indebtedness  to  him  in  his  Eclogues,  in  1563. 
Spenser,  or  whoever  the  contributor  was, 
appears  to  have  gone  to  him  for  the  ^'Visions 
of  Petrarch"  in  the  Theatre  for  Worldlings, 
The  Shepheardes  Calendar  drew  upon  him  for 
at  least  two  eclogues.  Besides,  there  are 
several  references  in  the  literature  of  the 
period  that  suggest  a  large  measure  of  in- 
fluence. 

In  some  introductory  verses  to  Gascoigne's 
Posies,  1575,  the  author  has  occasion  to  speak 
of  the  immoral  tendencies  of  certain  well-known 
literary  works.  In  the  midst  of  his  remarks 
he  declares:  ''And  let  not  Marot 's  Alyx  passe 
without  impeache  of  crime."  ^  The  Mirror 
for  Magistrates  appeared  in  1578,  with  a  surpris- 
ingly sweeping  statement.  In  the  Introduction 
to  the  ''  Complaint  of  Sigebert,"  the  conven- 
tional invective  against  rhyme  takes  this  form : 
''.  .  .  it  [the  use  of  rhiyme]  also  made  a  great 
inequalitee  to  be  betwixt  Phaer  and  Virgill, 
betwixt  Turbervile  and  Tibullus,  betwixt  Gold- 
ing  and  Ovid,  betwixt  George  Gascon  and 
Seneca;  for  all  these  coming  neare  unto  Marot, 
whom  they  did  imitate,  did  put  a  great  distance 
betwixt  them  and  the  Latines,  wyth  whom  they 
might   have   binne  equall."  ^    Humphrey  Gif- 

^  Ed.  Hazlitt,  1869,  i.  31. 

'  Ed.  Joseph  Haslewood,  i.  426. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  105 

ford's  Posie  of  Gilliflowers,  1589,  bears  more 
substantial  testimony  to  the  knowledge  of 
Marot.  Among  its  miscellaneous  contents  ap- 
pears an  English  poem  with  the  title:  ''One 
that  had  a  frowarde  husbande  makes  com- 
playnt  to  her  mother.  Written  in  French  by 
Clement  Marott."  ' 

At  the  threshold  of  the  sonnet  vogue  in  Eng- 
land there  appears  a  work  of  unusual  signifi- 
cance, because  it  portrays  so  distinctly  the 
range  of  material  ready  at  the  hand  of  an  Eng- 
lish sonnet-maker  of  good  education,  and  the 
methods  really  underlying  much  of  this  sort 
of  composition,  according  as  the  writer  was 
more  or  less  imaginative.  The  work  in  ques- 
tion is  the  Hecatompathia  or  Passionate  Century 
of  Love,  by  Thomas  Watson,  published  in  1582.^ 
It  consists  of  a  hundred  poems  (three  in  Latin), 
few  of  them  in  sonnet  form,  most  of  them 
having  eighteen  lines.  But  we  know  that  they 
are  modeled  on  sonnets,  most  of  them  Italian, 
with  an  occasional  one  in  French ;  for  some  one, 
presumably  the  poet,  has  carefully  indicated 
in  notes  the  sources  drawn  upon  for  many  of 
these  poems,  and  even  the  detail  of  the  method 
used  in  adapting  these  sources.    As  estimated 

^  Ed.  Grosart,  p.  117.  This  work  contains  two  other 
acknowledged  translations  from  the  French,  one  a 
short  poem  on  p.  137,  the  other  a  prose  "Supplication 
presented  by  John  Meschinot  Esquire  unto  the  Duke  of 
Brittane  his  Lorde  and  Master,"  p.  49. 

2  Watson's  "Booke  of  Passionate  Sonnetes "  was 
circulating  in  manuscript  as  early  as  1580.  Cf.  Lee, 
Life  of  Shakespeare,  p.  428. 


106  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

from  such  authentic  statements,  ^^ eight  sonnets 
are  renderings  from  Petrarch,  twelve  are  from 
Serafino  dell'  Aquila;  four  each  from  Ercole 
Strozza  (of  Ferrara)  and  from  Ronsard;  three 
from  the  Italian  poet  Agnolo  Firenzuola;  two 
each  from  the  French  poet  Etienne  Forcadel,  the 
Italian  Girolamo  Parabosco,  and  iEneas  Silvius ; 
while  many  are  based  on  passages  from  such 
authors  as  (among  the  Greeks)  Sophocles, 
Theocritus,  Apollonius  of  Rhodes;  or  (among 
the  Latins)  Vergil,  Tibullus,  Ovid,  Horace, 
Propertius,  Seneca,  Pliny,  Lucan,  Martial, 
and  Valerius  Flaccus;  or  (among  the  modern 
Italians)  Angelo  Poliziano  and  Baptista  Man- 
tuanus;  or  (among  other  modern  Frenchmen) 
Gervasius  Sepinus  of  Saumur."  ^ 

All  this  does  not  imply  that  Watson  was  a 
particularly  learned  man.  He  merely  has  kept 
track  pedantically  of  as  many  of  his  sources 
as  possible,  and  has  been  at  great  pains  to  tell 
us  all  about  them.  Early  in  his  career  he  had 
busied  himself  with  translating  the  sonnets 
of  Petrarch  into  Latin,  and  three  years  later 
he  rendered  Tasso's  Aminta  into  Latin  hex- 
ameters. Of  two  commendatory  poems  pre- 
fixed to  his  works,  one  —  an  English  quatorzain 
—  proclaims  him  freely  as  a  second  Petrarch ;  ^ 
the  other,  a  Latin  '^ode, "  has  him  carry  on 
the  world-old  tradition  of  poetry  and  represent 

^  Quoted  from  Lee,  Introd.  to  Eliz.  Sonnets,  i. 
p.  xxxix,  note.  In  reading  Watson,  one  finds  many 
more  traces  of  Petrarch  than  he  has  indicated. 

^  Arber,  English  Reprints,  vii.  33. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  107 

for  England  what  Ronsard  does  for  France.* 
Whatever  immediate  impulse  came  to  Watson 
from  France,  however,  he  was  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  the  Areopagus  circle.  The  references 
to  him  found  in  their  works,  though  full  of 
commendation,  all  date  ten  years  later  than  his 
sonnet  collection.  As  late  as  1587,  indeed, 
Abraham  Fraunce,  Areopagus  camp-follower, 
appropriated  Watson's  Latin  version  of  Aminta, 
turned  it  into  English,  and  published  it  without 
acknowledgment,  a  thing  he  would  hardly  have 
ventured  upon  if  Watson  had  been  of  the  inner 
circle.^ 

Among  the  poets  of  the  Areopagus  group, 
Sidney  easily  took  the  lead  in  the  enthusiastic 
attempt  to  nationalize  the  sonnet.  Not  only 
do  his  efforts  excel  in  power  of  conception  and 
skill  of  phrasing;  he  alone  of  the  group  has 
given  any  expression  of  the  ideas  held  by  him- 
self and  his  fellows  regarding  this  literary  form. 
The  expression,  however,  is  disappointing  in 
its  brevity.  Early  in  the  Defense  of  Poesy, 
when  Sidney  refers  to  the  ^'special  denomina- 
tions" of  poetry,  he  abides  by  the  old  division 
into  three  genres,  so  that  the  term  ^' lyric"  is 
used  to  embrace  both  sonnet  and  ode.^     Later 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  34-35.  There  is  a  letter  from  John  Lyly 
prefixed  to  Watson's  Passionate  Century.  This  would 
suggest  Watson's  connection  with  Lyly  and  his  Italian- 
ate  circle. 

2  Another  collection  of  poems  by  Watson,  The  Teares 
of  Fancy,  or  Love  Disdained,  was  published  posthumously 
in  1593.     Italian  influence  is  prominent  in  it. 

3  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber,  English  Reprints, 
London,  1868,  p.  45. 


108  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

on,  however,  when  he  takes  up  the  defects  in 
the  Enghsh  poetry  of  his  day,  his  statements 
are  far  more  exphcit:  — 

"Other  sorts  of  poetry  almost  have  we  none,  but 
that  lyrical  kind  of  songs  and  sonnets,  which,  Lord 
if  he  gave  us  so  good  minds,  how  well  it  might  be  < 
employed,  and  with  how  heavenly  fruits  both  private 
and  public,  singing  the  praises  of  the  immortal  beauty, 
the  immortal  goodness  of  that  God  who  giveth  us 
hands  to  write,  and  wits  to  conceive !  .  .  .  But 
truly,  many  of  such  writings  as  come  under  the  banner 
of  unresistable  love,  if  I  were  a  mistress  would  never 
persuade  me  they  were  in  love;  so  coldly  they  apply 
fiery  speeches,  as  men  that  had  rather  read  lovers' 
writings,  and  so  caught  up  certain  swelling  phrases 
.  .  .  than  that  in  truth  they  feel  those  passions, 
which  easily,  as  I  think,  may  be  bewrayed  by  the  same 
forcibleness,  or  energia  (as  the  Greeks  call  it)  of  the 
writer."  ^ 

From  this  paragraph  the  indication  is  clear 
that,  at  the  time  the  Defense  was  written,  the 
sonnet  was  a  recognized  subject  for  experiment 
among  English  poets.  It  must  be  remembered, 
however,  that  in  this  period  the  term  "  sonnet  " 
was  applied  freely  to  brief  love  lyrics,  with 
various  verse  forms.  Sidney's  critical  advice 
at  this  point  is  of  material  significance,  an- 
ticipating two  characteristic  lines  of  sonnet 
development  for  England.  The  first  half  of 
the  paragraph,  with  a  touch  of  Sidney's  Pla- 
tonism  in  it,  urges  English  poets  to  turn  their 
thoughts  to  the  religious  themes  already  adopted 
into  the  literature  of  Catholic  Italy,  and  inter- 

^  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  cit.,  p.  67. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  109 

esting  Protestants  and  a  few  Catholics  in  France. 
The  latter  part  is  a  plea  for  convincing  reality 
in  sonnet  composition,  the  revitalizing  of  an 
already  overworked  form. 

In  Sidney's  own  sonnet  sequence,  the  Astro-  \ 
phel  and  Stella,  he  has  managed  to  secure  a 
great  deal  of  the  sincerity  of  tone  for  which  he 
pleaded.  He  has  infused  much  originality 
into  his  verses.  This,  of  course,  is  rarely  an 
originality  of  theme,  situation,  or  metaphor. 
Such  things  are  practically  out  of  the  question. 
Even  when  he  proclaims  boldly,  in  his  seventy- 
fourth  Sonnet,  — 

"And  this  I  swear  by  blackest  brooke  of  hell, 
I  am  no  pickpurse  of  another's  wit,"  — 

he  is  merely  handing  down  the  tradition  of 
Italian  anti-Petrarchists  of  a  few  decades  earlier, 
who  professed  to  write  sonnets  in  the  manner 
of  Petrarch  without  plagiarizing  him.^  Sidney's 
method  of  procedure  with  these  conventional 
details  was  eclectic  in  the  better  sense.  In 
fact  it  must  have  been  almost  unconsciously  so, 
thus  separating  him  from  the  painstaking  worker 
in  mosaics  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  easy-going 
translator  on  the  other,  and  rendering  him  the 
despair  of  all  source-hunters.  The  freshness 
and  vigor  of  imagination,  to  be  found  at  times 
in  Desportes  and  more  generally  in  Ronsard, 
was  Sidney's  characteristic  quality,  and  with  it 
he  effected  the  transformations  that   give  to 

^  Cf.   on  this  matter  the  letters  of    Niccolo   Franco, 
quoted  by  Artm"o  Graf,  Attraverso  il  Cinquecento,  p.  48  sg. 


110  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

Astrophel  and  Stella  the  appearance  of  a  thing 
apart,  —  the  spontaneous  utterance  of  a  deeply 
emotional  lover.  With  this  quality  he  com- 
bined an  independence  of  spirit  as  well  as  of 
method  that  strikes  one  frequently  through- 
out the  series.  Like  Ronsard,  he  was  little 
affected  by  the  extravagances  of  Italian  con- 
cettismo,  but  cultivated  the  polished  simplicity 
of  Petrarch  and  the  school  of  Bembo.^  The 
Platonic  doctrines,  also,  play  an  important 
part  in  his  verses. 

Like  Ronsard  and  his  fellows  again,  Sidney 
was  considerably  drawn  to  the  models  furnished 
by  Greek  and  Latin  lyrists.  There  is  little  in- 
fluence of  these  in  Astrophel  and  Stella,  except 
perhaps  in  the  little  group  of  sonnets  concerned 
with  Stella's  kiss.^  The  Arcadia,  however, 
has  much  poetry~of  this  sort  scattered  through 
it,  including  even  some  of  Sidney's  early  ex- 
ercises in  classic  metres.  It  must  be  kept  in 
mind  that  regard  for  Greek  models  was  an 
important  part  of  Pleiade  theory,  and  that 
Siclney's  friend,  Henri  Estienne,  was  a  devoted 
champion  of  the  Greek. 

Sidney  reveals  his  independence  even  in  the 
structure  of  his  sonnets.  He  keeps  the  double 
quatrain  consistently,  but  departs  from  the 
English  couplet  at  least  a  score  of  times,  and 
frequently  diversifies  the  rhymes  in  the  pre- 

^  Many  of  the  motives  and  figures  of  Petrarch's 
poetry  may  be  discovered  in  Sidney.  Cf.  Koeppel's 
article,  Roman.  Forschungen,  v.  65  sq. 

2  Nos.  79,  80,  81. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  111 

ceding  four  lines,  so  that  he  obtains  the  effect, 
of  a  double  tercet.^  The  Alexandrine  verse,  ; 
which  Ronsard'and^Baif  had  used  considerably 
in  France,  is  employed  by  Sidney  in  various 
of  his  sonnets  and  in  two  of  the  songs  that 
accompany  the  series.  There  is  perhaps  little 
in  all  this  to  establish  French  influence  in 
Sidney's  lyrics ;  but  in  view  of  his  actual  ac-  ■ 
quaintance  with  Ronsard,  and  his  general 
familiarity  with  French  models,  there  is  strong 
probability  that  the  Pleiade  poets  were  some- 
what effective  in  turning  his  efforts  in  the 
direction  noted. 

The  Astrophel  and  Stella  sonnets,  while  not 
printed  until  1591,  were  of  course  written  some- 
time before  1586,  and  experienced  a  considerable 
period  of  manuscript  circulation.  To  about 
the  same  time  with  them,  then,  belongs  John 
Soothern's  verse  collection  Pandora,  in  1584.  i 
Of  all  crude,  blind  specimens  of  servile  imitation 
in  sonnet  history,  this  is  perhaps  the  worst. 
Soothern  merely  acknowledges  a  general  obli- 
gation to  Ronsard,  and  then  includes  in  his 
doggerel  translation  the  very  eulogies  of  his 
model  on  Henry  11.  of  France,  transferring 
their  application  to  his  own  patron.  When 
Ronsard  boasts  of  his  sources,  the  English  poet 
calmly  makes  this  boast  his  own.  In  an  age 
when    plagiarism    was    not    a    grievous    fault, 

^  In  eight  sonnets  Sidney  uses  the  rhyme  scheme 
abba  abba  ccd  eed,  the  favorite  structure  of 
Ronsard.  Cf.  J.  Schipper,  Neuenglische  Metrik,  ii.  2, 
849. 


112  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

except  in  the  charges  of  one's  enemies,  Put- 
tenham  has  found  Soothern's  method  of  pro- 
cedm'e  too  flagrant  to  escape  censure.  In  the 
Arte  of  English  Poesie  he  declares :  — 

"Another  of  reasonable  good  facilitie  in  transla- 
tion finding  certain  of  the  hymnes  of  Pyndarus  and 
of  Anacreon's  odes,  and  other  Lirickes  among  the 
Greekes  very  well  translated  by  Rounsard  the  French 
Poet,  and  applied  to  the  honour  of  a  great  prince  in 
France,  comes  our  minion  and  translates  the  same 
out  of  French  into  English,  and  applieth  them  to 
the  honour  of  a  great  noble  man  in  England  .  .  .  but 
doth  so  impudently  robbe  the  French  Poet  both  of 
his  prayse  and  also  of  his  French  termes,  that  I  cannot 
so  much  pitie  him  as  be  angry  with  him  for  his  iniurious 
dealing  —  our  said  maker  not  being  ashamed  to  use 
these  French  wordes  freddon,  egar,  superbous,  filand- 
ing,  celest,  calabrois,  thebanois,  and  a  number  of  others, 
for  English  words.  .  .  .  And  in  the  end  (which  is 
worst  of  all)  makes  his  vaunt  that  never  English 
finger  but  his  hath  toucht  Pindar's  string,  which  was 
nevertheless  word  by  word  as  Rounsard  had  said 
before  by  like  braggery."  ^ 

It  should  be  noted  that  Puttenham  speaks 
only  of  Ronsard's  renderings  from  the  Greek, 
giving  particular  emphasis  to  his  odes. 

There  was  no  further  publication  of  English 
sonnets  in  collections  until  after  1591.  In  the 
interim  poets  generally  were  growing  more 
familiar  with  continental  models,  but  their 
creative  efforts  were  confined  to  single  speci- 

^  Ed.  Arber,  English  Reprints,  London,  1869,  vii. 
259  sq.  Collier  (Bibl.  Cat.,  ed.  1865,  ii.  367)  has  shown 
conclusively  that  the  passage  is  a  reference  to  Soothern's 
v/ork. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  113 

mens  of  the  type,  not  venturing  upon  the  con- 
nected series.     Immediately  after  Sidney's  se- 
quence was  in  print,  the  great  wave  of  EngHsh 
sonneteering  began  its  movement,  and  then  it 
was  that   the   influence   of   France   was   most 
manifest.     In  part,  no  doubt,  this  was  clue  to 
the  fact  that  men  were  less  careful  just  at  this 
time  to  add  their  own  creative  power  to  what 
they  appropriated,  and  so  conceal  the  traces  of 
their  borrowing.     But  it  indicates  as  well  that 
these  particular  men  had  studied  the  sonnet  ^, 
series  carefully  in  the  forms  produced  by  the 
French  poets  and  were  influenced  accordingly.^ 
Daniel,  Constable,  and  Lodge,  the  three  men 
whose  work  was  first  made  public,  were  by  no 
means  ignorant  of  Italian  poetry  in  its  various 
forms.     Daniel  appended  two  translations  from  / 
the  Italian  to  his  sonnet  series,^  and  Lodge  ' 
was   constantly   adapting   Italian  poetry   with  I 
or   without    acknowledgment.     But   the    work 
of  each  of  them  presents  sonnets  which  parallel 
so  closely  certain  sonnets  in  the  French  that 
some  degree  of  dependence  is  unquestionable. 
In  the  case  of  Daniel  and  Constable  there  is 
also  the   question  of  sequence  title;    for  the 
French  custom  of  grouping  sonnets  under  the 
fanciful    name    of   the    mistress    now    became 

^  Cf.  p.  124,  the  statement  of  Lodge  in  1596  that 
Desportes's  writings,  in  English  form,  are  common 
property. 

^  One  of  these  is  a  Uteral  rendering  (unacknowledged) 
of  the  Golden  Age  chorus  in  Tasso's  Aminta;  the  other, 
"The  Description  of  Beauty,"  is  described  as  translated 
out  of  Marino. 


114  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

operative.  Daniers  Delia  very  probably  takes 
its  name  from  Maurice  Sc eve's  series  of  dizains, 
Delie,  ohjet  de  la  plus  haute  vertu,  with  its 
Platonic  obscurity/  while  Constable's  Diana 
at  once  suggests  Desportes's  Amours  de  Diane, 
which  in  some  cases  he  undoubtedly  used  as  a 
model. 

The  high  position  held  by  Daniel  in  the  regard 
of  Lady  Pembroke,  his  close  relations  with 
other  members  of  the  Sidney-Spenser  circle, 
and  his  interest  in  their  numerous  literary 
ventures,  particularly  the  classic  drama  on 
French  models,  have  been  discussed  at  length 
in  the  preceding  chapter.  As  noted  there, 
twenty-eight  of  Daniel's  sonnets  were  published 
in  1591,  with  the  first  edition  of  Astrophel  and 
Stella.  The  year  following,  he  embodied  these 
in  his  complete  collection,  Delia,  dedicated  to 
Lady  Pembroke.  In  view  of  the  apparently 
close  friendship  between  poet  and  patroness, 
and  the  aspirations  which  the  countess  seems 
to  have  had  toward  actual  coterie  leadership, 
there  is  considerable  ground  for  the  belief  that 
the  Delia  of  these  sonnets  was  in  reality  Lady 
Pembroke  herself.  The  melancholy  and  some- 
what obsequious  tone  throughout  the  series 
would  belong  naturally  to  such  a  situation, 
and  the  Platonic  element  appearing  occasionally 
would  have  been  very  pleasing  to  the  sister  of 
Sidney.     Attempts   to    read    such    significance 

*  J.  Guggenheimer,  Quellenstudien  zu  Samuel  Daniels 
Delia,  Berlin,  1898,  would  derive  the  name  from  the 
heroine  of  Tibullus's  first  book  of  Elegies. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  115 

into  Daniel's  own  statements  are  of  course 
dangerous.  The  prose  dedication  of  the  son- 
nets is  free  from  any  suggestion  of  the  kind. 
A  dedicatory  sonnet,  which  accompanied  the 
edition  of  1594,  while  it  addresses  Lady  Pem- 
broke as  '^patroness,"  contains  some  lines  at 
least  uncertain  enough  in  their  meaning  to 
deserve  quoting :  — 

"Wonder  of  these,  glory  of  other  times, 
O  thou  whom  Envy  ev'n  is  forst  t'  admyre : 
Great  Patroness  of  these  my  humble  Rhymes, 
Which  thou  from  out  thy  greatnes  doost  inspire 
Sith  onely  thou  hast  deigned  to  rayse  them  higher. 
Vouchsafe  now  to  accept  them  as  thine  owne. 
Begotten  by  thy  hand  and  my  desire, 
Wherein  my  zeale  and  thy  great  might  is  showne." 

Among  the  sonnets  themselves  there  is  one 
addressed  '^To  M.  P.,"  in  which  it  does  not 
seem  improbable  that  Daniel  addressed  Mary, 
Countess  of  Pembroke,  herself.  The  lines  be- 
wail the  fate  of  the  writer,  who 

"Like  as  the  spotlesse  Ermelin  distrest, 
Circumpast'd  round  with  filth  and  lothsome  mud," 

finds  his  spirit  prevented  by  poverty  from 
seeking  the  happiness  it  craves.  There  is 
at  least  good  reason  to  believe  that  Daniel's 
friends  recognized  Lady  Pembroke  under  the 
title  of  the  sonnets;  for  the  dedication  of 
Thomas  Watson's  Amintce  Gaudia  to  the  Coun- 
tess, in  1592,  addressed  her: — 

"Laurigera  stirpe  prognata  Delia." 


116  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

Daniel  draws  with  great  freedom  upon  the 
conventional  sonnet  motives  of  the  continent, 
displaying  an  artistic  skill  in  adaptation,  and 
instilling  an  element  of  personal  emotion  that 
place  him  near  the  rank  of  Sidney.  There  are 
certain  of  his  sonnets,  however,  that  are  lit- 
tle better  than  line-for-line  versions  of  corre- 
sponding sonnets  by  Desportes;  and  strangely 
enough  these  develop  some  of  the  most  familiar 
motives  in  the  whole  field  of  the  sonnet,  such 
conventionalized  subjects  as  The  Lady's  Mirror, 
The  Flight  of  Time,  and  an  Address  to  Sleep. 
The  ^^ mirror"  sonnet  will  illustrate  the  situa- 
tion. The  first  specimen  of  this  sort  was  a 
sonnet  by  Petrarch,  in  the  first  part  of  his  Rime, 
and  read  as  follows :  — 

"II  mio  avversario,  in  cui  veder  solete 

Gli  occhi  vostri,  ch' Amore  e  '1  Ciel  onora; 
Con  le  non  sue  bellezze  v'  innamora, 
Piu  che  'n  guisa  mortal,  soavi  et  liete. 

Per  consiglio  di  lui,  Donna,  m'  avete 
Scacciato  del  mio  dolce  albergo  f  ora ; 
Misero  esilio  !   avvegnach'  io  non  fora 
D'  abitar  degno,  ora  voi  sola  siete. 

Ma  s'  io  v'  era  con  saldi  chiovi  fisso, 

Non  devea  specchio  farvi  per  mio  danno, 
A  voi  stessa  piacendo,  aspra  e  superba. 

Certo,  se  vi  rimembra  di  Narcisso, 

Questo  e  quel  corso  ad  un  termino  vanno : 
Benche  di  si  bel  fior  sia  indegna  V  erba." 

At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  idea 
of  the  lady's  mirror  formed  the  basis  of  a  series 
of  strambotti,  developed  by  Serafino  dell' 
Aquila  with  all  his   favorite  tricks   of  style; 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  117 

and  after  circulating  among  the  various  poets, 
the  theme  was  finally  utilized  by  Desportes 
in  the  following  sonnet:  — 

"Pourquoy  si  folement  croyez-vous  a  un  verre, 

Voulant  voir  les  beautez  que  vous  avez  des  cieux  ? 
Mirez-vous  dessus  moy  pour  les  connoistre  mieux, 
Et  voyez  de  quels  traits  vostre  bel  ceil  m'enferre. 

Un  vieux  chesne  ou  un  pin,  renversez  contre  terre, 
Monstrent  combien  le  vent  est  grand  et  f urieux : 
Aussi  vous  connoistrez  le  pouvoir  de  vos  yeux, 
Voyant  par  quels  efforts  vous  me  faites  la  guerre. 

Ma  mort  de  vos  beautez  vous  doit  bien  asseurer, 
Joint  que  vous  ne  pouvez  sans  peril  vous  mirer : 
Narcisse  devint  fleur  d 'avoir  veu  sa  figure. 

Craignez  doncques,  madame,  un  semblable  danger, 
Non  de  devenir  fleur,  mais  de  vous  voir  changer, 
Par  vostre  ceil  de  Meduse,  en  quelque  roche  dure."^ 

This  is  the  sonnet  which  Daniel  renders  so 
literally,  getting  the  result  that  follows :  — 

"Why  doost  thou  Delia  credit  so  thy  glasse, 

Gazing  thy  beauty  deign 'd  thee  by  the  skies : 
And  doest  not  rather  looke  on  him  (alas) 
Whose  state  best  shewes  the  force  of  murdering 
eies? 

The  broken  tops  of  lofty  trees  declare 
The  fury  of  a  mercy-wanting  storme ; 
And  of  what  force  thy  wounding  graces  are. 
Upon  my  selfe  thou  best  mayst  finde  the  forme. 

Then  leave  thy  glasse,  and  gaze  thy  selfe  on  me. 
That  mirror  shewes  what  power  is  in  thy  face: 
To  view  your  forme  too  much,  may  danger  bee, 
Narcissus  chang'd  t'a  flower  in  such  a  case. 

And  you  are  changed,  but  not  t'a  Hiacint ; 

I  feare  your  eye  hath  turnd  your  heart  to  flint."  ^ 

^Amours    d'Hippolyte,    18;     Desportes,    CEuvres,  ed. 
Michiels,   Paris,  1858,  p.  122. 

2  Delia,  37;  Daniel,  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  i.  61. 


118  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

Just  as  literal  a  method  was  employed  by 
Daniel  in  appropriating  Desportes's  sonnet  on 
The  Flight  of  Time ;  ^  and  the  familiar 

"Care-charmer  sleep,  son  of  the  sable  night " 

is  only  a  little  less  slavish  in  its  dependence 
on  the  French  poet.^  Two  other  sonnets  of 
Daniel  are  freer  renderings  from  Desportes.^ 
There  is  no  reason  to  infer  from  these  examples 
either  discipleship  or  customary  method.  The 
sonnets  Daniel  has  made  use  of  are  not  char- 
acteristic of  the  manner  of  Desportes,  and  this 
manner  is  little  manifest  throughout  the  Delia, 
The  reasonable  conclusion  is  that  Daniel  knew 
Desportes's  work,  that  he  had  no  particular 
sympathy  with  its  style,  but  that  he  felt  perfect 
freedom  in  drawing  from  it,  for  convenience, 
the  detailed  inspiration  of  a  few  of  his  sonnets. 
While  there  is  no  particular  reason  to  as- 
sociate Daniel's  sonnets  with  those  of  Du 
Bellay,  there  is  some  indication  that,  drawn 
by  his  friendship  with  Spenser,  Daniel  went  to 
this  particular  French  poet  for  the  impulse  of 
two  of  his  sonnets.  Du  Bellay  had  spent  some 
years  of  his  life  in  Italy,  and  out  of  his  sojourn 
there  had  grown  two  sonnet  collections,  Les 
Antiquitez  de  Rome  and  the  Regrets.  The  first 
of  these,  celebrating  the  transitory  nature  of 
human   affairs,    furnished   the    inspiration    for 

^  Delia,  38;  Amours  de  Cleonice,  62. 
"^  Delia,  54;  Amours  d'Hippolyte,  75. 
^  Delia,  9;  Amours  de  Diane,   i.   29;    and  Delia,  15; 
Amours  de  Diane,  i.  8. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  119 

several  divisions  of  Spenser's  Complaints,  pub- 
lished in  1591.  The  second  was  the  poet's 
lament  for  the  delights  of  his  native  land,  from 
which  he  was  for  the  time  separated.  Reflect- 
ing the  first  of  these  is  the  forty-fifth  sonnet 
of  Daniel's  collection,  referring  apparently  to 
an  experience  of  the  author  in  Rome. 

''Delia,  these  eyes  that  so  admireth  thine, 

Have  seene  those  walls  which  proud  ambition  rear'd 
To  check  the  world,  how  they  intomb'd  have  lien 
Within  themselves,  and  on  them  ploughs  have  ear'd. 

Yet  never  found  that  barbarous  hand  attaind 
The  spoyle  of  fame  deserv'd  by  vertuous  men : 
Whose  glorious  actions  luckily  had  gaind 
Th'  eternall  Annals  of  a  happy  pen. 

And  therefore  grieve  not  if  thy  beauties  die, 
Though  time  do  spoyle  thee  of  the  fairest  vaile 
That  ever  yet  covered  mortality, 
And  must  instarre  the  Needle,  and  the  Raile, 

That  Grace  which  doth  more  then  in  Woman  thee, 

Lives  in  my  lines,  and  must  eternall  bee." 

The  fiftieth  sonnet  of  the  series,  represented 
as  '^made  in  Italy,"  corresponds  to  the  seri- 
ous spirit  of  the  Regrets.  Both  these  sonnets 
might  have  found  inspiration  enough  among 
the  Itahans,^  and  the  relation  does  not  involve 
much.  In  fact,  for  Daniel,  French  influence  in 
the  sonnets  can  be  regarded  as  only  an  inci- 
dental matter  after  all.  It  is  probable  that 
he  was  much  more  vitally  indebted  to  the 
Italian    poets.     There    is    interesting    external 

^  Pamphilo  Sasso,  for  example,  wrote  on  the  theme  of 
separation  from  his  lady.  Cf.  J.  Vianey,  in  Bull.  ItaL, 
iv.  35. 


120  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

evidence  of  this  in  the  second  part  of  the  Return 
from  Parnassus,  where  Judicio  ^' censures 'V 
Daniel  thus: — 

"Sweete  hony  dropping  Daniell  doth  wage 
Warre  with  the  proudest  big  ItaHan, 
That  melts  his  heart  in  sugred  sonneting. 
Onely  let  him  more  sparingly  make  use 
Of  others  wit,  and  use  his  owne  the  more : 
That  well  may  scorn  base  imitation." 

Apparently  it  was  Edmund  Spenser,  in 
particular,  who  was  impressed  by  Du  Bellay's 
U  Antiquitez  de  Rome.  This  involves  attributing 
to  Spenser  the  Complaints  published  as  his  in 
1591,  and  not  questioned  at  that  time.  Of  the 
nine  divisions  in  this  collection,  four  are  more 
or  less  indebted  to  the  Antiquitez :  (1)  The  Ruins 
of  Time;  (5)  The  Ruins  of  Rome  by  Bellay; 
(7)  Visions  of  the  World's  Vanity;  (8)  The 
Visions  of  Bellay.  The  ''Ruins  of  Rome '^ 
and  "Visions  of  Bellay"  are  fairly  literal 
adaptations,  the  latter  being  based  on  the  last 
fifteen  sonnets  in  Du  Bellay's  collection,  which 
he  had  entitled  the  ''  Songe  ou  Vision  sur  Rome." 
The  other  divisions  mentioned  reproduce  the 
spirit  of  Du  Bellay's  verse  and  show  various 
resemblances  in  detail.  Both  the  Antiquitez 
and  Spenser's  renderings  approach  the  spirit 
of  the  love-lyric  only  in  so  far  as  the  decay 
of  worldly  things  often  afforded  the  love-poets 
a  setting  for  a  Platonic  revery  on  the  immortal- 
ity of  beauty,  a  conventional  prayer  that  their 
verses  might  confer  undying  fame,  or  perhaps 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  121 

an  Epicurean  revel  in  the  'Tarpe  diem"  motive. 
Spenser  was  drawn  seriously  and  naturally  to 
this  poetry  of  ruins,  prompted  by  a  conception 
of  Platonism  similar  to  that  which  the  Italian 
Ficino  had  taught.  The  tone  of  melancholy  it 
involves  is  often  present  in  his  work  and  was 
bequeathed  to  his  disciples.  For  how  much 
of  it  he  is  indebted  to  Du  Bellay  it  would  be 
hard  to  tell.  The  fact  remains  that  the  Anti- 
quitez  afforded  him  a  model  which  tempted 
him  for  a  time  at  least  away  from  Fairyland. 

In  the  work  of  Thomas  Lodge,  direct  indebt-  \ 
edness  to  French  sonnet  writers,  particularly 
Desportes  and  Ronsard,  reached  its  height. 
Drawing  with  perfect  freedom  upon  all  the 
poetry  available.  Lodge  probably  found  these 
French  lyrics  easy  of  access  and  well  fitted  to 
his  purpose,  and  appropriated  them,  as  usual, 
without  compunction.  This  borrowing  from  \ 
the  French  began  at  least  as  early  as  1589,  and 
perhaps  considerably  earlier.^  It  appears  in 
as  many  as  five  poems  scattered  through  ScilWs 
Metamorphosis,  in  that  year;    in  five  more  in 

^  F.  E.  Schelling,  Elizabethan  Lyrics,  p.  212,  says  in  a 
note  to  the  poem,  "  The  earth,  late  choked  with  showers," 
from  Lodge's  Scilla's  Metamorphosis,  1589:  ''The  first 
line  of  'Glaucus  and  Scilla,'  the  chief  poem  of  the  volume 
.  .  .  fixes  the  date  —  of  that  poem  at  least  —  as  prior 
to  Lodge's  departure  from  Cambridge,  1577:  — 

'  Walking  alone  —  all  lonely  full  of  grief  — 
Within  a  thicket  near  the  Isis'  flood  .  .  .' " 

Schelling  notes  further  that  in  his  dedication  Lodge 
promises  his  friend  better  poetical  fare  "next  term." 


122  THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

the  Rosalynde,  the  year  following;  and  once 
in  the  History  of  Robert,  Second  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy, in  1591.  With  such  experience,  it  is 
little  wonder  that  Lodge  felt  equal  to  a  sonnet 
sequence,  his  Phillis,  which  appeared  in  1593. 
This  is  a  small  series  of  only  forty  sonnets, 
but  no  less  than  eleven  of  these  are  clearly 
appropriated,  —  three  from  Desportes  and  the 
remainder  from  Ronsarcl.^     It  should  also  be 

^  It  may  be  well  to  summarize  these  various  borrow- 
ings by  Lodge,  with  the  names  of  the  critics  who  have 
noted  the  resemblances :  — 

I.    In  Scilla's  Metamorphosis  (1589). 

1.  In  praise  of  the   countrey  life    (ed.   Hunterian 

Club,  p.  34).  From  Desportes,  Opening 
Chanson  of  Berg  cries.     Noted  by  Kastner. 

2.  "I  will  become  a  Hermit  now"  (p.  43).     From 

Desportes,  Diane,  ii.   8.      Noted  by  Kastner. 

3.  "  Wearie  am  I  to  wearie  Gods  and  men"  (p.  44). 

From  Desportes,  Complainte  at  end  of  Berge- 
ries.     Noted  by  Kastner. 

4.  "If  that  I  seek  the  shades  I  suddenly  do  see" 

(p.  44).  From  Desportes,  Diane,  ii.  3. 
Noted  by  Lee,  Maiberger,  and  A.  H.  Bullen 
(Lyrics  from  Eliz.  Romances,  pp.  166-7). 

5.  "The  earth  late  choked  with  flowers"   (p.  46). 

From    Desportes,    Diane,     ii.    "  Complainte " 
preceding  sonnet    29.      Noted    by  numerous 
critics. 
II.    In  Rosalynde  (1590). 

1.  Montanus's  French  song   (p.   101)    (see  above). 

Noted  by  Lee. 

2.  "Turn    I   my   looks   unto   the   skies"    (p.    74). 

From  Desportes,  Diane,  ii.  3.  Noted  by  Lee, 
Maiberger,  and  Bullen  {op.  cit.,  pp.  166-7). 

3.  Saladyne's  sonnet    (p.    109).     From   Desportes, 

Diane,  i.  41.     Noted  by  Kastner. 

4.  Phoebe's    Sonetto   (p.   117).      From    Desportes, 

Diane,  i.  68.     Noted  by  Kastner. 

5.  "First   shall   the   heavens   want   starry   light" 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  123 

borne  in  mind  that  Lodge  contributed  an  eight- 
line  poem  in  French  to  Greene's  Spanish  Mas- 
querado,  1589,  and  pubHshed  in  his  own  Life 
and  Death  of  William  Longheard,  1593,  a  twenty- 
hne  poem,  an  ^^  imitation  of  a  sonnet  in  an 
ancient  French  poet."  ^ 


(p.    38).     From      Desportes,    Diane,    i.     68. 

Noted  by  Bullen  (op.  cit.,  pp.  x-xi.). 
TIL    In   History   of  Robert,   Second  Duke  of  Normandy 

(1591). 
1.    (Cf.  son.  38,  Phillis)  (p.  25).     From  Desportes, 

Diane,  i.  34.     Noted  by  Maiberger. 
IV.     In  Phillis  (1593). 

1.  Sonnet    36.      From    Desportes,   Diane,    ii.    3. 

Noted  by  Lee,   Maiberger,  and  Bullen    (op. 
cit.,  pp.  166-7). 

2.  Sonnet    37.     From    Desportes,   Diane,    i.    49. 

Noted  by  Lee  and  Kastner. 

3.  Sonnet    38.     From    Desportes,   Diane,    i.   34. 

Noted  by  Kastner. 

4.  Sonnet     9.     From     Ronsard,    Amours,    i.    94. 

Noted  by  Lee  and  Kastner. 

5.  Sonnet   22.     In  part  from   Ronsard,   Amours, 

i.  183.     Kastner. 

6.  Sonnet    30.     From    Ronsard,    Amours,    i.  131. 

Noted  by  Lee  and  Kastner. 

7.  Sonnet    31.     From    Ronsard,   Amours,    i.   119. 

Lee. 

8.  Sonnet    32.     From    Ronsard,    Amours,    i.  22. 

Lee,  Kastner,  and  Maiberger. 

9.  Sonnet    33.     From    Ronsard,    Amours,    i.  32. 

Lee  and  Kastner. 

10.  Sonnet    34.     From    Ronsard,    Amours,    i.  20. 

Lee  and  Kastner. 

11.  Sonnet    35.      From    Ronsard,    Amours,   i.  12. 

Lee,  Kastner,  and  Maiberger. 

^  Ed.    Hunterian    Club,    1883,    ii.     19    sq.     Mention 

should  be  made  in  this  connection  of  two  poems  with 

French  refrains,  appearing  in  Greene's  romances.     One 

is  a  complaint  of  Venus  to  Adonis,  in  Never  Too  Late 


124  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

By  1590,  as  it  appears,  Lodge's  obligations  to 
Ronsard  were  widely  enough  known  to  give 
point  to  an  elaborately  conceived  jest  at  his 
expense.  In  that  year  appeared  Tarleton^s 
News  out  of  Purgatory,  probably  by  Thomas 
Nash.  The  author  represents  the  shade  of 
Ronsard  reading  from  manuscript  some  of  his 
own  verses.  These  the  author  quotes  in  full; 
'^  because,"  he  says,  '^his  [Ronsard's]  stile 
is  not  common,  nor  have  I  heard  our  English 
poets  write  in  that  vaine."  But  the  verses 
in  question  turn  out  to  be  a  ridiculous  parody 
on  the  ^'sonnet"  of  Montanus,  in  Lodge's 
Rosalynde  just  published,  and  the  point  is 
obvious.  As  regards  Lodge's  attitude  toward 
Desportes,  he  has  himself  supplied  some  inter- 
esting information  in  a  much-quoted  passage 
in  A  Margarite  of  America  (1596) :  "  ...  Few 
men  are  able  to  second  the  sweete  conceites 
of  Philip  du  Fortes  whose  poeticall  writings 
being  alreadie  for  the  most  part  englished  and 
ordinarilie  in  everie  man's  hands.  .  .  ."  ^  This, 
it  will  be  seen,  is  testimony  tending  to  establish 
a  general  acquaintance  with  Desportes,  even 
extending,  by  way  of  translations,  to  those 
unable  to  read  French.  No  English  transla- 
tions of  Desportes  and  no  further  suggestions 
of  them  have  come  down  to  us.  Michael 
Drayton,  though,  is  probably  making  a  general 

(1590),  the  other  is  Mullidor's  Madrigal  in  Francesco's 
Fortunes   (1590).     Both  poems  are  printed  in  BuUen's 
Lyrics  from  Elizabethan  Rojnances,  pp.  24  and  32. 
1  Ed.  J.  O.  Halliwell,  London,  1859,  p.  116. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  125 

statement  rather  than  merely  aiming  a  thrust 
at  Lodge,  when  he  declares  of  himself  in  the 
introductory  sonnet  to  the  edition  of  Idea, 
published  in  1594 :  — 

..."  I  wrong  not  other  men, 
Nor  traffique  further  than  thys  happy  clyme, 
Nor  filch  from  Fortes,  nor  from  Petrarch's  pen, 
A  fault  too  common  in  thys  latter  tyme.''  ^ 

The  use  Lodge  makes  of  his  borrowed  sonnet 
material  is  so  various  that  it  is  difficult  to  gen- 
eralize on  the  actual  influence  which  his  French 
models  had  upon  him.  In  fact,  one  doubts 
if  they  had  any  influence  except  to  facilitate 
his  literary  efforts  by  providing  plenty  of  ma- 
terial ready  at  hand.  The  very  fact  that  he 
drew  with  equal  freedom  from   Desportes  and 

^Some  further  corroboration  of  English  knowledge  of 
Desportes  about  this  time  is  available.  In  the  Phoenix 
Nest,  a  miscellany  published  in  1593,  there  are  two  lyrics 
from  Desportes.  The  first  stanza  of  the  poem  be- 
ginning, "  O  Night,  O  jealous  Night,  repugnant  to  my 
measures  (Bullen,  op.  cit.,  pp.  x  and  68),  is  from  the 
opening  of  a  sonnet  in  the  Diverses  Amours,  "  O  Nuit, 
jalouse  Nuit,  contre  moi  conjur^e,"  etc.  The  poem 
beginning,  "  Those  eyes  that  set  my  fancy  on  a  fire," 
represents  Diane,  i.  11.  It  was  reprinted  in  Barley's 
New  Book  of  Tabliture,  in  1596.  Another  popular  sonnet 
of  Desportes  was  Diane,  i.  32  (Bullen,  o-p.  cit.,  p.  222), 
which  appeared  as  the  fifteenth  sonnet  in  Spenser's 
Amoretti,  1595,  and  also  inspired  a  sonnet  in  the  collec- 
tion Emaricdulfe ,"  by  E.  C,  in  the  same  year,  and  a  poem 
in  Wilbye's  Madrigals  as  late  as  1598.  Grosart,  in  his 
edition  of  Breton's  works,  i.  p.  Ixvi,  notes  that  a  sonnet 
by  Breton  "  Of  his  Mistress'  Love,"  in  Arbor  of  Amorous 
Devices,  also  Griffin's  Fidessa,  sonnet  57,  are  both  from 
Desportes's  "  Un  jour,  I'aveugle  Amour,  Diane  et  ma 
maistresse  "  (Diane,  i.  15) . 


126  THE    ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

Ronsard  indicates  a  rather  easy  adaptability 
ill  his  tastes.  It  appears,  however,  that  he 
really  preferred  the  more  elaborate  conceits  of 
Desportes,  for  most  of  his  borrowings  from  that 
author  are  characteristic  products,  while  from 
Ronsard  he  takes  rather  those  less  like  the 
norm  and  more  in  the  manner  of  Desportes. 

While  his  versions  follow  the  originals  very 
closely.  Lodge  was  by  nature  the  poet  of  the 
madrigal  rather  than  of  the  sonnet,  and  usually 
managed  to  introduce  something  of  the  tone 
he  preferred.  Often  he  changed  the  verse 
structure  entirely,  as  in  the  case  of  the  third 
sonnet  of  the  second  part  of  Desportes's  Amours 
de  Diane.  This  he  introduced  in  his  prose  work, 
once  as  a  sonnet,  once  in  another  type  of  verse, 
and  finally  reconstructed  as  the  thirty-sixth  son- 
net of  his  Phillis.     Desportes's  version  reads :  — 

"Si  je  me  siez  h  Tombre,  aussi  soudainement 
Amour,  laissant  son  arc,  s'assied  et  se  repose ; 
Si  je  pense  a  des  vers,  je  le  voy  qui  compose; 
Si  je  plains  mes  douleurs,  il  se  plaint  hautement. 
Si  je  me  plais  au  mal,  il  accroist  mon  tourment; 
Si  je  respan  des  pleurs,  son  visage  il  arrose ; 
Si  je  monstre  ma  playe,  en  ma  poitrine  enclose, 
II  defait  son  bandeau,  Tessuyant  doucement. 
Si  je  vais  par  les  bois,  aux  bois  il  m'accompagne. 
Si  je  me  suis  cruel,  dans  mon  sang  il  se  bagne, 
Si  je  vais  a  la  guerre,  il  devient  mon  soldart, 
Si  je  passe  la  nuict,  il  conduit  ma  nacelle; 
Bref,  jamais  Timportun  de  moy  ne  se  depart, 
Pour  rendre  mon  desir  et  ma  peine  eternelle." 

This  is  introduced  by  Lodge  in  his  Rosalynde, 
with  a  verse-structure  entirely  free  from  com- 
plications. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  127 

"  Turne  I  my  lookes  unto  the  Skies, 
Love  with  his  arrowes  wounds  mine  eies : 
If  so  I  gaze  upon  the  ground, 
Love  then  in  everie  flower  is  found. 
Search  I  the  shade  to  flie  my  paine, 
He  meetes  me  in  the  shade  againe : 
Wend  I  to  walke  in  secrete  grove. 
Even  there  I  meete  with  sacred  Love. 
If  so  I  bayne  me  in  the  spring. 
Even  on  the  brinke  I  heare  him  sing : 
If  so  I  meditate  alone, 
He  will  be  partner  of  my  moane. 
If  so  I  mourn,  he  weepes  with  mee, 
And  where  I  am,  there  will  he  bee.  ..." 

The  sonnet  which  he  finally  introduced  into 
Phillis  reads  as  follows :  — 

"  If  so  I  seek  the  shades,  I  presently  do  see 
The  god  of  love  forsakes  his  bow  and  sit  me  by ; 
If  that  I  think  to  write,  his  Muses  pliant  be. 
If  so  I  plain  my  grief,  the  wanton  boy  will  cry. 
If  I  lament  his  pride,  he  doth  increase  my  pain ; 
If  tears  my  cheeks  attaint,  his  cheeks  are  moist  with 

moan; 
If  I  disclose  the  wounds  the  which  my  heart  hath 

slain. 
He  takes  his  fascia  off,  and  wipes  them  dry  anon. 
If  so  I  walk  the  woods,  the  v/oocls  are  his  delight; 
If  I  myself  torment,  he  bathes  him  in  my  blood ; 
He  will  my  soldier  be  if  once  I  wend  to  fight. 
If  seas  delight,  he  steers  my  bark  amidst  the  flood. 
In  brief,  the  cruel  god  doth  never  from  me  go. 
But  makes  my  lasting  love  eternal  with  my  woe.' 


}> 


Thoroughly  in  keeping  with  Lodge's  liking 
for  the  conceits  of  Desportes  is  his  tendency, 
especially  in  dealing  with  Ronsard,  to  embellish 
the    French    author's    descriptions    with    new 


128  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

flowers  of  his  own  devising.  The  one  hundred 
and  thirty-first  sonnet  from  the  first  book  of 
Ronsard's  Amours  reads  thus :  — 

"  Je  parangonne  a  ta  jeune  beaute, 

Qui  toujours  dure,  en  son  printemps  nouvelle, 

Ce  mois  d'avril  qui  ses  fleurs  renouvelle, 

En  sa  plus  gaye  et  verte  nouveaute. 
Loin  devant  toy  s'enfuit  la  cruaute, 

Devant  luy  fuit  la  saison  plus  cruelle ; 

n  est  tout  beau,  ta  face  est  toute  belle ; 

Ferme  est  son  cours,  ferme  est  ta  loyaute. 
1\  peint  les  bois,  les  forests  et  les  plaines, 

Tu  peins  mes  vers  d'un  bel  email  de  fleurs; 

Des  laboureurs  il  arrose  les  peines, 
D'un  vain  espoir  tu  laves  mes  douleurs; 

Du  ciel  sur  I'herbe  il  fait  tomber  les  pleurs, 

Tu  fais  sortir  de  mes  yeux  deux  fontaines." 

In  Lodge's  hand  it  becomes  as  follows,  in  the 
thirtieth  sonnet  of  his  Phillis:  — 

"  I  do  compare  unto  thy  youthly  clear, 

Which  always  bides  within  thy  flow 'ring  prime, 
The  month  of  April,  that  bedews  our  clime 
With    pleasant   flowers,  when   as  his  showers  ap- 
pear. 

Before  thy  face  shall  fly  false  cruelty. 
Before  his  face  the  doly  season  fleets ; 
Mild  been  his  looks,  thine  eyes  are  full  of  sweets; 
Firm  is  his  course,  firm  is  thy  loyalty. 

He  paints  the  fields  through  liquid  crystal  showers, 
Thou  paint 'st  my  verse  with  Pallas'  learned  flowers ; 
With  Zephirus'  sweet  breath  he  fills  the  plains. 
And  thou  my  heart  with  weeping  sighs  dost  wring ; 

His  brows  are  dewed  with  morning's  crystal  spring, 

Thoumak'st  my  eyes  with  tears  bemoan  my  pains." 

On  the  whole,  Lodge's  style  is  bright  and 
vivacious,   combining   vigor,  sweetness,  and  a 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  129 

sense  of  reality.  His  decorations  and  meta- 
phors, even  when  elaborate,  do  not  seem  heavy. 
He  appears  to  have  much  in  common  with 
Desportes,  and  even  in  his  care-free  borrowing 
from  convenient  sources  probably  received 
further  impetus  from  the  French  poet  in  the 
direction  where  natural  tastes  were  already 
drawing  him.  If  nothing  else,  he  illustrates 
the  intimate  acquaintance  of  English  poets 
with  Ronsard  and  Desportes  at  this  period. 

The  sonnets  of  Henry  Constable  and  Barnabe 
Barnes  are  best  considered  together,  for  both 
men,  in  a  similar  way,  are  rich  in  suggestion 
of  the  later  developments  in  this  vogue  in  the 
various  countries.  Just  as  in  Italy  and  France 
the  final  extravagances  and  figurative  excesses 
of  sonnet  composition  were  attended  by  the 
serious  employment  of  the  form,  with  many 
of  its  conventions,  in  the  service  of  religious 
themes,  so  it  happened  in  England.  Both 
lines  of  development  were  present,  and  some- 
times, as  with  Desportes  in  France,  in  the  work 
of  the  same  men.  This  is  the  combination 
represented  by  Constable  and  Barnes.  There 
is  the  usual  difficulty  in  determining  how  far 
they  were  affected  by  French  influence  and 
with  what  results.  Constable  was  certainly 
exposed  considerably  to  such  influence,  for 
not  long  after  obtaining  a  degree  from  Cam- 
bridge in  1580,  he  became  a  Roman  CathoHc 
and  went  to  Paris  to  live,  remaining  there  until 
the  accession  of  James.  His  sonnets,  both 
amorous    and    religious,    were    written    there 

K 


130  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

and  circulated  in  England  by  his  friends,  under 
whose  direction  the  Diana  was  published  in 
1592.  Another  edition,  two  years  later,  con- 
tained a  sonnet  by  Richard  Smith  the  pub- 
lisher, which  has  characterized  the  Diana 
sonnets  for  all  time.  It  is  addressed  to  two 
ladies :  — 

"You  twofold  charities,  celestial  lights, 
Bow  your  sun-rising  eyes,  planets  of  joy, 
Upon  these  orphan  poems ;  in  whose  rights 
Conceit  first  claimed  his  birthright  to  enjoy." 

Whatever  meaning  Mr.  Smith  may  have  in- 
tended for  the  word,  '^conceit"  is  certainly 
a  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Diana.  There 
is  also  considerable  variation  in  metre  and 
rhyme,  the  final  couplet  being  several  times 
avoided.  The  suspicion  is,  however,  that,  al- 
though Constable  was  probably  familiar  enough 
with  the  Italians,  much  of  this  quality  he  ob- 
tained direct  from  Desportes.  The  title  of 
the  series  is  apparently  drawn  from  the  Amours 
de  Diane.  Two  sonnets  at  least  are  almost 
literal  renderings  from  Desportes,  one  of  these 
being  the  familiar  motive  handed  down  from 
Petrarch :  — 

"Unhappy  day,  unhappy  month  and  season    .  .  ."  ^ 

The  other  parallel  is  even  closer,  as  will  be  seen 
by  comparison.^  The  original  is  the  twenty- 
sixth   in  the  first  book  of  Desportes's   Diane. 

^  Diana,  sonnet  8,  decade  6,  from  Desportes,  Amours 
de  Diane,  i.  47. 

2  These  resemblances  are  both  noted  in  Lee,  op.  cit. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  131 

''Mon  Dieu !  mon  Dieu  I  que  j'aime  ma  deesse 

Et  de  son  chef  les  tresors  precieux ! 

Mon  Dieu  !  mon  Dieu !  que  j  'aime  ses  beaux  yeux, 

Dont  Tun  m'est  doux,  Tautre  plein  de  rudesse  ! 
Mon  Dieu  !  mon  Dieu  !  que  j  'aime  la  sagesse 

De  ses  discours,  qui  raviroient  les  Dieux, 

Et  la  douceur  de  son  ris  gracieux, 

Et  de  son  port  la  royale  hautesse ! 
Mon  Dieu  !  que  j  'aime  a  me  ressouvenir 

Du  tans  qu 'Amour  me  fist  serf  devenir ! 

Toujours  depuis  j 'adore  mon  servage. 
Mon  mal  me  plaist  plus  il  est  violant ; 

Un  feu  si  beau  m'egaye  en  me  brulant, 

Et  la  rigueur  est  douce  en  son  visage." 

The  English  rendering  of  this  appears  as  the 
tenth  sonnet  of  the  sixth  decade. 

''  My  God,  my  God,  how  much  I  love  my  goddess, 
Whose  virtues  rare,  unto  the  heavens  arise  ! 
My  God,  my  God,  how  much  I  love  her  eyes 
One  shining  bright,  the  other  full  of  hardness ! 

My  God,  my  God,  how  much  I  love  her  wisdom. 
Whose  works  may  ravish  heaven's  richest  maker ! 
Of  whose  eyes'  joys  if  I  might  be  partaker 
Then  to  my  soul  a  holy  rest  would  come. 

My  God,  how  much  I  love  to  hear  her  speak ! 
Whose  hands  I  kiss  and  ravished  oft  rekisseth, 
When   she   stands   wotless   whom     so    much   she 

blesseth. 
Say  then,  what  mind  this  honest  love  would  break ; 

Since  her  perfections  pure,  withouten  blot. 

Makes  her  beloved  of  thee,  she  knoweth  not  ?  " 

The  fact  remains  that  these  sonnets  which 
Constable  obviously  drew  from  Desportes  are 
scarcely  in  the  extravagant  vein  at  all,  thus 
indicating  the  presence  of  other  models.  It  is 
probable,  though,  that  Constable's  sixteen  Spir^ 


132  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

itiiall  Sonnets  were  prompted  by  the  example 
of  Desportes.  Their  author  was  a  CathoHc 
like  the  French  poet;  and  they  also  were  com- 
posed during  that  sojourn  in  France,  thus 
being  entirely  independent  of  the  Protestant 
religious  current  that  passed  from  France  into 
England  under  the  encouragement  of  the  Sid- 
neys. These  sonnets  as  such  have  no  par- 
ticular significance.  But  they  are  serious  and 
devout,  and  were  counted  by  Constable  among 
his  best  work. 

In  Barnes's  collection,  Parthenophil  and  Par- 
thenophe,  there  is  no  end  to  the  vagaries.  Ap- 
parently he  had  power  and  originality,  but  was 
sadly  lacking  in  restraint.  He  was  a  good 
friend  of  Harvey,  and  was  near  enough  to  Lady 
Pembroke  to  address  her,  in  a  sonnet  accom- 
panying his  collection,  as  — 

"  Pride  of  our  English  Ladies !  never  matched ! 
Great  Favourer  of  Phcebus'  offspring ! 
In  whom,  even  Phoebus  is  most  flourishing ! 
Muse's  chief  comfort !    Of  the  Muses,  hatched  !" 

He  is  supposed  to  have  gone  to  France  with  the 
Earl  of  Essex  in  1591,  and  there  is  no  evidence 
of  his  return  before  1595.  The  preface  to  his 
Spiritiiall  Sonnets  represents  them  as  written 
in  France  in  1594.  Parthenophil  and  Par- 
thenophe  was  published  in  England  in  1593, 
but  friends  may  have  managed  this  in  his  case 
also. 

No  single  model  or  group  of  models  will 
account  for  his  peculiarities.     He  has  an  abrupt 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  133 

exclamatory  style  that  often  becomes  almost 
incoherent.  He  is  fond  of  unpoetic  figures, 
such  as  those  from  law  and  from  astronomy. 
In  some  sonnets,  and  especially  in  his  accom- 
panying lyrics,  the  mood  is  the  warmer  one  of 
the  Greek  and  Latin  poets.  Indeed  he  makes 
several  attempts  at  classic  metres  in  his  longer 
poems.  Many  sonnets  have  fifteen  lines,  and 
his  rhyme  schemes  reveal  every  possible  varia- 
tion. His  own  suggestion  of  his  models  is 
found  in  a  sonnet  fairly  characteristic  of  his 
style,  the  forty-fourth  of  his  series. 

"O  dart  and  thunder !  whose  fierce  violence 
Surmounting  Rhetoric's  dart  and  thunder  bolts, 
Can  never  be  set  out  in  eloquence ! 
Whose  might  all  metal's  mass  asunder  moults ! 
Where  be  the  famous  Prophets  of  old  Greece  ? 
Those  ancient  Roman  poets  of  account  ? 
Musseus,  who  went  for  the  Golden  Fleece 
With  Jason,  and  did  Hero's  love  recount ! 
And  thou,  sweet  Naso,  with  the  golden  verse ; 
Whose  lovely  spirit  nourished  Caesar's  daughter! 
And  that  sweet  Tuscan,  Petrarch,  which  did  pierce 
His  Laura  with  Love  Sonnets,  when  he  caught  her ! 
Where  be  all  these  ?  That  all  these  might  have  taught 

her, 
That  Saints  divine,  are  known  Saints  by  their  mercy ! 
And  Saint-like  beauty  should  not  rage  with  pierce 

eye!" 

The  possibilities  of  French  influence  in  the 
work  of  Barnes  are  about  threefold.  With  his 
fondness  for  classic  verse  perhaps  increased 
during  the  friendship  with  Harvey,  he  would 
have  found  much  encouragement  among  the 
French    poets    toward    the    appreciation    and 


134  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

imitation  of  the  classic  forms.  Indeed  it  is 
possible,  since  he  utilized  many  familiar  classic 
themes,  that  he  often  followed  French  versions 
of  these  Greek  and  Latin  lyrists.^  Twelve 
sonnets  of  his  collection,  beginning  with  the 
thirty-second,  make  elaborate  use  of  astronomy, 
comparing  the  progress  of  the  lover's  passion 
to  the  passage  of  the  sun  through  the  twelve 
signs  of  the  zodiac.  In  1588  the  French  poet 
Gilles  Durant  had  published  his  Stances  du 
Zodiaque,  a  poem  of  thirty-three  six-line  stanzas 
developing  the  same  theme.  This  French  poem 
did  not  serve  Barnes  as  a  model,  but  in  all 
probability  it  gave  him  the  idea  and  a  good 
deal  of  inspiration.^  The  French  poem  was 
later  paraphrased  by  Chapman  under  the  title 
of  '^The  Amourous  Zodiac." 

In  the  composition  of  Barnes's  Divine  Cen- 
turie  of  Spirituall  Sonnets  there  was  certainly 
the  presence  of  French  influence.  They  were 
written  in  France,  as  the  author  declares;  and 
circumstances  indicate  that  they  were  produced 
partly  under  Protestant  influence.  In  fact,  the 
preface  virtually  announces  the  author  as  a 
disciple  of  the  '^Heavenly  Muse"  of  Du  Bartas. 
In  his  own  words:  '^If  any  man  feele  in  him- 
selfe  (by  the  secret  fire  of  immortall  Entheusi- 

^  Lee,  op.  cit.,  p.  Ixxviii,  suggests  in  this  connection 
Barnes's  rendering  of  ''The  First  Eidilhon  of  Moschus 
describing  Love."  This  had  been  worked  over  by  vari- 
ous French  poets,  including  Marot,  Baif,  and  Amadis 
Jamyn. 

2  Lee,  op.  cit.f  p.  Ixxviii;  also  in  Modern  Philology f 
October,  1905. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  135 

asme)  the  learned  motions  of  strange  and  divine 
passions  of  spirite,  let  him  refine  and  illuminate 
his  numerous  Muses  with  the  most  sacred 
splendor  of  the  holy  Ghost,  and  then  he  shall 
(with  divine  Salust  the  true  learned  frenche 
Poet)  finde,  that  as  humane  furie  maketh  a  man 
lesse  than  a  man,  and  the  very  same  with  wilde 
unreasonable  beastes :  so  divine  rage  and  sacred 
instinct  of  a  man  maketh  more  then  man,  and 
leadeth  him  (from  his  base  terrestriall  estate) 
to  walke  above  the  starres  with  Angelles  im- 
mortally." ^  The  model  of  the  Divine  Cen- 
turie  was  probably  the  Sonnets  Spirituels  of 
the  Abbe  Jacques  de  Billy,  published  in  1573 
and  1578,  or  some  similar  production.  He  is 
less  likely  to  have  drawn  upon  Desportes  or 
upon  any  Italian  work. 

In  the  hands  of  English  Protestants,  and 
under  the  encouragement  of  Lady  Pembroke 
and  her  circle,  this  religious  employment  of  the 
sonnet  became  the  significant  feature  of  its 
last  days.  The  religious  ideal  of  Du  Bartas 
had  much  to  do  with  this ;  ^  and  the  moral  qua- 
trains of  the  French  poet  Pibrac,  translated  by 
Sylvester  and  published  with  his  version  of 
Du  Bartas,  also  played  their  part.  It  is  sig- 
nificant of  the  confusion  of  Catholic  Reaction 

^  Cf.  Grosart,  Occasional  Issues,  London,  1875,  i. 
160.  Note  that  in  1593,  in  a  letter  to  Gabriel  Harvey, 
Barnes  speaks  of  his  Muse  as  one  that  honors  ''  the  Urany 
of  Du  Bartas."     Grosart,  op.  cit.,  i.  p.  xxvii. 

2  See  chap.  iv.  Note  that  a  number  of  those  who 
imitated  Du  Bartas  also  tried  their  hands  at  religious 
sonnets. 


136  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

and  Protestant  enthusiasm  that  these  verses 
of  Pibrac,  who  was  not  a  Protestant  and  had 
even  dared  to  write  an  apology  for  the  Massacre 
of  Saint  Bartholomew's  Day,  should  have  been 
associated  with  the  Semaines  of  Du  Bartas, 
and  read  and  admired  by  English  Protestants 
for  many  years.^ 

The  list  of  those  who  wrote  religious  sonnets 
in  English  is  a  large  one,  but  deserves  noting 
here,  because  much  of  the  initial  impulse  for 
the  fashion  came  to  England  from  France.  In 
1597  appeared  Henry  Locke's  Sundrie  Sonets  of 
Christian  Passions,  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  in  number.  John  Donne's  Holy  Sonnets 
were  written  before  1600,  and  The  SouVs  Har- 
mony, by  Nicholas  Breton,  belongs  to  1602. 
Fulke  Greville's  Ccelica  abruptly  changes  its 
tone  at  the  eighty-fifth  sonnet,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  series  is  moral,  even  religious,  in  tone. 
As  late  as  1623  came  Drummond's  Flowers 
of  Sion.     Even   before    1600  the   composition 

*  References  to  Pibrac  are  scattered  over  a  long  period 
of  time.  A  letter  from  Prince  Henry  to  the  King,  Janu- 
ary 23,  161^6,  quotes  one  of  the  quatrains  (Nichols, 
Progresses  of  James  I.,  ii.  34).  The  comedy  Lady  Ali- 
mony, printed  1659,  contains  this  statement  (act  iii, 
sc.  6) :  — 

.  .  .  "Thou  hast  ta'en  content 
With  as  much  freedom  under  strait  restraint, 
As  Pibrack  in  his  paradox  expressed. 
Inwardly  cheer 'd  when  outwardly  distress'd." 

As  late  as  1674,  Rymer,  in  the  preface  of  his  translation 
of  Rapin's  Reflections  on  Aristotle's  Poetics,  suggests  the 
possibility  that  Davenant  modeled  the  stanza  of  Gondi- 
bort  on  Pibrac's  Quatrains. 


THE   ELIZ.A^ETHAN   SONNET  137 

of  religious  poetry,  under  both  Protestant  and 
Catholic  inspiration,  was  so  extensive  in  Eng- 
land as  to  call  out  the  protest  in  Joseph  Hall's 
Vergidemiarum :  — 

''Hence,  ye  profane  !  mell  not  with  holy  things 
That  Sion's  Muse  from  Palestina  brings."  ^ 

Among  the  English  collections  of  regular 
love-sonnets,  the  Licia  of  Giles  Fletcher, 
1593,  is  of  value  to  this  study  chiefly  for  the 
testimony,  offered  in  the  introduction,  that 
English  poets  were  accustomed  to  borrow  from 
Italy,  Spain,  and  France  their  best  and  choicest 
conceits,  —  a  practice  against  which  he  pro- 
tests.^ Yet  he  is  particularly  anxious  to  make 
it  known  that  he  is  not  in  love,  but  merely 
writing  sonnets  as  poetical  exercises;  and  the 
title  page  confesses  that  the  work  was  done 
'Ho  the  imitation  of  the  best  Latin  poets  and 
others."  Two  fairly  close  parallels  with  Ron- 
sard  appear  among  his  sonnets,  —  close  enough 
to  suggest  that,  though  not  materially  in- 
fluenced by  that  writer,  Fletcher  was  willing 
to  utilize  his  work    for  the    sake  of  conven- 

1  Infra,  p.  176. 

2  The  preface  "To  the  Reader"  says:  "This  age  is 
learnedly  wise  and  faultless  in  this  kind  of  making  their 
wits  known;  thinking  so  basely  of  our  base  English, 
wherein  thousands  have  travailed  with  such  ill  luck, 
that  they  deem  themselves  barbarous  and  the  island 
barren,  unless  they  have  borrowed  from  Italy,  Spain  and 
France  their  best  and  choicest  conceits.  For  my  o\sti 
part,  I  am  of  this  mind,  that  our  nation  is  so  exquisite 
.  .  .  that  neither  Italy,  Spain  nor  France  can  go  be- 
yond us  for  exact  invention." 


138  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

ience,  as  so  many  English  poets  were  doing 
at  that  time.^ 

The  Enghsh  sequences  not  yet  considered 
would  add  little  substantial  information  to  the 
situation  as  already  developed.^  Three  im- 
portant collections  must  be  mentioned,  how- 
ever. Drayton's  Ideals  Mirrour,  Amours  and 
Quatorzains,  appeared  in  1594,  Spenser's  Amo- 
retti  in  1595,  and  Shakespeare's  Sonnets  were 
written  about  this  time,  though  not  printed  until 
1609.  In  Drayton's  work,  the  name  ''Idea'' 
in  the  title  at  once  attracts  attention,  with  its 
suggestion  of  the  collection  of  Claude  de  Ponteux. 
The  name  evidently  was  a  favorite  with  Dray- 
ton, and  he  had  used  it  the  year  before  in  Idea; 
the  Shepherd's  Garland,  a  collection  of  nine 
eclogues  modeled  on  the  Shepheardes  Calendar. 
Of  course  the  name  was  generally  familiar, 
through  its  association  with  the  Platonic  phi- 
losophy. The  possibility  of  French  influence 
is  strengthened  by  the  terms  ''Amours"  and 
"Quatorzains"  in  the  sub-title,  though  these 
also  were  in  common  use  in  England.  Part  of 
Drayton's  introductory  sonnet  has  already  been 
quoted,^  with  its  denial  of  filching  from  Portes's 
or  from  Petrarch's  pen.  The  sonnet  concludes 
with  the    repetition   of    Sidney's   declaration, 

^  Sonnet  51  bears  close  resemblance  to  Ronsard, 
Amours,  i.  32,  already  utilized  by  Lodge  in  the  32d 
sonnet  of  Phillis.  (Noted  by  Lee.)  Sonnet  52  parallels 
Ronsard,  Amours,  i.  54.     (Noted  by  Maiberger.) 

'^  There  is  a  possible  influence  from  Du  Bartas  in  the 
sonnets  of  John  Donne;  see  p.  178  sq. 

2  Supra,  p.  125. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  139 

''I  am  no  pickpurse  of  another's  wit."  Yet 
Drayton  is  of  course  as  elaborate  a  borrower 
as  any  of  the  rest,  gathering  from  various 
sources,  but  showing  considerable  skill  in 
revivifying  what  he  has  obtained. 

Drayton  seems  to  be  the  closest  disciple  of 
Sidney  in  the  virility  and  independence  of  his 
poetry,  those  features  which  probably  came 
into  England  with  a  considerable  impulse  from  j 
the  work  of  Ronsard,  and  in  a  minor  degree  / 
of  Desportes.  As  in  Sidney's  case  this  indi- 
viduality is  more  than  the  conventional  anti- 
Petrarchistic  reaction  against  plagiarism,  and 
is  rather  involved  in  the  creative  genius  of  the 
poet,  which  rises  above  empty  imitation. 
Drayton's  independence  even  extends  to  the 
emotions  he  portrays,  as  in  the  famous  — 

"Since  there's  no  help,  come  let  us  kiss  and  part." 

Of  course  such  originality  of  tone  should  have 
no  real  need  of  foreign  example  to  prompt  it, 
and  such  example  need  not  be  assumed  unless 
there  is  further  evidence  of  association.  In  the 
case  of  Shakespeare,  for  instance,  this  revitaliz- 
ing power  is  present  to  an  extent  far  beyond 
that  displayed  by  any  of  his  predecessors.  In- 
spiration for  his  sonnets  probably  came  from 
various  directions,  but  there  are  no  means  avail- 
able by  which  his  indebtedness  can  be  traced. 
Spenser's  Amoretti  represent  that  poet  on  his 
Italian  side,  although  the  already  familiar  fond- 
ness for  the  conception  of  mortal  decay  is  still 
present.    There  are  some  indications  that  he 


140  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

was  willing  to  turn  to  French  sources  for  a 
particular  phrasing  that  appealed  to  him,  as  he 
did  in  his  fifteenth  sonnet,  apparently  modeled 
on  Desportes.^  The  real  inspiration  of  the 
series  is  Itahan,  however.  No  other  sonnet 
collections  of  the  later  period  rise  to  the  emi- 
nence of  those  just  considered,  although  the 
vogue  extended  well  into  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. Extensive  experiments  in  the  form  were 
made  by  two  other  men  connected  with  the 
Sidney-Spenser  literary  coterie,  —  Fulke  Gre- 
ville's  Ccelica,  before  1600,  and  Sir  William 
Alexander's  Aurora,  published  in  1604.^  There 
is  nothing  in  either  of  these  that  may  be  char- 
acterized as  distinctly  French.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  the  love  sonnets  of  William  Drum- 
mond,  who,  in  spite  of  his  wide  acquaintance 
with  French  literature,  preferred  the  manner  of 
Petrarch  or  of  his  latest  Italian  followers.  The 
French  sonnet  writers,  how^ever,  were  still  favor- 
ite reading  in  England  at  the  opening  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  as  is  shown  by  the  com- 
mand of  Amoretto  in  the  second  part  of  the  Re- 
turn from  Parnassus,  sicied  1601-1602:  ^'Sirrha 
boy,  remember  me  when  I  come  into  Paules 
Churchyard  to  buy  a  Ronzarcl  and  Dubartas 
in  french  and  Aretine  in  Italian,  and  our 
hardest  writers  in   Spanish,  they  wil   sharpen 

^  Amours  de  Diane,  i.  32.  As  noted  before,  this  is 
also  the  basis  of  a  sonnet  in  Emaricdulfe  and  of  a  poem 
in  Wilbye's  Madrigals. 

2  Drummond  distinctly  speaks  of  Alexander  as  model- 
ing his  sonnets  on  those  of  Petrarch.  {Wks.,  ed.  1711, 
p.  226.) 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   SONNET  141 

my  witts  gallantly."  ^  Desportes  was  also  in 
favor  at  this  time,  as  shown  by  Gervase  Mark- 
ham's  Rodomonths  Infernall,  or  The  Divell  Con- 
quered, translated  from  Desportes's  French  ver- 
sion of  Ariosto.  This  translation  was  entered 
in  1598. 

There  is  one  portion  of  Scotland's  sonnet 
history  which  is  of  little  importance  in  itself, 
but  adds  weight  to  the  conviction  that  the  in- 
fluence of  James  VI.,  at  least  during  his  early 
years,  was  strongly  in  favor  of  imitation  of  the 
French.  Indeed  James  himself  made  a  few 
experiments  with  the  sonnet,  fifteen  specimens 
being  published  in  1584,  in  a  collection  entitled 
The  Essayes  of  a  Prentise  in  the  Divine  Art  of 
Poesie?  There  are  no  love  sonnets  in  the  group, 
twelve  being  invocations  to  the  gods,  and  the 
others  mere  prologues  and  epilogues.  Far  more 
extensive  was  the  work  of  one  of  the  first  of 
James's  literary  proteges,  Alexander  Mont- 
gomery, whose  sonnets,  written  from  time  to 
time,  number  seventy  in  all.  Of  these  less  than 
a  third  involve  the  love  theme,  namely  num- 
bers thirty-nine  to  sixty-one,  and  number 
seventy,  in  the  collected  sonnets,  published 
first  in  1821  from  the  Drummond  manuscript. 
Montgomery  was  already  writing  poetry  in 
1578,  when  he  was  transferred  to  the  service  of 
the  new  king  James.    A  commendatory  sonnet 

1  Ed.  W.  D.  Macray,  Oxford,  1886,  p.  121.  In 
part  i.  p.  61,  Gullio  attempts  a  quotation  from  Ronsard. 
Part  i.  was  written  at  least  a  year  earlier. 

^  In  Arber's  English  Reprints,  vol.  x. 


142  THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET 

by  him  was  published  with  James's  translation 
of  Du  Bartas's  Uranie  in  1584,  and  three  others 
in  praise  of  this  same  translation  appear  in 
Montgomery's  collected  works.  In  1586  he  re- 
ceived permission  to  travel  in  France,  Flanders, 
and  Spain  for  five  years.  Soon  after,  his  pen- 
sion was  cut  off;  and  after  considerable  con- 
troversy it  was  restored  to  him  in  1588.  Eleven 
of  the  sonnets  in  the  collection  are  concerned 
with  this  grievance.  The  love  sonnets  cannot 
be  dated,  but  they  are  simply  conventional 
exercises,  directed  at  random  to  various  mis- 
tresses. They  have  no  individuality  and  dis- 
play little  original  genius.  At  least  seven  of 
them  are,  wholly  or  in  part,  close  translations 
from  the  Amours  of  Ronsard.^  Besides,  the 
miscellaneous  poems  of  Montgomery  abound  in 
thoughts  and  expressions  that  have  close  paral- 
lels in  various  attempts  of  Ronsard's  at  the 
classic  lyrics.  A  comparison  from  the  sonnets 
will  illustrate  Montgomery's  method. 
1.   Ronsard. 

"Heureuse  fut  Testoille  fortunee 
Qui  d'un  bon  ceil  ma  maistresse  apperceut ; 


a 


^  O.  HofTman,  "  Studien  zu  Alexander  Montgomery, 
in  Eng.  Stud.,  xx.  24  sq.,  includes  a  detailed  study 
of  this  indebtedness.  The  particulars  are  as  follows: 
sonnet  39,  from  Ronsard,  Amours,  i.  89;  sonnet  41, 
from  Amours,  ii.  chanson  following  sonnet  62;  sonnet 
47,  from  Amours,  i.  78;  sonnet  50,  from  Amours, 
i.  137;  sonnet  56,  eight  lines  from  Amours,  1.  81; 
sonnet  57,  eight  lines  from  Amours,  i.  1 ;  sonnet  60, 
from  Amours,  ii.  56.  Hoffman  notes  that  several  of 
these  have  Italian  parallels  also,  but  the  resemblance 
to  the  French  is  so  close  as  to  indicate  direct  connection. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SONNET  143 

Heureux  le  bers  et  la  main  qui  la  sceut 
Emmailloter  le  jour  qu'elle  fut  nee : 

Heureuse  fut  la  mammelle  en-mannee  * 

De  qui  le  laict  premier  elle  recent, 
Et  bien-heureux  le  ventre  qui  concent 
Si  grand'  beaute  de  si  grands  dons  ornee ! 

Heureux  les  champs  qui  eurent  cest  honneur 
De  la  voir  naistre,  et  de  qui  le  bon-heur 
LTnde  et  TEgypte  heureusement  excelle ! 

Heureux  le  fils  dont  grosse  elle  sera, 
Mais  plus  heureux  celuy  qui  la  fera 
Et  femme  et  mere,  en  lieu  d'une  pucelle !  "  * 

2.   Montgomery,  fiftieth  sonnet. 

"  O  happy  star,  at  evning  and  at  morne, 

Vhais  bright  aspect  my  maistres  first  out  (fand) ; 

O  happy  credle  !  and  O  happy  hand 

Vhich  rockit  hir  the  hour  that  sho  wes  b(orne !) 

0  happy  pape,  ye  rather  nectar  hor(ne,) 
First  gaiv  hir  suck,  in  silver  suedling  band ! 
O  happy  wombe  consavit  had  beforne 
So  brave  a  beutie,  honour  of  our  land ! 

O  happy  bounds,  vher  dayly  yit  scho  duells, 
Vhich  Inde  and  Egypts  happynes  excells ! 
O  happy  bed  vharin  sho  sail  be  laid ! 
0  happy  babe  in  belly  sho  sail  breid ! 

Bot  happyer  he  that  hes  that  hap  indeid 

To  mak  both  wyfe  and  mother  of  that  (maid.)" 

Such  a  study  as  this  is  far  from  complete  or 
satisfactory.  Such  conclusions  as  it  does  beget 
are  many  of  them  concerned  with  matters  of 
mood  or  impression;  and  the  evidence  that  at 
first  seemed  most  definite  has  produced  fit  tie 
tangible  result.  There  is  no  doubt  that  for  a 
score   or   more   of    years   the   leading    sonnet 

^  Amours,  i.  137. 


144  THE  ELIZABETHAN   SONNET 

writers  of  the  French  Pleiade  group  were  fa- 
miliarly known  to  the  literary  public  of  Eng- 
land; and  that  the  French  sonnets,  combining 
so  many  of  the  various  Italian  excellences, 
were  drawn  upon  freely  by  the  English  poets 
as  a  convenient  storehouse  of  ideas,  metaphors, 
and  tricks  of  style.  At  times  these  borrowings 
involved  a  discipleship :  more  often  they  did 
not.     From  France  to  England,  however,  came 

(  the  general  plan  of  grouping  and  publishing 
sonnets,  as  well  as  many  of  the  titles  applied 

'  to  various  collections.  Ronsard  in  particular 
probably  had  somewhat  to  do  with  the  increase 
of  vital  reality  and  of  independent  spirit  dis- 
played by  men  like  Sidney  and  Drayton.    The 

\  ideals  and  examples  of  the  French  were  in- 
fluential in  encouraging  the  English  tendency 
to  model  sonnets  and  other  lyrics  after  the 

[  poetic  manner  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins.  France 
anticipated  England  in  the  religious  employ- 
ment of  the  sonnet,  and  by  the  close  relations 

'  of  French  Protestants  with  English  literary 
leaders  gave  a  strong  impulse  to  consecrated 
lyric  poetry  in  England.  These  general  in- 
fluences are  supplemented  by  such  instances 
of  particular  indebtedness  as  the  use  of  Alex- 

;  andrines  by  Sidney,  the  fondness  for  the  poetry 

^  of  ruins  in  Spenser,  and  the  immediate  impetus 
to  conceits  in  style  sometimes  imparted  by 
Desportes.  Certainly  in  the  role  of  an  inter- 
mediary, France  played  no  insignificant  part  in 
the  story  of  the  EUzabethan  sonnet. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Du  Bartas 

For  many  years  the  literature  of  the  French 
Protestants  confined  itself  chiefly  to  sermons, 
commentaries,  and  treatises,  until  finally  the 
Gascon,  Guillaume  de  Salluste,  sieur  du  Bar- 
tas, a  devoted  adherent  of  this  faith  and  at  the 
same  time  a  disciple  of  the  rapidly  decHning 
Pleiade,  was  moved  to  combine  his  Huguenot 
enthusiasm  with  the  trappings  and  machinery 
of  the  epic.  In  1573,  in  a  poem  entitled 
UUranie  ou  Muse  Celeste,  the  poet  describes 
the  supposed  manner  of  his  "calling"  and  re- 
peats the  words  of  this  muse,  whom  he  con- 
ceives of  as  appearing  in  his  dreams.  Her 
argument  rests  upon  the  Platonic  notion  of  a 
poet's  divine  inspiration  and  peculiar  separa- 
tion from  the  world:  this  being  the  case, 
he  should  avoid  profane  subjects  and  sing 
only  of  holy  things.  Then  comes  her  direct 
appeal :  — 

"Bien  que  cest  argument  semble  une  maigre  lande, 
Que  les  meilleurs  esprits  ont  en  friche  laisse, 
Ne  sois  pour  I'avenir  de  ce  travail  lasse : 
Car  plus  la  gloire  est  rare,  et  tant  plus  elle  est  grande. 

L  145 


\ 


146  DU  BARTAS 

Saluste,  ne  perds  cceur,  si  tu  vols  que  I'Envie 
Aille  abbayant,  maligne,  apres  ton  los  naissant : 
Ne  crain  que  sous  ses  pieds  elle  aille  tapissant 
Les  vers  que  tu  feras,  comme  indignes  de  vie."  * 

Du  Bartas  accepted  the  new  responsibility, 
and  his  first  venture  in  this  line,  showing  the 
same  peculiarities  that  characterized  his  later 
work,  was  the  epic  of  Judith,  based  on  Apochry- 
phal  story.  This  appeared  in  the  same  year,  1573. 
Five  years  later  came  a  much  more  pretentious 
work.  La  Sepmaine  ou  Creation  du  Monde;  and 
in  a  short  time,  moved  either  by  continued 
devotion  or  by  the  remarkable  success  of  this 
venture,  the  author  began  work  on  a  second 
Semaine,  dividing  into  seven  more  great  days 
the  stretch  of  time  from  Creation  to  the  Eternal 
Sabbath.  Each  of  these  days  was  to  be  divided 
into  four  parts,  but  only  four  days  were  com- 
pleted when  the  work  was  published,  in  1583. 

Du  Bartas  recognized  himself  and  was  gener- 
ally recognized  by  his  public  as  a  part  of  the 
Pleiade  movement.  By  his  own  account  he 
had  from  his  youth  followed  the  course  charted 
by  these  propagandists,  but  had  found  pin- 
daric,  classic  epic,  and  love  verse  alike  unsatisfy- 
ing. Although  Du  Bellay  had  nothing  to  say 
^for  religious  subjects,  Du  Bartas  felt  a  higher 
injunction,  and  gave  to  epic  the  same  turn 
that  Garnier  and  Montchrestien  did  to  tragedy. 
He  was  content  to  comply  with  Pleiade  formu- 
las in  most  other  respects.     He  was  a  conse- 

^  Du  Bartas,  La  Judith,  ed.  Paris,  1583,  p.  130. 


DU  BARTAS  147 

crated  poet,  devoting  his  life  to  the  epic  treat- 
ment of  a  subject  that  certainly  possessed  epic 
dimensions.  The  pagan  machinery  of  this 
type  of  poem,  while  it  bothered  him  by  its  in- 
consistency, he  was  willing  to  keep  in  great 
part,  after  carefully  absolving  himself  by  ex- 
plaining its  convenience.  In  stylistic  matters 
Du  Bartas  proved  an  especially  ardent  disciple ; 
so  much  so,  indeed,  that  his  work,  after  a 
period  of  extreme  popularity,  became  the  chief 
weapon  in  the  hands  of  reactionists  because  of 
its  absurdities.^  Ronsard  himself  began  by 
praising  him  lavishly,  and  later,  perhaps  moved 
by  ill-feeling  toward  a  rival,  disclaimed  em- 
phatically any  allegiance  with  the  Gascon.^ 
The  tricks  of  style  gathered  by  Du  Bartas  from 
Pleiade  doctrine  included  especially  the  use  of 
compound  words,  supposed  to  be  modeled  on 
the  Greek,^  together  with  reduplications,  imita- 
tive harmonies,  dialect  terms,  old  words,  and 
various  examples  of  provignement.*    Figurative 

^  M.  Morillot,  in  Hist,  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litt.  frang., 
vol.  iii.,  says,  "  L'auteur  des  Semaines  passera  tou jours,  k 
tort  ou  a  raison,  pour  avoir  6te  Tenfant  terrible  de  la 
Pleiade." 

^  Cf .  his  sonnet  to  Jean  D'Aurat,  (Euvres,  ed.  Blanche- 
main  (Bibl.  Elzev.),  Pans,  1865,  v.  348. 

^  A  collection  of  "  Epithetes  recueillis  des  Deux  Sep- 
maines  et  autres  oeuvres  poetiques  de  G.  de  Saluste " 
appeared  in  France  in  1596,  and  was  attached  as  a  supple- 
ment to  the  Dictionnaire  des  Rimes  Frangaises  in  that 
year. 

*  Ronsard  explains  the  application  of  this  botanical 
term  to  language  in  the  preface  to  his  Franciade,  "  Outre- 
plus  si  Ics  vicux  mots  abolis  par  d 'usage  ont  laisse 
quelque  rejetton,  comme  les  branches  des  arbres  couppez 


148  DU  BARTAS 

embellishment  found  ample  favor  in  his  sight, 
though  he  took  no  particular  pains  to  keep  the 
figures  in  good  taste  or  restrain  the  metaphors 
to  the  region  of  pure  poetic  fancy. 

To   these   characteristics   Du   Bartas   added 
tendencies  of  his  own  preference.    To  the  ono- 

I  matopoe^c  effects  he  added  a  type  of  verbal 

/  repetition  usually  attended  by  word-play.  His 
pages  were  often  filled  with  lavish  displays  of 
encyclopedic  knowledge,  frequently  arranged  in 
the  popular  medieval  catalogue  form.  The 
products  of  the  various  days  of  creation  gave 
ample  opportunity  for  such  parade.     At  any 

?  point,  the  narrative  might  be  broken  and  give 
way  to  a  long  digression,  usually  of  a  moralizing 
nature.  Sometimes  the  author  merely  paused 
to  add  a  bit  of  personal  comment  or  explana- 
tion; again  he  cited  contemporary  events  and 
people ;  and  at  times  he  burst  forth  into  bitter 
and  satirical  invective  against  abuses  in  church 
or  state.  Whatever  form  these  compositions 
of   Du   Bartas  took,   however,   one  trait   was 

;  usually  present:  they  were  throughout  their 
course  dull,  heavy,  and  emphatically  unpoetic. 
Despite  their  faults  these  poems  made  a 
prompt  appeal  to  two  great  classes  of  readers: 
those  still  so  enthusiastic  in  their  stylistic  ex- 
periments as  to  be  blinded  for  the  time  to 
exaggeration  and  bad  taste;    and  those  so  de- 

se  rajeunissent  de  nouveaux  drageons,  tu  le  pourras 
provigner,  amender  et  cultiver,  afin  qu'il  se  repeuple  de 
nouveau."  —  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-La veaux,  Paris,  1890, 
iii.  533. 


DU  BARTAS  149 

voted  to  the  Protestant  faith  that  the  Urania  ^ 
note  was  sufficient  to  give  excellence  to  a  poem. 
The  preface,  '^Au  Lecteur,"  in  the  1583  edition 
of  La  Semaine,  annotated  by  Simon  Goiilart  de 
Senlis,  begins  with  these  words :  — 

"Voyant  Tceuvre  du  Sieur  du  Bartas  sur  la  creation 
du  monde  si  bien  recueilli  par  toute  la  France,  &  de 
plusieurs  estrangers  qui  entendent  nostre  langue, 
que  c'est  ici  desia  la  vingtiesme  edition  depuis  trois 
ans,  je  me  suis  conferme  en  Topinion  que  i'ay  tousjours 
eue  d'un  Poeme  si  excellent,  c'est  qu'il  durera,  estant 
de  la  marque  de  ces  bons  auteurs  que  le  temps  n'a 
peu  aneantir,  ains  qui  sont  reverez  &  leus  tons  les 
jours,  comme  Homere,  Virgile,  &  autres  semblables." 

Before  a  great  while  the  people  of  England 
and  Scotland  seem  to  have  been  among  those 
'^plusieurs  estrangers";  and  soon,  indeed,  for 
those  who  did  not  understand  the  French 
language,  translations  in  great  number  were 
provided. 

The  English  people,  strongly  Protestant  in  . 
their  sympathies,  were  ready  to  extend  cordial 
welcome  to  a  work  of  this  kind.     It  came  in 
the  midst  of  the  great  wave  of  religious  litera- 
ture, extending  well  into  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, and  resulting  in  part  from  the  zeal  of  the 
Protestants,  in  part  from  the  Catholic  Reaction.^ 
Since  the  beginning  of  Calvin's  efforts,  Protes-  , 
tant  material  had  been  pouring  into  England,  ' 
including  translations  from  all  the  great  French 
leaders   in  that   faith.^    From   Calvin   himself 

1  Supra  pp.  74-75,  97,  135  sq. 

2  See  appendix  A  for  details  drawn  upon  for  these 
statements. 


150  DU  BARTAS 

more  than  twenty  separate  translations  are 
recorded  between  1556  and  1585,  including, 
besides  numerous  sermons  and  commentaries, 
his  Institution  of  the  Christian  Religion.  Two 
works  of  Pierre  Viret  were  translated  about 
1580;  while  English  renderings  of  religious 
treatises  and  discussions  by  Jean  de  FEspine, 
Theodore  de  Beze,  and  Sidney's  devoted  friend, 
Duplessis-Mornay,  were  appearing  throughout 
the  last  four  decades  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
From  the  writings  of  the  last-named,  Sidney 
himself  began  the  translation  of  one  work.  La 
verite  de  la  religion  chrestienne;  and  another 
treatise,  the  Discours  de  la  vie  et  de  la  mort,  was 
translated  by  the  Countess  of  Pembroke  after 
her  brother's  death. ^ 

Across  the  Channel  Du  Bartas's  first  open 
champion  and  translator  was  of  royal  blood,  no 
less  a  personage  than  James  VI.  of  Scotland. 
Being  well  read  in  French,  young  James 
soon  had  his  attention  attracted  by  this  work 
of  Du  Bartas,  and  found  it  in  both  form  and 
content  very  much  to  his  liking.  In  his  first 
collection  of  poems,  The  Essay es  of  a  Prentise 
in  the  Divine  Art  of  Poesie,  published  at  Edin- 
burgh in  1584,  James  included  a  translation  he 
had  made  of  the  Uranie,  prefacing  it  with  a 
commendatory  notice.     He  says :  — 

"Having  oft  resolved,  and  red  over  (favorable 
Reader)  the  booke  and  Poems  of  the  devine  and 
lUuster  Poete,  Salust  du  Bartas,  I  was  moved  by  the 

^  Supra,  pp.  51,  60  sq. 


DU   BARTAS  151 

oft  reading  and  perusing  of  them,  with  a  restles  and 
lofty  desire,  to  preas  to  attaine  to  the  hke  vertue. 
But  sen  (alas)  God,  by  nature  hathe  refused  me  the 
like  lofty  and  quick  ingyne,  and  that  my  dull  Muse, 
age,  and  Fortune,  had  refused  me  the  like  skill  and 
learning,  I  was  constrained  to  have  refuge  to  the 
second,  which  was  to  doe  what  lay  in  me,  to  set  forth 
his  praise,  sen  I  could  not  merite  the  lyke  myself."  ^ 

In  1589  Du  Bartas  visited  Scotland  on  a  dip- 
lomatic mission,  and  a  warm  personal  friend- 
ship sprang  up  between  him  and  James.  In 
fact  James  was  loath  to  have  him  retm*n,  desiring 
him  to  take  service  at  the  Scottish  court;  and 
on  his  departure  dispatched  to  Henry  of  Navarre 
a  letter  which  said :  — 

"Monseiur  mon  frere,  je  n'ay  voulu  laisse  passer 
I'occasion  du  partement  du  sieur  du  Bartas  sans  par 
la  presente  vous  tesmoigner  le  grand  contentment 
que  j'ay  regu  par  sa  compagnie  ce  temps  passe  et 
combien  son  absence  me  seroit  desplaisante  sy  autre- 
ment  se  pourroit  faire.  Vous  avez  certes  grande 
occasion  de  louer  Dieu,  et  vous  estime  tres-heureux 
d'avoir  le  service  et  conseil  d'un  si  rare  et  vertueux 
personnage.''  ^ 

James  also  rendered  into  English  The  Furies, , 
part  of  the  First  Day  of  Du  Bartas's  Second! 
Week.  The  French  poet,  returning  the  compli- 
ment, translated  James's  poem  Lepanto  into  the 
French  language,  with  some  lavish  praise  of  the 
author  in  a  verse  preface.  James's  version  of 
The  Furies,  his  Lepanto,  and  Du  Bartas's  render- 

*  Arber's  English  Reprints,  x.  20. 
2  Pellissier,   G.,   La  vie  et  les  oeuvres  de  Du  Bartas, 
Paris,  1883,  p.  21. 


152  DtJ  BAETAS 

ing,  La  Lepanthe,  were  published  together  by 
James  in  1591,  in  His  Maiesties  Poeticall  Exer- 
cises at  vacant  houres.  A  second  edition  of 
James's  Uranie  appeared  in  1585;  and  as  early 
as  1584,  under  the  patronage  of  James  and 
with  commendatory  verses  by  him,  Thomas 
Hudson's  English  rendering  of  the  Judith  had 
been  made  public.  From  that  time  on  there 
was  more  than  a  half  century  of  translation 
from  Du  Bartas,  some  of  it  under  the  advice 
and  criticism  of  James,  the  rest  from  inde- 
pendent impulse.  This  may  be  roughly  tabu- 
lated as  follows :  ^  — 

1584  Uranie  or  Heavenly  Muse     .    James  VI. 
Judith Thos.  Hudson 

1585  Uranie    or   Heavenly   Muse 

(2d.  ed.) James  VI. 

1588  Portion  of  the  First  Week    .     Philip  Sidney. 

1589  Uranie  (into  Latin  verse)      .     Robert  Ashley. 

1591  The  Furies James  VI. 

A  Canticle    of    the  Victory 

at  Ivry Joshua  Sylvester. 

The  First  Week  (entered  on 

Stationers'  Register)  .     .     .    Joshua  Sylvester 

(probably) . 

1592  Triumph  of  Faith ;  Sacrifice  of 

Isaac ;  Shipwreck  of  Jonas ; 

Song  of  the  Victory  at  Ivry    Sylvester. 

1593  Portions    of    the    Semaines, 

etc Anon.^ 


*  A  similar  table  appears  at  p.  13  sq.  of  P.  Waller's 
dissertation,  J.  Sylvester's  Englische  Uebersetzung  der 
Religiosen  Epen  des  Du  Bartas,  1902,  to  which  this 
chapter  is  indebted  for  many  suggestions. 

2  Hazlitt's  Handbook,  p.   171. 


DU  BARTAS  153 

1596  The  First  Day  of  the  World's 

Creation Anon. 

Babilon  —  from  the  Second 
Week Wm.  L'Isle. 

1598  The  Second  Week  ....     Sylvester. 
Eden;  TheDeceipt;  Babilon    Ajion. 
The  Furies ;  The  Handicrafts ; 

The  Arts Anon. 

The  Colonies Anon. 

The  Colonies Wm.  LTsle. 

1599  The  Handicrafts      ....  Sylvester. 

1603  The  Second  Day  of  the  First 

W^eek Thos.  Winter. 

1604  The  Third  Day's  Creation    .    Thos.  Winter. 
1605-7  Divine  Weeks  and  Works 

(collected) Sylvester.* 

1614-15  The  Parliament  of  Vertues 
Royal,  including  Bethulia's 
Rescue  (Du  Bartas's  Ju- 
dith) ,  and  the  Battle  of  I vry    Sylvester. 

1620  Commentary  upon  Du  Bar- 

tas — (Stat.  Reg.)    .     .     .     "Translated  out 

of  French  by 
Dr.  Lodge." 

1621  Divine   Weeks    and  Works, 

with  all  other  works     .     .     Sylvester. 

1625  Part  of  Du  Bartas  (English 

and  French) Wm.  LTsle. 

1633  Divine   Weeks   and    Works, 

etc Sylvester. 

1637  The  Ark;  Babilon;  The  Colo- 
nies; The  Columns  (Eng- 
lish and  French)  ....    Wm.  LTsle. 

1641  Weeks  and  Works,  complete 

and  enlarged Sylvester. 

It  at  once  appears  that  the  most  important 
translator  represented  here  is  Joshua  Sylvester, 

^  This  collection  was  reprinted  in   1608,    1611,   and 
1613. 


154  DU  BARTAS 

and  a  brief  comparison  would  show  that  his 
work  was  by  far  the  best.  The  partial  trans- 
lation by  Philip  Sidney,  if  it  were  available, 
might  prove  both  interesting  and  significant. 
There  were  various  reasons  why  Sidney  should 
have  turned  to  Du  Bartas  and  have  been  recep- 
tive to  his  influence.  Sidney's  general  interest 
in  French  life  and  literature;  his  particular 
regard  for  the  French  Protestants,  beginning 
with  his  youthful  sojourn  in  France  during  the 
Saint  Bartholomew  Massacre  and  his  friendship 
with  Languet,  and  culminating  in  his  relations 
with  Duplessis-Mornay  and  interest  in  his 
work;^  his  apparent  advocacy  of  so  many  of 
the  tenets  of  French  criticism,  in  connection 
with  his  membership  in  the  English  Areopagus, 
—  these  must  have  combined  to  turn  his  atten- 
tion to  the  Semaine  very  soon  after  its  appear- 
ance. Indeed,  there  is  the  suggestion  of  a  still 
more  intimate  relation  between  the  two  authors, 
in  that  Sidney  is  one  of  three  Englishmen  men- 
tioned in  the  Second  Week  as  sustaining  the 
glory  of  the  English  tongue.^  This  reference 
immediately  preceded  a  group  of  leading  French 
literary  men,  including  Ronsard  and  closing 
with  Sidney's  friend  Mornay.  The  passage, 
as  rendered  by  Sylvester,  with  the  order  of  the 
nations  reversed,^  follows :  — 

^  Supra,  p.  47  sq. 

2  Babylon,  second  part  of  Second  Day  of  Second 
Week,  (Euvres,  ed.  1593,  ii.  409. 

3  Sylvester's  Works,  ed.  1641,  p.  1246.  It  will  be 
noted  that  Sylvester  has  nationalized  the  passage  in  his 
usual  fashion. 


DU  BARTAS  155 

"That,  is  great  Ronsard,  who  his  France  to  garnish, 
Robs  Rome  and  Greece  of  their  Art- various  varnish ; 
And,  hardy-witted,  handleth  happily 
'^   All  sorts  of  subject,  stile  and  Poesie. 
And  this  du  Plessis,  beating  Atheisme, 
Vain  Paganisme,  and  stubborn  Judaisme, 
With  their  own  Armes :  and  sacred-grave  and  short, 
His  plain-prankt  stile  he  strengthens  in  such  sort. 
That  his  quick  reasons,  wing'd  with  Grace  and  Art, 
Pearce  like  keen  arrowes,  every  gentle  heart. 
Our  Enghsh  Tongue  three  famous  Knights  sustain; 
Moore,  Bacone,  Sidney :  of  which  former,  twain 
(High  Chancellors  of  England)  weaned  first 
Our  infant-phrase  (till  then  but  homely  nurst) 
And  childish  toyes;    and  rudenesse  chasing  thence. 
To  civill  knowledge,  joyn'd  sweet  eloquence. 
And  (world-mourn'd)  Sidney,  warbling  to  the  thames 
His  swan-like  tunes,  so  courts  her  coy  proud  streams. 
That  (all  with-child  with  Fame)  his  fame  they  bear 
To  Thetis  lap;  and  Thetis,  every-where." 

That  this  praise  of  Sidney  was  soon  generally 
known  and  regarded  as  high  compliment  is  in- 
dicated by  a  remark  of  Thomas  Nash,  in  his 
Pierce  Penniless  His  Supplication  to  the  Divell, 
1592.  ^^What  age,"  he  says,  "will  not  prayse 
immortal  Sir  P.  Sidney,  whome  noble  Salustius 
(that  thrice  singular  french  Poet)  hath  fa- 
moused,  together  with  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  and 
merry  Sir  Thomas  Moore,  for  the  chief  pillars  of 
our  english  speech."  ^  The  commendatory  lan- 
guage used  here  by  Du  Bartas  should  also  be 
noted. 

By  all  odds  the  most  painstaking  and  exten-, 
sive  translator  of  Du  Bartas  was  Joshua 


Syi-F 


*  Cf.  the  excellent  discussion  in  P.  Weller,  op.  cit. 


I 


156  DU  BARTAS 

vester.  His  attitude  toward  the  French  poet  of 
divine  things  was  one  of  ardent  worship;  he 
too  felt  the  call  of  the  Muse  Urania  and  realized 
the  magnitude  of  his  task;  and  whatever  our 
opinion  of  the  results  he  accomplished,  we  re- 
joice that  by  this  translation  his  reputation 
was  made  for  more  than  half  a  century,  and  his 
name  linked  with  that  of  his  ambitious  master 
as  the  poet-messengers  of  God. 

Sylvester  had  had  only  a  limited  schooling, 
but  that  of  a  sort  that  left  him  well-grounded 
in  his  knowledge  of  the  French  language/  For 
some  years  he  lived  the  life  of  a  merchant- 
adventurer,  but  was  attracted  to  Du  Bartas's 
poetry  and  gradually  gave  more  and  more  time 
to  attempts  at  translating  it.  In  James  Stuart, 
already  the  devoted  admirer  of  Du  Bartas,  he 
found  the  logical  patron  of  his  muse,  and  to  the 
new-crowned  king  his  collected  works  were 
dedicated.  There  is  no  positive  evidence  as  to 
when  Sylvester's  translations,  especially  those 
of  the  Premiere  Semaine,  were  begun,  or  as  to 
the  freedom  with  which  they  circulated  in  manu- 
script before  publication.  It  is  only  conjecture 
that  the  ''book  in  English  Entituled,  Salustius 
Du  Bartas  his  weeke  or  Seven  Dayes  woork," 
entered  in  the  Stationers^  Register,  August  14, 

^  Of  the  school  of  the  Master  Saravia,  under  whom 
Sylvester  studied,  Robert  Ashley,  another  former  pupil, 
said,  "It  was  a  rule  all  should  speak  French;  he  who 
spoke  English,  though  only  a  sentence,  was  obliged  to 
wear  a  fool's  cap  at  meals,  and  continue  to  wear  it  till 
he  caught  another  in  the  same  fault."  —  Sylvester, 
Works,  ed.  Grosart,  p.  x. 


DU  BARTAS  157 

1591,  is  the  work  of  Sylvester.  Yet  partial 
translations  by  him  began  appearing  in  print 
that  same  year,  and  by  his  own  statement  these 
pieces  existed  in  fragmentary  form  long  before 
they  were  printed  as  a  collected  whole.  There 
is  a  letter  of  Sylvester's  to  King  James,  dated 
1603,  in  which  he  deplores  the  long  delay  of 
his  publication. 

''Beeing  inforced  (through  the  grievous  visitacion 
of  Gods  heavie  hand,  upon  your  Highnes  poore  Cittie 
of  London)  thus  long  (and  yet  longer  like)  to  defer 
the  Impression  of  my  slender  Labours  (long  since 
meant  unto  your  Majestie)  I  thought  it  more  then 
tyme,  by  some  other  meane,  to  tender  my  humble 
Homage  to  your  Highnes.  But  wanting  both  leasure, 
in  my  self,  and  (heere  in  the  Countrey)  such  helps, 
as  I  could  have  wished,  To  copie  the  entire  Worke 
(worthie  your  Majesties  reading)  I  was  faine  thus 
soudanlie  to  scribble  over  this  small  Parte:  That 
(in  the  mean  time)  by  a  Parte,  I  might  (as  it  wear) 
give  your  Highnes  Possession  of  the  Whole.  .  .  ."  ^ 

Later  in  his  life  Sylvester  extended  the  field 
of  his  translations  to  embrace  numerous  other 
poetic  works  in  French  and  Latin,  generally  of 
a  religious  turn.  Among  the  pieces  drawn 
from  the  French  appear  a  translation  of  the 
Quatrains  of  Pibrac,  The  Profit  of  Imprisonment 
by  Odet  de  la  Noue,  Panaretus  (including  Job 
Triumphant),  based  on  the  work  of  Jean  Ber- 
tault,  and  the  Memorials  of  Mortalitie  and 
Trophies  and  Tragedy  of  Henry  the  Great  by 
Pierre  Matthieu. 

Sylvester  may  be  regarded  as  only  a  fairly 

^  Ed.  Grosart,  Introd.,  p.  xvi;  of.  also  facsimile 
title-page  of  vol.  ii. 


158  DU  BARTAS 

faithful  translator.^  The  general  progress  of  the 
narrative,  with  its  multitudinous  digressions, 
he  follows  carefully,  except  that  he  frequently 
enlarges  by  means  of  nationalizing  or  localiz- 
ing illustrations.  He  often  makes  over  pagan 
myth-names  and  simplifies  allusions.  The  bad 
taste  and  heaviness  of  the  original  he  exagger- 
ates sadly  by  often  phrasing  metaphor  and 
comparison  in  the  most  prosy  and  matter-of- 
fact  language  at  his  command.  To  the  religious 
tone  of  the  work  he  gives  a  new  twist,  replacing 
the  mild  and  liberal  Protestantism  of  Du  Bartas 
by  a  dogmatic  and  uncompromising  Puritanic 
spirit,  that  hardens  the  moralizing  and  places 
parts  of  the  work  very  near  the  boundaries  of 
satire.  It  would  be  well  at  this  point  to  note 
some  quotable  specimens  of  figurative  illustra- 
tion, as  it  appears  in  the  two  poets ;  for  unfor- 
tunately the  truest  test  for  the  influence  of 
Du  Bartas  in  England  will  be  along  the  line 
of  the  poet's  weaknesses.  These  comparisons, 
while  often  daring  in  their  imaginative  flights, 
are  too  frequently  elaborated  at  great  length  in 
a  hopelessly  wooden  and  mechanical  fashion,  or 
stoop  to  triviality  and  grotesqueness. 

1.  The  Creation  of  Matter^ 

Du  Bartas. 

"Ou  bien  comme  Toiseau  qui  tasche  rendre  vifs 
Et  ses  oeufs  naturels,  et  ses  oeufs  adoptifs, 

^  Cf .  the  discussion  in  P.  Weller,  op.  cit. 

2Cf.  Milton,  Paradise  Lost,  bk.  i.  11.  21-22:  — 

"Dove-like  sat'st  brooding  on  the  vast  abyss, 
And  mad'st  it  pregnant." 


DU  BARTAS  159 

Se  tient  couche  sur  eux,  et  d'une  chaleur  vive, 
Fait  qu'un  rond  jaune-blanc  en  un  poulet  s'avive: 
D'une  mesme  facon  TEsprit  de  TEtemel, 
Sembloit  couver  ce  goufre,  &  d'un  soin  paternel 
Verser  en  chasque  part  un  vertu  feconde, 
Pour    d'un    si    lourd    amas    extraire    un    si    beau 
monde,  .  .  ."  ^ 

Sylvester. 


<( 


Or,  as  a  Hen,  that  fain  would  hatch  a  Brood 
(Some  of  her  own,  some  of  adoptive  blood) 
Sits  close  thereon,  and  with  her  lively  heat, 
Of  yellow-white  bals,  doth  live  birds  beget : 
Even  in  such  sort  seemed  the  Spirit  Eternall 
To  brood  upon  this  Gulf ;  with  care  paternall 
Quickning  the  Parts,  inspiring  power  in  each. 
From  so  foul  Lees,  so  faire  a  World  to  fetch."  ^ 


2.  Relation  of  Heaven  and  Earth 

Du  Bartas. 

"combien  qu'incessamment 
Le  Ciel,  masle,  s'accouple  au  plus  sec  element : 
Et  d'un  germe  fecond,  qui  toute  chose  anime, 
Engrosse  a  tons  momens  sa  femme  legitime 
La  terre  plantureuse,  et  de  corps  si  divers 
En  forme  &  naturel,  embellit  TUnivers." ' 

Sylvester. 

"whereas  incessantly 
The  lusty  Heav'n  with  Earth  doth  company; 
And  with  a  fruitful  seed,  which  lends  All  life, 
With-childes,  each  moment,  his  owne  lawfuU  wife ; 
And  with  her  lovely  Babes,  in  form  and  nature 
So  divers,  decks  this  beautiful  Theater."  * 

^  Premiere  Semaine,  ed.  Paris,  1583,  p.  24. 
^  Sylvester,  Works,  ed.  1641,  p.  4a. 
3  Prem.  Semaine,  ed.  1583,  p.  78. 
*  Sylvester,  cd.  cit.,  p.  126. 


160  DU  BARTAS 

3.  The  Firmament  as  a  Peacock 

Du  Bartas. 

"Comme  un  Paon,  qui,  navr^  du  piqueron  d 'amour, 
Veut  faire,  piafard,  a  sa  dame  la  cour, 
Estaller  tasche  en  rond  les  thresors  de  ses  ailes 
Peinturees  d'azur,  marquetees  d'estoilles, 
Rouant  tout  a  Tentour  d'un  craquetant  cerceau, 
A  fin  que  son  beau  corps  paroisse  encor  plus  beau : 
Le  firmament  atteint  d'une  pareille  flame 
Desploye  tons  ses  biens,  rode  autour  de  sa  dame, 
Tend  son  rideau  d'azur  de  jaune  tavele, 
Houpe  de  flocons  d'or,  d'ardans  yeux  piole, 
Pommele  haut  et  bas  de  flambantes  rouelles, 
Mouchete  de  clers  feux,  &  parseme  d'estoilles, 
Pour  faire  que  la  terre  aille  plus  ardemment 
Recevoir  le  doux  fruict  de  son  embrasement."  ^ 

Sylvester. 

"Even  as  a  Peacock,  prickt  with  loves  desire, 
To  woo  his  Mistress,  strouting  stately  by  her, 
Spreads  round  the  rich  pride  of  his  pompous  vail. 
His  azure  wings,  and  Starry-golden  tail; 
With  rattling  pinions  wheeling  still  about, 
The  more  to  set  his  beauteous  beauty  out : 
The  Firmament  (as  feeling  like  above) 
Displayes  his  pomp ;  pranceth  about  his  Love, 
Spreads  his  blew  curtain,  mixt  with  golden  marks, 
Set  with  gilt  Spangles,  sown  with  glistring  Sparks, 
Sprinkled  with  eyes,  specked  with  Tapers  bright, 
Poudred  with  Stars  streaming  with  glorious  light, 
T'  inflame  the  Earth  the  more,  with  Lovers  grace, 
To  take  the  sweet  fruit  of  his  kind  imbrace."  ^ 

^  Prem.  Semaine,  p.  224. 
2  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  33a. 


DU  BARTAS  161 

4.  Bridges 
Du  Bartas. 

"Bes  Fonts,  bastis  sans  art,  sont  des  Rocs  mouchetez, 
Que  le  flot  mine-rive  a  de  son  choc  voutez, 
Ou  des  Palmes  encor.     Car  les  chaudes  femelles, 
Pour  assouvir  Tamour  qui  boult  dans  leurs  mouelles, 
Et  ioindre  leurs  maris  sur  Tautre  bord  croissans 
Courbent    leur    tige    espais,    et    font    planche    aux 
passans."* 

Sylvester. 

"And  th'  art-less  Bridges,  over-thwart  this  Torrent, 
Are  rocks  self-arched  by  the  eating  Current : 
Or  loving  Palms,  whose  lusty  Females  willing 
Their  marrow-boyling  loves  to  be  fullfilling, 
(And  reach  their  Husband-trees  on  th'  other  banks) 
Bow  their  stiffe  backs,  and  serve  for  passing-planks." ' 

5.  Winter 
Du  Bartas. 

"Mais  soudain  que  THyver  donne  une  froide  bride 
Aux  fleuves  desbordez  :  que  la  face,  il  solide 
Du  Baltique  Neptun :  qu^il  vitre  les  guerets, 
Et  que  de  floes  de  laine  il  orne  les  forets."  ^ 

Sylvester. 

"  But,  when  the  Winter^s  keener  breath  began 
To  crystallize  the  Baltike  Ocean, 
To  glaze  the  Lakes,  and  bridle-up  the  Flouds, 
And  perriwig  with  wool  the  balde-pate  Woods  " ;  * 

In  the  list  of  characteristic  details  of  style  in 
Du  Bartas,  the  use  of  compound  words  is  per- 

*  Du  Bartas,  CEuvres,  ed.  1593,  11.  63. 

2  Sylvester,  p.  856. 

3  Du  Bartas,  ed.  1593,  ii.  265. 

*  Sylvester,  p.  105a. 

M 


162  DU  BARTAS 

haps  the  most  important.  On  the  whole,  it 
may  be  said  that  Sylvester  carries  this  tendency 
considerably  farther.  How  much  of  this  in- 
crease is  due  to  Sylvester's  own  initiative,  and 
how  much  is  encouraged  by  the  example  of  his 
great  contemporaries,  themselves  somewhat 
under  the  influence  of  Du  Bartas,  it  is  rather 
hard  to  determine.  These  points  are  certain: 
(1)  In  many  cases,  where  Du  Bartas  uses  com- 
pounds, Sylvester  does  also,  often  compound- 
ing English  equivalents  of  the  French  words. 
Thus  ^'  porte-fleurs  "  becomes  '^  flo wry-mantled  " ; 
^'  chasse-mal,"  '^  hammer-ill."  (2)  In  other  cases, 
where  Du  Bartas  has  used  no  compounds,  Syl- 
vester introduces  some  of  his  own,  often  connect- 
ing from  three  to  five  words  in  one  combination. 
In  the  work  of  either  man,  however,  there  is 
almost  no  limit  to  the  compounding  tendency, 
many  of  the  instances  in  each  being  entirely  at 
variance  with  the  natural  idiom  of  the  language. 
Du  Bartas,  however,  afforded  no  model  for  such 
flights  of  Sylvestrian  exuberance  as  ^'Smell- 
strong-Many-foot,"  for  a  certain  type  of  fish;^ 
''sweet  Hee-Shee-Coupled-One,"  for  the  first  pair 
in  Eclen ;  ^  ' '  bef ore-un-sorro w-drained-brain ' '  ^ 
or  ''Plummet-like-smooth-sliding  Tenor."  ^ 

The  tendency  to  reduplicate  words,  which  is 
so  common  in  Du  Bartas,  is  never  actually  re- 
peated in  Sylvester's  translations,  and  yet  there 
are  a  few  places  where  Sylvester's  compounds 
appear  to  have  been  created  with  these  forms 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  41a.         ^Ihid.,  p.  576. 
3  Ihid.,  p.  104a.  "■  Ibid.,  p.  1436. 


DU  BARTAS  163 

in  mind.  Such  expressions  as  '^our  Countries 
now-Po-poysoned  phrase,"  ^  or  'Hhe  dart-dart- 
ing wily  Porcupin,"  ^  although  real  compounds, 
easily  suggest  the  ^^flo-flottant,"  ^'bou-bouil- 
lant,"  and  the  like,  of  Du  Bartas. 

The  onomatopoetic  qualities  of  Du  Bartas  are 
carried  on  in  about  the  same  degree  and  with 
about  the  same  excellence  by  the  translator,  as 
these  two  examples  indicate :  ^  — 

1.  The  Lark 
Du  Bartas. 

"  Ira  gentile  Alouete  avec  son  tire-lire, 
Tire-l'ire  a  Tire  et  tire-lirant  tire, 
Vers  la  voute  du  Ciel ;  puis  son  vol  vers  ce  lieu 
Vire,  et  desire  dire,  adieu  Dieu,  adieu  Dieu."  * 

Sylvester. 

"The  pretty  lark,  climbing  the  Welkin  clear 
Chaunts  with  a  cheer,  Heer  peer-I  neer  my  Dear ; 
Then  stooping  thence  (seeming  her  fall  to  rew) 
Adieu  (she  saith),  adieu,  Deer,  Deer,  adieu!"* 

2.  The  Thunder  Storm 
Du  Bartas. 

"  Comme  le  feu  cache  dans  la  vapeur  espesse 
Marmotonne,  grondant,  la  nue  qui  le  presse, 
Canonne,  tonne,  estonne ;  et  d'un  long  roulement 
Ire  fait  retentir  le  venteux  element."  ° 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  120a. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  1816. 

2  These  are  quoted  by  Weller,  op.  cit.,  p.  70. 

*  (Euvres,  ed.  1593,  i.  429. 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  446. 

« (Euvres,  ed.  1593,  ii.  182. 


164  DU  BARTAS 

Sylvester. 

"As  the  heat,  hidden  in  a  vapoury  Cloud, 
Striving  for  issue  with  strange  murmurs  loud, 
Like  guns  astuns,  with  round,  round-rumbling  thunder, 
Filling  the  air  with  noyse,  the  Earth  with  wonder."  ^ 

As  already  noted,  Du  Bartas  shows  a  con- 
siderable fondness  for  word-play  and  jingle  in 
his  verses.  Thus  there  appear  such  expressions 
as:  — 

"  Esprit  k  leur  esprit  par  TEsprit  de  sa  voix," 

and 

"joindrit  volon tiers  ses  larmes  k  ces  larmes," 

in  the  Judith;  and 

"le  sang  de  mon  sang  et  Fame  de  mon  ame," 

in  the  Semaines.  Sylvester  usually  renders 
such  phrasings  faithfully,  but  his  employment 
of  such  conceits  is  by  no  means  limited  to  that 
of  his  original.  In  the  time  intervening  be- 
tween the  French  Semaines  and  Sylvester's  pub- 
lication of  the  Weeks  and  Works,  England  was 
completely  carried  away  by  the  fascination  of 
such  tricks  of  expression;  Sidney  and  Spenser 
and  the  rest  working  the  vogue  to  excess,  and 
Euphuism,  Arcadianism,  and  their  kindred, 
extending  these  practices  throughout  the  land. 
The  influence  of  the  poems  of  Du  Bartas  may 
have  been  a  factor  in  encouraging  this  vogue, 
but  they  do  not  appear  to  have  anything  like 
the  significance  that  they  had  for  the  tendency 

*  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  976. 


DU  BARTAS  165 

toward  compound  words.  Sylvester  was  awake 
to  all  the  fads  of  the  hour,  and  apparently 
found  intense  satisfaction  in  numerous  examples 
of  verbal  conceit,  just  as  he  did  in  anagrams 
and  in  stanzas  printed  in  emblematic  shape. 
While  conceits  of  language  by  themselves 
would  serve  no  purpose  in  indicating  Sylvester's 
influence,  they  may  play  a  valuable  part  as 
accessories,  and  thus  deserve  attention.  Some 
typical  specimens  are  easily  selected. 

1.  "  In  brief,  mine  eye,  confounded  with  such  spectacles, 

In  that  one  wonder  sees  a  Sea  of  Miracles. ''  ^ 

2.  "This  purest,  fairest,  rarest  Fruits  fruition."' 

3.  "  With  divine  accents  tuning  rarely  right 

Unto  the  rapting  Spirit  the  rapted  Spright."  ^ 

4.  "The  Spirit  which  all  good  spirits  in  spirit  adore, 

In  all,  on  all,  with-out  all,  evermore.''  * 

5.  "I  am  that  I  am,  in  me,  for  me,  by  me; 

All  Beings  Be  not  (or  else  unselfly  be) 

But  from  my  Being,  all  their  Beings  gather."  ^ 

There  is  also  a  difference  of  metrical  form 
between  Du  Bartas  and  his  translator.  The 
original  Semaines  were  in  Alexandrine  couplets, 
for  which  Sylvester  substituted  a  ten-syllable 
couplet.  Moreover,  instead  of  the  somewhat 
lengthy  prose  summaries  with  which  Du  Bartas 
prefaced  the  narrative  of  each  day,  Sylvester 
employed  short,  crisp  ^'arguments"  in  verse, 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  376.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  92a. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  1436.  *  Ibid.,  p.  154a. 

» Ibid.,  p.  1676. 


166  DU  BARTAS 

resembling  those  of  the  Faerie  Queene,  except 
that  they  were  in  the  metre  of  the  poem  proper. 
At  the  beginning  of  his  version  of  the  Second 
Week,  Sylvester  pauses  to  offer  a  prayer  for  his 
own  success  in  turning  the  reading  public  of 
England 

"From  Ovid's  heires,  and  their  un-hallowed  spell 
Here  charming  senses,  chaining  soules  in  Hell," 

and  enjoins  upon  the  poetic  wits  of  the  country 
to  carry  on  original  work  along  the  lines  Du 
Bartas  has  laid  down. 

"  Let  them  devise  new  Weeks,  new  Works,  new  Waies 
To  celebrate  the  supreme  Prince  of  praise." 

That  there  was  a  willing  response  to  this  call 
to  the  service  of  Urania  may  easily  be  estab- 
lished; and  indeed  there  is  abundant  evidence 
that,  prior  to  the  appearance  of  Sylvester's 
translation  and  independent  of  his  influence, 
the  literary  men  of  England  were  entirely  fa- 
miliar with  his  French  master.  Furthermore, 
they  had  been  impressed  by  this  master  fully 
as  much  as  was  King  James,  the  first  English 
champion  of  Du  Bartas,  and  had  drawn  upon 
the  Semaines  for  certain  elements  of  their  own 
writings.  The  case  of  Sidney  has  already  been 
mentioned.  In  an  earlier  chapter  ^  attention 
was    called    to    his    fondness    for    compound 

words :  — 

"that  new  elegance 
Which  sweet  Philisides  fetch'd  of  late  from  France." 

^  Supra,  p.  67. 


DU  BARTAS  167 

While  the  word-play  and  jingle  (^^repliea- 
zione")  that  appear  so  often  in  the  Arcadia 
have  no  need  of  a  Du  Bartas  to  account  for 
their  existence,  there  is  a  strong  probability 
that  his  use  of  compounds  may  represent  the 
still  fresh  influence  of  that  poet. 
.  For  Spenser,  too,  there  is  a  fairly  interesting 
case.  The  external  evidence  is  in  the  form  of 
a  tribute  paid  to  Du  Bartas  in  the  Ruins  of 
Rome,  1591,  just  after  that  paid  Du  Bellay, 
from  whom  this  poem  was  drawn.  Having  de- 
clared of  Du  Bellay,  — 

"Thy  dayes  therefore  are  endless,  and  thy  prayse 
Excelling  all  that  ever  went  before ; " 

he  adds  in  conclusion :  — 

"And  after  thee,  gins  Bartas  hie  to  rayse 
His  Heavenly  Muse,  th'  Almightie  to  adore. 
Live,  happie  spirits,  th'  honour  of  your  name, 
And  fill  the  world  with  never  dying  fame  !"  ^ 

Of  course  there  are  in  the  works  of  Du  Bartas 
and  Spenser  numerous  features  in  common  that 
in  no  way  indicate  an  indebtedness.  Both,  for 
example,  invoke  the  aid  of  the  Heavenly  Muse; 
and  yet  Spenser  in  this  is  merely  following  the 
lead  of  Tasso's  Gerusalemme  Liherata,  composed 
under  the  counter  influence  of  the  Catholic  Re- 
action, as  was  Tasso's  parallel  to  La  Premiere 
Semaine,  —  Le  Sette  Giornate  del  Mondo  Creato, 
written  in  1595  with  a  knowledge  of  Du  Bartas's 
work.  Spenser,  though  in  a  lesser  degree  than 
Du   Bartas,  draws   freely  upon  the  unnatural 

^  Spenser,  Works,  Globe  edition,  p.  531. 


168  DU  BARTAS 

natural  history  of  the  time,  and  employs  the 
cataloguing  of  such  matters  to  illuminate  his 
statements.  Both  indulge  frequently  in  elabo- 
rate comparisons ;  and  in  the  numerous  instances 
where  Spenser's  figures  become  dully  material  or 
show  daring  taste,  it  is  only  natural  to  think  of 
the  prevalent  tone  of  such  things  in  Du  Bartas. 
Spenser,  like  Sidney,  employs  the  verbal  echo 
in  conceits,  and  Spenser  too  shows  a  consider- 
able fondness  for  compound  words. 

There  is  a  more  distinct  resemblance  con- 
necting with  the  Sixth  Day  of  La  Premiere 
Semaine.  There  Du  Bartas  approaches  the 
creation  of  man  in  these  words :  — 

"0  Pere,  tout  ainsi  qu'il  te  pleut  de  former 
De  la  marine  humeur  les  hostes  de  la  mer : 
De  mesme  tu  formas  d'une  terrestre  masse 
Des  fragiles  humains  la  limonneuse  race, 
A  fin  que  chasque  corps  forge  nouvellement 
Eust  quelque  sympathie  avec  son  element. 

*»£#  <t»  ^0  »I# 

#^  ^f^  tf^#  ^* 

Mais  tu  logeas  encor  Thumain  ente-ndement 

En  Testage  plus  haut  de  ce  beau  bastiment: 

A  fin  que  tout  ainsi  que  d'une  citadelle 

II  domptast  la  fureur  du  corps,  qui  se  rebelle 

Trop  souvent  contre  luy,  &  que  nostre  raison, 

Tenant  dans  un  tel  fort  jour  et  nuit  garnison, 

Foulast  dessous  ses  pieds  Ten  vie,  la  cholere, 

L'avarice,  I'orgueil,  &  tout  ce  populaire, 

Qui  veut,  seditieux,  tousjours  donner  la  loy 

A  celuy  qu'il  te  pleut  leur  ordonner  pour  Roy."  * 

There  follows  a  detailed  description  of  the 
various  portions  of  this  '^beau  bastiment,"  with 

^  Prem.  Semaine,  ed.  1583,  p.  377  sq. 


DU  BARTAS  169 

their  functions,  beginning  with  those  of  the 
citadel,  the  head,  and  continuing  for  some  two 
hundred  hues  the  author's  version  of  the  old 
Greek  notion  of  Microcosmos.  As  he  explains, 
this  marvelous  equipment  has  its  greatest  value 
in  providing  a  suitable  dwelling-place  for  the 
human  soul,  whose  exact  location  in  the  edifice 
he  regards  as  uncertain  and  of  no  moment.^ 
In  the  general  conception  and  in  many  details 
of  description  and  phraseology  there  is  a  strik- 
ing resemblance  to  the  '^  House  of  Alma,"  ^n 
episode  in  the  ninth  canto  of  the  Second  Book 
of  the  Faerie  Queene.  The  first  approach  to 
Alma's  castle  strongly  suggests  the  passage  just 
quoted  from  Du  Bartas,  even  to  the  detail  of 
the  '^ slimy"  earth. 

"  First  she  them  led  up  to  the  Castle  Wall, 
That  was  so  high,  as  foe  might  not  it  clime, 
And  all  so  faire,  and  sensible  withall, 
Not  built  of  bricke,  ne  yet  of  stone  and  lime, 
But  of  thing  like  to  that  Egyptian  slime, 
Whereof  King  Nine  whilome  built  Babell  towre."  ^ 

The  foes  against  which  "I'entendement'^ 
keeps  guard  find  echo  a  little  before  in  Spen- 
ser's description :  — 

"Thus  as  he  spoke,  loe  with  outragious  cry 
A  thousand  villeins  round  about  them  swarmed 
Out  of  the  rockes  and  caves  adioyning  nye, 

^  Cf.  Prem.  Semaine,  ed.  cit.,  p.  407:  — 

"  Car  soit  que  cest  esprit,  inventeur  de  tout  art 
Soit  tout  en  tout  le  corps,  &  tout  en  chasque  part, 
Soit  qu'il  regne  au  cerveau,  soit  qu'au  coeur  il  habite." 

2  Faerie  Queene,  ii.  ix.   186. 


170  DU  BARTAS 

Vile  caytive  wretches,  ragged,  rude,  deformed, 

All  threatning  death,  all  in  straunge  manner  armd."  ^ 

Spenser's  description  of  the  eyes,  mouth,  teeth, 
tongue  and  stomach,  and  further  details  con- 
cerning the  understanding,  shows  striking  re- 
semblance to  that  given  by  Du  Bartas.^  In 
fact,  the  Faerie  Queene  does  not  deviate  materi- 
ally until  the  pictures  of  Understanding,  Memory, 
and  Imagination,  which  are  personified  and 
placed  in  their  proper  chambers  in  the  head, 
instead  of  merely  having  their  functions  com- 
mented upon,  as  in  the  Semaine.  It  is  true 
that  this  Microcosmos  idea  was  commonplace 
enough  in  England  at  the  time,  but  the  de- 
tailed resemblance  of  Spenser  and  Du  Bartas 
at  this  point  is  certainly  more  than  mere  chance.^ 
Upon  further  comparison  of  these  two  works 
with  Sylvester's  version  of  Du  Bartas,  there 
are  certain  peculiarities  of  phraseology  which 
indicate  that  this  translation  was  made  with  a 
knowledge  of  the  parallel,  and  with  considerable 
attention  to  Spenser's  wording.  A  good  in- 
stance appears  in  the  description  of  the  stomach, 
where  "\e  cuisinier  par  fait"  of  Du  Bartas  be- 
comes in  Spenser  ^Hhe  maister  Cook  Concoc- 
tion," and  Sylvester  repeats  the  term  '' Master- 
Cook"  and  uses  the  word  '' concoct"  twice  in 
this  connection. 

^Faerie  Queene,  11.  ix.  114  sq. 

2  See  parallels  of  Du  Bartas,  Spenser,  Sylvester,  and 
Fletcher's  Purple  Island  in  appendix  B. 

3  J.  M.  Berdan,  ''Doni  and  the  Jacobeans,"  in  Publ. 
Mod.  Lang.  Assn.,  June,  1907,  notes  a  slightly  similar 
treatment  of  the  matter  in  a  dialogue  by  Doni. 


DU  BARTAS  171 

Gabriel  Harvey,  friend  and  for  a  time  literary 
associate  of  both  Sidney  and  Spenser,  is  em- 
phatic in  his  praise  of  Du  Bartas.  One  extrava- 
gant passage  reads :  — 

"The  afore-named  Bartas  (whome  elsewhere  I 
have  stiled  the  Treasurer  of  Humanity,  and  the 
Jeweller  of  Divinity)  for  the  highnesse  of  his  subject 
and  the  maiesty  of  his  verse,  nothing  inferior  unto 
Dante  (whome  some  Italians  preferre  before  Virgil, 
or  Homer)  a  right  inspired  and  enravished  Poet; 
full  of  chosen,  grave,  profound,  venerable,  and  stately 
matter;  even  in  the  next  Degree  to  the  sacred,  and 
reverend  stile  of  heavenly  Divinity  it  selfe.  In  a 
manner  the  onely  Poet,  whom  Urany  hath  voutsafed 
to  Laureate  with  her  owne  heavenly  hand :  and 
worthy  to  bee  alleadged  of  Divines,  and  Counsellours, 
as  Homer  is  quoted  of  Philosophers,  and  Oratours. 
Many  of  his  solemne  verses,  are  oracles :  and  one 
Bartas,  that  is,  one  French  Salomon,  more  weighty 
in  stern  and  mighty  counsell,  then  the  Seaven  Sages 
of  Greece.  Never  more  beauty  in  vulgar  Languages : 
but  his  stile  addeth  favour,  and  grace  to  beauty ;  .  .  ."^ 

At  one  place  on  the  margin  of  a  copy  of 
Quintilian,  in  which  he  was  making  comments, 
Harvey  wrote:  ^'Euripides,  wisest  of  Poets: 
except  now  at  length  the  divine  Bartas."  ^ 

In  the  writings  of  Sir  John  Da  vies,  composed 
and  printed  in  the  last  decade  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  there  again  appears  this  notion  of  the 
body  as  the  well-equipped  dwelling-place  of  the 
soul.  His  poem,  The  bnmortality  of  the  Soul, 
contains  numerous  stanzas  in  language  already 
familiar,  describing  details  of  the  soul's  dwelling- 

*  Harvey,  Works,  ed.  Grosart,  ii.  103, 
2  Henry  Morley,  English  Writers,  ix.  184. 


172  DU  BARTAS 

place;  and  the  Orchestra,  in  one  place  at  least, 
carries  on  the  comparison  of  veins  in  the  body 
to  streams  of  water  on  the  earth,  a  figure  already 
employed  by  Du  Bartas,^  and  later  to  count 
for  so  much  in  the  Purple  Island  of  Phineas 
Fletcher.^ 

"Yet  though  the  Earth  is  ever  stedfast  seen, 
On  her  broad  breast  hath  dancing  ever  been. 
For  those  blue  veins  that  through  her  body  spread, 
Those  sapphire  streams  which  from  great  hills  do 

spring, 
(The  Earth's  great  dugs ;  for  ev'ry  wight  is  fed 
With  sweet  fresh  moisture  from  them  issuing) 
Observe  a  dance  in  their  wild  wandering/'  ^ 

From  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul  a  few  stanzas 
need  to  be  quoted.  Du  Bartas  had  said  of 
the  Soul's  swiftness  in  flight :  — 

"  Or  bien  que  nostre  esprit  vive  comme  captif 
Dans  les  ceps  de  ce  corps,  qu'il  languisse  chetif 
Sous  un  obscur  tombeau,  d'une  tirade  il  vole 
Et  d'Imaue  outre  Calpe,  et  de  la  terre  au  pole: 
Plus  viste  que  celuy  qui  d'un  flamboyant  tour 
Tout  ce  grand  Univers  postillonne  en  un  jour. 
Car  quittant  quelquefois  les  terres  trop  cognues, 
D'une  alegre  secousse  il  saute  sur  les  nues : 

**1*  *i*  »i«  9S0 

^»  ^»  ^^  ^fm 

Par  les  degrez  de  I'air  il  monte  audacieux, 
Sur  les  planchers  du  monde,  il  visite  les  cieux 
Estage  apres  estage,  il  contemple  leurs  voutes, 
II  remarque  I'accord  de  leurs  contraires  routes 
D'un  infallible  get.'"* 

^  See  appendix  B.  ^  Infra,  p.  199  sq. 

3  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  v.  108. 
*  Prem.  Semaine,  ed.  1583,  p.  411. 


DU  BARTAS  173 


Davies  says  of  the  Soul :  — 

"When  she,  without  a  Pegasus,  doth  fly, 
Swifter  than  lightning's  fire  from  east  to  west ; 
About  the  centre,  and  above  the  sky. 
She  travels  then,  although  the  body  rest. 

*-f  ^  m^  ^g  ^» 

•f*  rfi  S^  w^ 

"Yet  in  the  body's  prison  so  she  lies, 
As  through  the  body's  windows  she  must  look, 
Her  divers  powers  of  sense  to  exercise. 
By  gath'ring  notes  out  of  the  world's  great  book. 

*fc)*  *j^  ^^  ^^0 

*X*  *T>  ^*  ^^ 

.  .  .  "the  soul,  which  is  a  lady  free, 
And  doth  the  justice  of  her  state  maintain : 
Because  the  senses  ready  servants  be. 
Attending  nigh  about  her  court,  the  brain."  ^ 

In  addition  to  the  notion  of  mere  swiftness  and 
activity,  there  is  developed  in  these  lines  the 
whole  conception  of  the  Soul  as  mistress  of  a 
fleshly  abode.     Such  details  as  these  follow:  — 

"Her  quick'ning  power  in  ev'ry  living  part. 
Doth  as  a  nurse  or  as  a  mother  serve ; 
And  doth  employ  her  economic  art. 
And  busy  care,  her  household  to  preserve. 

Here  she  attracts,  and  there  she  doth  retain ; 
There  she  decocts,  and  doth  the  food  prepare; 
There  she  distributes  it  to  ev'ry  vein. 
There  she  expels  what  she  may  fitly  spare. 

:{«  H«  4«  H:  H: 

"  First,  the  two  eyes,  which  have  the  seeing  pow'r 
Stand  as  one  watchman,  spy,  or  centinel. 
Being  plac'd  aloft,  within  the  head's  high  tow'r; 
And  though  both  see,  yet  both  but  one  thing  tell. 

*  *  *  *  * 

^  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  v.  84. 


174  DU  BARTAS 

"These  wickets  of  the  soul  ^  are  plac'd  on  high, 
Because  all  sounds  do  lightly  mount  aloft ; 
And  that  they  may  not  pierce  too  violently, 
They  are  delay 'd  with  turns  and  windings  oft. 

"For  should  the  voice  directly  strike  the  brain, 
It  would  astonish  and  confuse  it  much ; 
Therefore  these  plaits  and  folds  the  sound  retain, 
That  it  the  organs  may  more  gently  touch."  ^ 

The  account  of  the  mental  powers  and  their 
seats  goes  into  detail  more  after  the  manner 
of  Spenser.  Comparison  of  all  these  descrip- 
tions with  those  already  considered  in  the 
Semaine  and  the  Faerie  Queene,^  indicates  a 
strong  probability  that  Davies  had  both  these 
well  in  mind  when  he  composed  his  work,  and 
drew  from  them  such  suggestions  as  would 
serve  his  more  abstract  ends. 

There  are  a  number  of  references  still  to  be 
mentioned  testifying  to  the  standing  of  Du 
Bart  as  in  England  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  Arcadian  Rhetorike  of  Abraham 
Fraunce,  in  1588,  besides  the  definite  mention 
of  Du  Bart  as  and  his  work  on  the  title-page, 
draws  freely  from  his  writings  throughout  its 
pages.  Sir  John  Harrington,  in  his  translation 
of  Orlando  Furioso,  in  1591,  comments  thus  on 
the  story  of  Judith,  appearing  in  the  35th. 
Book:  ^' which  storie,  the  lord  Du  Bartas,  and 
rare  French  Poet,  contrived  into  an  excellent 
Poeme  in  French,  and  the  same  is  translated  into 
a  very  good  and  sweet  English  verse,  by  one 

^  The  ears.  ^  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  v,  90. 

3  See  appendix  B. 


DU  BARTAS  175 

M.  Thomas  Hudson."  ^  The  address  ''To  the 
Reader/'  prefixed  by  Barnabe  Barnes  to  his 
Divine  Centurie  of  Spirituall  Sonnets,  1595, 
has  aheady  been  noted,  with  its  tribute  to 
the  champion  of  the  Heavenly  Muse,  and  ac- 
knowledgment of  his  influence  in  the  direction 
of  religious  sonnets.^  Churchyard,  in  his  Praise 
of  Poetrie,  1595,  has  this  to  say:  — 

"Divine  Du  Bartas  merits  praise, 
Most  excellent  verse  he  wrate/' 

The  tendency  of  Du  Bartas's  work  in  the 
direction  of  satire  has  already  been  noted. 
An  early  development  in  this  line  is  mentioned 
by  Warton  in  his  History  of  English  Poetry. 
''In  1598,"  he  says,^  "appeared  'Seven  Satires, 
applied  to  the  week,  including  the  world's 
ridiculous  follies.'  This  form  was  an  imitation 
of  the  Semaines  of  Du  Bartas,  just  translated 
into  English  by  Delisle."  * 

The  satirist  Joseph  Hall  was  somewhat  deeply 
interested  in  the  work  of  Du  Bartas.  In  the 
first  book  of  his  Vergidemiarum,  1597,  the 
fourth  satire,  he  mentions  the  French  poet  as 
ranking  with  Spenser  and  Ariosto,  the  only 
moderns  whose  poetry  in  heroic  vein  deserved 
the  laurel.^     In  the  eighth  satire  of  the  same 

^  This  and  several  other  references    immediately  fol- 
lowing are  drawn  from  Weller,  op.  cit.,  p.  7  sq. 
^  Supra,  p.  134  sq. 
3  Ed.  London,  1824,  iv.  397. 

*  As  a  matter  of  fact,  L 'Isle's  translations  appear 
decidedly  fragmentary  at  that  date.     Cf.  p.  153. 

*  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  v.  266. 


176  DU  BARTAS 

book/  however,  attacking  the  vogue  of  writ- 
ing rehgious  poetry,  then  prevalent  among  the 
poorest  hterary  pretenders,  he  says :  — 

''Hence,  ye  profane  !  mell  not  with  holy  things 
That  Sion's  Muse  from  Palestina  brings. 
Parnassus  is  transformed  to  Sion  Hill, 
And  iv'ry-palms  her  steep  ascents  done  fill. 
Now  good  St.  Peter  weeps  pure  Helicon, 
And  both  the  Maries  make  a  music  moan : 
Yea,  and  the  prophet  of  the  heav'nly  lyre, 
Great  Solomon,  sings  in  the  English  quire; 
And  is  become  a  new-found  sonnetist, 
Singing  his  love,  the  holy  spouse  of  Christ." 

Though  the  particular  objects  of  this  attack 
were  poems  by  Robert  Southwell  and  Gervase 
Markham;  Marston,  Hall's  enemy,  saw  in  this 
satire  an  opportunity  to  bring  the  latter  into 
bad  repute  by  representing  him  as  attacking 
the  then  admired  Du  Bart  as.  In  a  satire 
entitled  '^Reactio,"  in  1598,  he  declares:  — 

...  "  O  daring  hardiment ! 
At  Bartas'  sweet  Semaines  rail  impudent ! 
At  Hopkins,  Sternhold,^  and  the  Scottish  King, 
At  all  Translators  that  do  strive  to  bring 
That  stranger  language  to  our  vulgar  tongue. 
Spit  in  thy  poison  their  fair  acts  among ; 
Ding  them  all  down  from  fair  Jerusalem, 
And  mew  them  up  in  thy  deserved  Bedlam."  ^ 

Any  doubt  concerning  Hall's  real  attitude 
toward  the   poems   of   Du   Bartas   gives   way 

^  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  p.  266. 

2  These  men  were  noted  for  their  metrical  versions 
of  the  Psalms. 

3  Marston,  Works,  ed.  A.  H.  Bullen,  iii.  281. 


DU  BARTAS  177 

before  the  verses  of  lavish  compliment  which  he 
addressed  to  Sylvester  on  the  completion  of  his 
translation.     These  conclude :  — 

"Thou  follow'st  Bartasses  diviner  streine; 
And  sing'st  his  numbers  in  his  native  veine. 
Bartas  was  some  French  Angel,  girt  with  Bayes : 
And  thou  a  Bartas  art,  in  English  Layes. 
Whether  is  more  ?  Mee  seems  (the  sooth  to  say'n) 
One  Bartas  speakes  in  Tongues,  in  Nations,  twain."  ^ 

There  is  one  other  bit  of  testimony,  just  at 
the  beginning  of  the  new  century,  indicating 
the  popularity  of  Du  Bartas  in  the  original. 
This  is  the  already  quoted  passage  ^  from  the 
Return  from  Parnassus,  1606,  where  Amoretto 
says  to  his  page:  ^^Sirrha  boy,  remember  me 
when  I  come  into  Paules  Churchyard  to  buy  a 
Ronzard  and  Dubartas  in  french  .  .  .  they 
wil  sharpen  my  witts  gallantly."  Although 
there  is  no  technical  force  to  the  word  ^^wit" 
as  used  here,  it  suggests  an  important  line  of 
consideration  belonging  to  this  same  period. 

The  various  forms  of  wit,  which  characterize 
so  much  of  the  poetry  of  the  early  seventeenth 
century,  may  of  course  have  grown  up  without 
outside  impulse,  finding  sufficient  cause  in  the 
somewhat  mechanical  struggle  of  a  decadent 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  1641,  introductory  pages.  Attention 
may  be  called  here  to  the  statement  of  Hall,  in  the 
postscript  to  V ergidemiarum ,  that  among  his  models 
was  "one  base  French  satire."  This  may  well  be  a 
reference  to  the  Satire  Menippee,  available  since  1594, 
and  not  at  all  classical  in  form  or  source;   hence  "base." 

^  Supra,  p.  140. 

N 


178  DU  BARTAS 

period  to  find  new  figurative  conceptions  that 
would  attract  readers  by  surprise  or  sweep  of 
imagination.  Yet  it  is  unlikely  that  this  prob- 
lem can  be  completely  solved  without  reckoning 
with  the  encouragement  given  by  numerous 
foreign  or  native  compositions,  already  turning 
more  or  less  in  these  directions.  The  Italian 
lyric  poets  at  the  end  of  the  quattrocento  had 
prepared  the  way  for  such  activity.  The  work 
of  Du  Bartas,  either  in  its  original  form  or  in 
translation,  opens  a  promising  field  of  further 
investigation  in  the  matter  of  these  outside 
impulses.^  Even  in  the  case  of  John  Donne, 
the  great  leader  in  the  use  of  daring  figures 
drawn  from  the  material  things  of  life,  there 
seems  ample  reason  to  consider  the  possible 
influence  of  the  Semaines.  Foreign  source- 
hunting  for  Donne  has  not  proved  especially 
satisfying.  Marino  came  into  the  field  too 
late,  and  his  style  is  less  like  Donne's,  the  more 
one  studies  it.  The  Spanish  Gongora  grew 
to  resemble  Donne  in  extravagant  metaphor 
and  torturing  obscurity,  but  these  features  of 
his  style  likewise  came  too  late.^  Donne  carries 
power  and  intensity  of  imagination  far  beyond 
that  of  Serafino  and  his  group.  There  is  a 
degree  of  satisfaction  in  the  notion  that  Donne 
was  Donne,  and  that  his  bold  and  virile  imagi- 
nation seized  upon  startling  conceptions  which 
other  men  did  not  dream  of.     When  one  con- 

^  Cf .  Courthope,  History  of  English  Poetry,  iii.  93. 
2  Cf .  Edmund  Gosse,  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Donne, 
n.  343-344. 


DU  BARTAS  179 

siders,  however,  that  practically  all  the  pecu- 
liarities of  Donne  had  already  appeared  in  Du 
Bartas,  lacking  there  only  the  mastery  of  genius 
to  make  them  vital  and  impressive  instead  of 
vapid  and  commonplace,  the  element  of  French 
suggestion  seems  to  some  extent  to  find  its 
place  in  the  explanation  of  this  English  work/ 
The  poetry  of  Du  Bartas  was  before  him;  he 
had  every  reason  to  know  it.  Even  as  he 
experimented  and  composed,  Sylvester's  trans- 
lations were  coming  into  circulation.  Elaborate 
figures,  complicated  figures,  comparisons  drawn 
from  all  the  minutiae  of  contemporary  science 
and  hardly  pausing  at  the  threshold  of  men's 
sense  of  taste  and  proportion:  all  these  were 
spread  out  before  him,  and  he  had  only  to 
approve  them  and  give  them  power. 

The  minor  tricks  of  style  concerned  him  but 
little.  His  use  of  compounds  is  not  excessive, 
but  they  appear  occasionally.     Thus :  — 

1.  ''But  truly  keeps  his  first-last-everlasting  day."' 

2.  "  Tis  much  that  glass  should  be 

As  all  confessing  and  through-shine  as  I."  ^ 

3.  "Or  like  to  full  on-both-sides-written  rolls."* 

4.  "Batter  my  heart,  three-person 'd  God."  ^ 

^  Cf.  J.  Churton  Collins,  Introd.  to  Poems  of  Lord  Her- 
bert of  Cherbury,  p.  xxiii. 

2  "  The  Anniversary,"  Chalmers,  Eng.  Poets,  v.  131. 

3  "  The  Valediction  of  My  Name,"  Chalmers,  v.  131. 

*  "  Of  the  Progress  of  the  Soul,  2d  Anniversary," 
Chalmers,  v.  184. 

'  Holy  Sonnets,  no.  xiv,  Chalmers,  v.  198. 


180  DU  BARTAS 

Donne's  use  of  verbal  echoes '^  and  conceits 
is  also  moderate.     A  few  examples  appear :  — 

1.  ''As  to  a  stomach  starv'd,  whose  insides  meet, 

Meat  comes,  it  came  ;"^ 

2.  "All  tiling^  are  one;  and  that  one  none  can  be, 

Since  all  forms  uniform  deformity 
Doth  cover;  .  .  ."^ 

3.  "  Verse,  that  draws  Nature's  works  from  Nature's  law, 

Thee,  her  best  work,  to  her  work  cannot  draw." ' 

4.  "That  all,  which  always  was  all,  every  where; 

Which  could  not  sin,  and  yet  all  sins  did  bear. 
Which  could  not  die,  yet  could  not  choose  but  die ;  * 

This  particular  expression  must  have  been 
especially  pleasing  to  Donne,  as  it  is  repeated 
almost   verbatim   in  the   second   of    his  Holy 

Sonnets :  — 

"That  all,  which  always  is  all  everywhere, 
Which  cannot  sin,  and  yet  all  sins  must  bear. 
Which  cannot  die,  yet  cannot  choose  but  die. "  ® 

In  the  use  of  complicated  comparisons  drawn 
from  the  material  details  of  human  knowledge, 
Donne  finds  his  distinguishing  characteristic. 
Numerous  entire  poems  of  his  are  little  else 
than  meshes  of  this  sort,  either  playing  upon  a 
few  elaborately  wrought  figures  or  trying  one 
daring    notion    after    another.     Examples    of 


1  "  The  Storme/'  Chalmers,  v.  162.  ^  /^,^-^_ 

^  "  Sappho  to  Philcenis,"  Chalmers,  v.  174. 
*  "  Progress  of  the  Soul,  First  Song,"  Chalmers,  v.  192. 
<*  Ibid.,  V.  196. 


DU  BARTAS  181 

this  are  found  in  such  poems  as  ''The  Flea/'  * 
''A  Valediction  of  My  Name  in  the  AVindow/' 
''Love's  Alchymy,"  "Elegy  VIII  (The  Compari- 
son)," and  the  verses  to  Mr.  T.  W.  and  Mr. 
B.  B.  Masses  of  whimsical  conceits  of  this 
sort  occur  also  in  "The  Anatomy  of  the  World 
—  First  and  Second  Anniversaries,"  ^  as  well  as 
in  "The  Progress  of  the  Soul"  ^  and  in  "The 
Cross."  ^  Various  valuable  examples  may  be 
quoted  from  other  poems.  Thus  from  "  Love's 
Growth:  " — 

"And  yet  no  greater,  but  more  eminent, 

Love  by  the  spring  is  grown ; 

As  in  the  firmament 
Stars  by  the  Sun  are  not  enlarg'd,  but  shown. 
Gentle  love-deeds,  as  blossoms  on  a  bough, 
From  love's  awakened  root  do  bud  out  now. 
If,  as  in  water  stirr'd  more  circles  be 
Produced  by  one,  love,  such  additions  take. 
Those,  like  so  many  spheres,  but  one  Heaven  make, 
For  they  are  all  concentric  unto  thee ; 
And  though  each  spring  do  add  to  love  new  heat, 
As  princes  do  in  times  of  action  get 
New  taxes,  and  remit  them  not  in  peace. 
No  winter  shall  abate  this  spring's  increase."  ^ 

An  elaborate  clock  figure  occurs  in  the  Funeral 
Elegy  "  To  the  Lord  Harrington's  Brother  "  :  — 

"Though  as  small  pocket-clocks,  whose  every  wheel 
Doth  each  mis-motion  and  distemper  feel ; 
Whose  hands  get  shaking  palsies ;  and  whose  string 
(His  sinews)  slackens ;  and  whose  soul,  the  spring, 

^  These   poems   appear   in   Chalmers,  127,    131,    134, 
145,   168,   169. 

2  Ihid.,  p.  176  sq.  3  75^-^^  p    191  g^. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  199.  6  Ibid.,  p.  133. 


182  DU  BARTAS 

Expires  or  languishes ;  and  whose  pulse,  the  flee, 

Either  beats  not  or  beats  unevenly ; 

Whose  voice,  the  bell,  doth  rattle  or  grow  dumb, 

Or  idle,  as  men  which  to  their  last  hour  come ; 

If  these  clocks  be  not  wound,  or  be  wound  still. 

Or  be  not  set,  or  set  at  every  will ; 

So  youth  is  easiest  to  destruction, 

If  then  we  follow  all,  or  follow  none."  * 

A  somewhat  startling  effect  is  obtained  by 
Donne's  way  of  stating  surprise  that  the  world 
has  gone  on  in  its  course,  despite  the  fact  that 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  Drury  is  dead :  — 

"  Or  as  sometimes  in  a  beheaded  man. 
Though  at  those  two  red  seas,  which  freely  ran, 
One  from  the  trunk,  another  from  the  head, 
His  soul  be  sail'd  to  her  eternal  bed. 
His  eyes  will  twinkle  and  his  tongue  will  roll. 
As  though  he  beck'ned  and  call'd  back  his  soul. 
He  grasps  his  hands,  and  he  pulls  up  his  feet, 
And  seems  to  reach,  and  to  step  forth  to  meet 
His  soul ;  when  all  these  motions  which  we  saw, 
Are  but  as  ice,  which  crackles  at  a  thaw : 
Or  as  a  lute,  which  in  moist  weather  rings 
Her  knell  alone,  by  cracking  of  her  strings ; 
So  struggles  this  dead  world,  now  she  is  gone : 
For  there  is  motion  in  corruption."  ^ 

Indeed,  the  two  elegies,  from  the  second  of 
which  this  is  drawn,  seem  in  a  number  of  ways 
subject  to  the  direct  influence  of  Du  Bartas. 
They  are  both  in  honor  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Drury, 
the  ''First  Anniversary"  being  entitled  ''The 
Anatomy  of  the  World,"  ^  and  the  second,  "Of 

^  Chalmers,  o-p.  cit.,  p.  187.  ^  Ihid.,  p.  181. 

^  It  may  be  noted  that  "The  Anatomy  of  the  World" 
was  written  in  Paris,  when  Donne  was  there  in  attend- 
ance upon  Sir  Robert  Drury. 


DU  BARTAS  183 

the  Progress  of  the  Soul."  They  belong  to  the 
years  1611  and  1612,  and  are  in  the  ten-syllable 
couplets  of  the  Satires  ^  and  of  Sylvester's 
translations.  As  already  noted,  they  abound 
in  Donne's  characteristics  of  style.  References 
to  the  creation  are  frequent.     Thus :  — 

1.  "When  nature  was  most  busy,  the  first  week 

Swaddling  the  new-born  Earth,  God  seemed  to  like 
That  she  should  sport  herself  sometimes  and  play, 
To  mmgle  and  vary  colours  every  day : 
And  then,  as  though  she  could  not  make  enow, 
Himself  his  various  rainbow  did  allow."  ^ 

2.  "As  some  days  are  at  the  creation  nam'd, 

Before  the  Sun,  the  which  fram'd  days,  was  fram'd  : 
So  after  the  Sun's  set  some  show  appears. 
And  orderly  vicissitude  of  years."  ^ 

^  While  Donne's  Satires  were  written  much  earlier 
and  strictly  under  classical  influence,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  a  reference  to  French  satire  in  a  letter  of  his, 
belonging  to  about  the  time  of  The  Anatomy  of  the  World. 
The  passage  reads  :  "  To  Yourself.  Sir :  I  make  shift  to 
think  that  I  promised  you  this  book  of  French  Satires. 
If  I  did  not,  yet  it  may  have  the  grace  of  acceptation, 
both  as  it  is  a  very  forward  and  early  fruit,  since  it  comes 
before  it  was  looked  for,  and  as  it  comes  from  a  good 
root,  which  is  an  importune  desire  to  serve  you."  (Works, 
ed.  Alford,  Lond.,  1839,  vi.  421.)  R.  L.  Alden,  The 
Rise  of  Formal  Satire  in  England,  p.  87,  quotes  con- 
cerning this  from  a  private  letter  from  Edmund  Gosse: 
''The  letter  in  question  was  written  to  George  Gerrard, 
who,  I  am  convinced  by  a  long  chain  of  evidence,  is 
always  the  'yourself  of  Donne's  correspondence.  It  was 
written  in  1612,  and  I  think  after  August.  The  book  of 
Satires  is  almost  certainly  the  '  Satyres  et  autres  ceuvres 
folastres'  of  Regnier,  published  early  in  1612  while 
Donne  was  in  Paris." 

2  "First  Anniversary,"  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  v.  179. 

3  "  Second  Anniversary,"  Chalmers,  v.  181. 


V 


184  DU  BARTAS 

These  are  paralleled  by  a  lengthy  description 
in  a  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon :  — 

''As  all  things  were  but  one  nothing,  dull  and  weak, 
Until  this  raw  disordered  heap  did  break, 
As  several  desires  led  parts  away, 
Water  declined  with  earth,  the  air  did  stay. 
Fire  rose,  and  each  from  other  but  unty'd, 
Themselves  unprison'd  were  and  purify 'd  : 
So  was  love,  first  in  vast  confusion  hid, 
An  unripe  willingness  which  nothing  did, 
A  thirst,  an  appetite  which  had  no  ease, 
That  found  a  want,  but  knew  not  what  would  please. 
What  pretty  innocence  in  that  day  mov'd  ! 
Man  ignorantly  walk'd  by  her  he  lov'd ; 
Both  sigh'd  and  interchanged  a  speaking  eye. 
Both  trembled  and  were  sick,  yet  knew  not  why."  * 

Much  is  made  in  Donne's  Funeral  Elegies  of 
the  superior  strength  and  more  extensive  life 
of  man  soon  after  creation;  in  fact,  the  poems 
are  constantly  reverting  to  the  times  described 
in  the  two  Semaines?  The  Microcosmos  notion, 
which,  though  by  no  means  limited  to  Du  Bartas, 
had  been  developed  at  length  in  his  Sixth  Day 
of  the  First  Week,  finds  many  opportunities 
for  mention  in  Donne's  poems,  sometimes  in 
a  manner  closely  resembling  the  treatment  in 
Du  Bartas.  A  characteristicallv  elaborated 
specimen  of  the  type  occurs  in  the  ''Elegy  on 
Lady  Markham,"  and  in  several  ways  suggests 
Du  Bartas :  — 


a 


Man  is  the  world,  and  death  the  ocean, 

To  which  God  gives  the  lower  parts  of  man, 

^  Chalmers,  op.  cit.,  v.  171. 
^  IMd.,y.  177-178. 


DU  BARTAS  185 

This  sea  environs  all,  and  though  as  yet 

God  hath  set  marks  and  bounds  'twixt  us  and  it, 

Yet  doth  it  roar,  and  gnaw,  and  still  pretend 

To  break  our  bank,  whene'er  it  takes  a  friend : 

Then  our  land-waters  (tears  of  passion)  vent ; 

Our  waters  then  above  our  firmament, 

(Tears,  which  our  soul  doth  for  our  sins  let  fall) 

Take  all  a  brackish  taste,  and  funeral. 

And  even  those  tears,  which  should  wash  sin,  are  sin. 

We,  after  God,  new  drown  our  world  again."  ^ 

One  of  Donne's  poems,  ^^The  Progress  of  the 
Soul,"  dated  1601,  is  a  daring  narrative  develop- 
ment of  the  idea  of  metempsychosis,  looking 
remarkably  like  a  parody  of  such  sacred  epic 
as  that  of  Du  Bartas.  The  introduction  is 
perhaps  most  significant :  — 

"  I  sing  the  progress  of  a  deathless  soul, 
Whom  Fate,  which  God  made,  but  doth  not  control, 
Plac'd  in  most  shapes ;  all  times,  before  the  law 
Yok'd  us,  and  when,  and  since,  in  this  I  sing; 
And  the  great  world  t'  his  aged  evening. 
From  infant  morn,  through  manly  noon  I  draw; 
What  the  gold  Chaldee,  or  silver  Persian  saw, 
Greek  brass,  or  Roman  iron,  is  in  this  one ; 
A  work  t'  out-wear  Seth's  pillars,  brick  and  stone. 
And  (holy  writ  excepted)  made  to  yield  to  none." ' 

The  recognized  imitators  of  Donne  —  John 
Cleveland,  Harry  King,  and  Lord  Herbert 
of  Cherbury — carry  on  the  same  peculiarities 
of  style  seen  in  their  master.  Whether  or  not 
they  went  back  of  him  to  Du  Bartas  would  be 
difficult  to  decide  and  of  no  great  importance. 

^  IhU.,  v.  188;  of.  also  pp.  150-151,  180,  187. 
2  Ihid.,  v.  191. 


k 


186  DU  BARTAS 

By  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century 
Sylvester's  translations  had  proceeded  so  far, 
and  come  so  widely  into  circulation,  that  many 
men  not  previously  familiar  with  the  Semaines 
had  free  access  to  them  in  English,  and  were 
struck,  perhaps  for  the  first  time,  by  the  full 
force  of  the  call  of  Urania.  Among  the  men 
whose  work  indicates  that  they  hastened  to  re- 
spond to  this  summons,  it  is  important  to  note 
the  presence  of  most  of  the  leaders  in  the  later 
Sidney  coterie,  the  devoted  satellites  of  Lady 
Pembroke.  John  Davies  of  Hereford,  Nicholas 
Breton,  and  Sir  William  Alexander  all  appear 
to  have  been  of  this  group,  and  William  Browne, 
Drayton,  and  the  Fletchers  were  at  least  literary 
disciples  of  Spenser.  Samuel  Daniel,  Lady 
Pembroke's  favorite,  was  also  deeply  interested 
in  the  poetry  of  Du  Bartas,  as  is  shown  by  his 
commendatory  sonnet  to  the  translator,  Syl- 
vester :  — 

"Thus  to  adventure  forth,  and  re-convey 
The  best  of  treasures  from  a  forrain  Coast, 
And  take  that  wealth  wherein  they  gloried  most, 
And  make  it  ours  by  such  a  gallant  prey, 
And  that  without  injustice;  doth  bewray 
The  glorie  of  the  Worke,  that  we  may  boast 
Much  to  have  wonne,  and  others  nothing  lost 
By  taking  such  a  famous  prize  away, 
As  thou  industrious  Sylvester  hast  wrought, 
And  heer  enricht  us  with  immortall  store 
Of  others  sacred  lines ;  which  from  them  brought, 
Comes  by  thy  taking  greater  than  before : 
So  hast  thou  lighted  from  a  flame  devout. 
As  great  a  flame,  that  never  shall  goe  out."  * 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  1641,  introductory  pages. 


DU  BARTAS  187 

That  Sylvester,  on  the  other  hand,  admired 
Daniel,  and  considered  his  tastes  and  talents 
peculiarly  adapted  to  carry  farther  the  work 
begun  by  the  Semaines,  is  shown  by  a  passage 
which  Sylvester  introduced  in  his  version  of 
the  First  Day  of  the  Second  Week.  He  is 
localizing  in  England  the  appeal  of  Du  Bartas :  — 

''Let  this  provoke  our  modern  Wits  to  sacre 
Their  wondrous  gifts  to  honour  thee,  their  Maker : 
That  our  mysterious  Elfine  Oracle, 
Deep,  morall,  grave,  Inventions  miracle ; 
My  deer  sweet  Daniel,  sharp  conceipted,  brief, 
Civill,  sententious,  for  pure  accents  chief : 
And  our  new  Naso,  that  so  passionates 
Th'  Heroick  sighes  of  love-sick  Potentates : 
May  change  their  subject,  and  advance  their  wings 
Up  to  these  higher  and  more  holy  things."  ^ 

Most,  if  not  all,  of  the  English  poets  who  came 
under  the  influence  of  the  Divine  Weeks,  had 
already  been  attracted  by  the  passion  which 
was  in  the  air  for  complicated  figures  and 
tricks  of  phrasing;  and  were  glad  enough  to 
make  their  work  conform  to  the  exaggerated 
standard  in  this  regard  set  by  Sylvester  in  his 
translations.  It  is  natural,  then,  to  look  for 
all  the  eccentricities  of  the  poems  of  Du  Bartas 
in  the  English  works  which  by  subject  and 
scope  seem  to  carry  on  his  consecrated  purpose. 
Among  the  earliest  writers  of  such  poetry  in 
the  new  century  stands  John  Davies  of  Here- 
ford. He  was  outspoken  in  praise  of  both 
Du  Bartas  and  his  translator.     A  sonnet  of  his, 

1  Ibid.,  p.  816. 


188  DU  BARTAS 

printed  at  the  beginning  of  Sylvester's  complete 
rendering,  places  him  on  record :  — 

"If  divine  Bartas  (from  whose  blessed  Braines 
Such  Works  of  grace,  or  gracefull  workes  did  stream) 
Were  so  admir'd  for  Wit's  celestiall  Strains 
As  made  their  Vertues  Seat,  the  high'st  Extream ; 
The  Josuah,  the  Sun  of  thy  bright  praise 

'    Shall  fixed  stand  in  Arts  faire  Firmament 
Till  Dissolution  date  Time's  Nights,  and  Dayes, 
Sith  right  thy  Lines  are  made  to  Bartas  Bent, 
Whose  Compasse  circumscribes  (in  spacious  words) 
The  Universal  in  particulars ; 
And  thine  the  same,  in  other  tearms,  affords : 
So,  both  your  Tearmes  agree  in  friendly  Wars : 
If  Thine  be  onely  His,  and  His  be  Thine, 
They  are  (like  God)  eternall,  sith  Divine."  ^ 

A  longer  poem  of  praise,  by  Davies,  was  pre- 
fixed, in  Sylvester's  collected  works,  to  the 
Fom'th  Day  of  the  Second  Week?  This  poem 
is  in  the  ^'Heavenly  Muse"  strain  and  goes  to 
greater  extravagance  than  the  sonnet,  Da  vies 
signing  himself  ''The  unfained  lover  of  thine 
Art,  honesty,  and  vertue." 

Three  long  poems  in  particular  by  Davies  seem 
to  show  the  influence  of  this  poetry  he  praised 
so  highly:  Microcosmos,  1603;  The  Holy  Roode 
or  Chrisfs  Crosse,  1609 ;  and  The  Muses  Sac- 
rifice or  Divine  Meditations,  1612.  The  first 
of  these  is  an  elaborate  development  of  the 
then  popular  conception,  taking  the  form  of 
a  dull  combination  of  pseudo-science  and 
abstract  sermonizing.      The  notion  of    Micro- 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  1641,  introductory  pages. 
2  Priiited  on  pp.  332-333  of  the  1641  edition. 


DU   BARTAS  189 

cosmos  has  already  been  shown  to  be  a  favorite 
one  with  Du  Bart  as.  The  verse  in  Da  vies 's 
poem  is  of  ten  syllables,  the  stanza  being  Spen- 
serian except  for  the  absence  of  an  extra  meas- 
sure  in  the  last  line.  Characteristic  of  Du 
Bartas  are  the  tendencies  toward  groups  of 
rather  elaborate  comparisons,  toward  lengthy 
moralizing  digressions,  and  toward  long  series 
of  illustrations.  Davies  definitely  classes  him- 
self with  religious  poets,  in  his  preface  to  the 
king,  proclaiming  the  joy  which  James's  ac- 
cession brings  to  the  pure-hearted  followers  of 
the  Muse.  He  also  halts  his  poem  at  times, 
Sylvester-like,  to  offer  comments  and  explana- 
tions in  his  own  person. 

In  details  of  expression  this  poem  shows  a 
moderate  degree  of  resemblance  to  Sylvester. 
There  are  some  compound  expressions,  such 
as:  — 

1.  "These  super-supererogating  works."  ^ 

2.  "Who  Hers  and  sinne-soothing  claw-backes  are."  ' 

3.  "Ask  that  same  third-Heav'n-rapt  Saint  what  hee 

saw."  ^ 

There  are  numerous  examples  of  verbal  echo, 
and  occasional  instances  of  daring  metaphor. 
For  example :  — 

1.   "Unhallowed  sense,  drown 'd  in  that  damned  iuyce, 
(Synnes  Syder)  from  Eaves  fatall  Apple  bruiz'd."* 

^  Microcosmos,  ed.  1603,  p.  23.         ^  Ibid.,  p.  49. 
3  Ibid.,  p.  160.  •*  Ibid.,  p.  40. 


190  DU  BARTAS 

2.   "  Bloud-sucking    Richard     (swolne    with    sucking 
Bloud) 
When  Horsleech-Uke  he  had  his  bloody  pray, 
Away  falls  he  in  bloud  bemired  with  mud, 
Making  his  Nephews  usher  him  the  way. 
For  from  his  Crowne  the  Crowne  was  cut  away."  * 

The  Holy  Roode  is  the  poem  of  Davies  that 
shows  closest  resemblance  to  the  Weeks.  It 
seems  in  a  way  to  continue  the  biblical  narra- 
tive interrupted  by  Du  Bartas,  substituting  a 
stanza  of  six  ten-syllable  lines  for  Sylvester's 
couplets.  There  is  a  great  similarity  in  tone 
and  spirit,  the  moralizing  digressions  are  as 
prominent  as  ever,^  the  same  fondness  is  dis- 
played for  elaborate  comparisons,  not  always 
in  good  taste,  and  the  familiar  tricks  of  detail 
are  all  present.  The  poem  is  followed  by  eight 
religious  sonnets.  The  point  to  which  Davies 
carries  comparisons  in  this  poem  may  be  shown 
by  these  examples. 

1.  "A  Birde  there  is  (as  Pliny  doth  report) 

That  in  the  time  of  treading  sweateth  bloud ; 
This  Birde,  Ciconia  height,  sweates  so  in  sport, 
But  this  kinde  Pellican  ^  in  maestive  mood."* 

2.  "And  to  expresse  the  rancor  of  their  spight, 

They  blindfold  him,  and  make  his  face  as  'twere 
A  Drumme,  to  call  his  Foes  'gainst  him  to  fight : 
For,  still  a-tab'ring  on  his  face  they  are : 
So  fast  their  fists  doe  fall  as  Drum-sticks,  while 
The  Drumme  doth  sound  Alarum  to  the  broyle."  ^ 

^Ed.  1603,  p.  143. 

^  Cf.  digression  on  p.  14,  Davies,  Works,  ed.  Grosart, 
vol.  i.  On  page  23  there  is  a  long  digression  in  the  shape 
of  a  comforting  address  to  the  Mother  of  Christ. 

3  Christ.         *  Works,  ed.  cit.,  i.  6.         ^  Ibid.,  i.  7. 


DU  BARTAS  191 

Somewhat  later  there  is  an  elaborate  description 
of  Death  trying  to  swallow  and  digest  Christ ! 
Unnatural  compounds  stretch  to  a  length  that 
Sylvester  must  have  envied.  Thus  there  occm- : 
^^joy-griefe-breeding  sight;"  ^^all-powerful-kind 
Omnipotent;"  "the  Dead-Skull-paved  Earth;" 
'^woe-crosse- wounded  Heart;"  '^Gore-rough- 
casted Corse;"  and  this  example:  — 

"That  Sepulcher  of  Death,  and  Seate  of  Life, 
Thy  blissfull-blislesse-blessed  Body,  O 
I  want  fit  words  (while  Words  are  all  at  strife,) 
Thy  Bodies  ten-times  blessed  state  to  show  "  ^ 

It  may  be  remembered  that  Sylvester  fre- 
quently pauses  to  deplore  his  lack  of  adequate 
expression.  Jingle  and  word-play  abound,  some- 
times with  a  clear  suggestion  of  Sylvester. 
For  example :  — 

1.  "That  in  Faith,  from  Faith,  sans  Faith  art  a  fleeter  ? 

Tends  thy  faith's  fleeting  to  Faiths  confirmation  V^ 

2.  "This  Foole,  wise  foole,  holds  Him,  full  wise,  a 

foole." ' 

3.  "  Now,  Soule  returne,  with  thy  sole  Soules  returne."  * 

4.  "Make    his    Crosse    thy    Crosse-Crosse-let    (treble 

erost)."  ^ 

The  Muses  Sacrifice,  though  a  religious  work, 
belongs  to  an  entirely  different  type  from  the 
Semaines.  It  is  best  described  by  its  subtitle, 
Divine   Meditations,    being   really   a   series   of 

1  Ihid.,  i.  24-25.  ^  j^^^^  j  9 

3  Ihid.,  i.  10.  *  Ibid.,  i.  14.  ^  Ihid.,  i.  23. 


192  DU  BARTAS 

poems  in  various  metres,  either  meditations 
on  sin  or  addresses  to  the  Lord.  No  bibUcal 
narrative  or  description  is  employed,  except 
a  small  bit  dealing  with  the  last  judgment.  In 
the  dedication  Davies  offers  tribute  to  the 
Heavenly  Muse. 

"But  no  great  Spirit,  (whose  temper  is  divine, 
and  dwels  in  reall-Greatnes)  but  adores 
The  Heav'nly  Muse,  that  in  Arts  Heav'n  doth  shine 
like  Phoebus,  lending  light  to  other  Loves."  ^ 

At  one  point  ^  a  list  of  wonders  from  accepted 
natural  history  is  introduced  to  illustrate  the 
paradox  that  mortals  shall  exist  in  eternal  fire. 
A  few  of  the  figures  used  are  somewhat  startling 
in  their  conception. 
For  instance:  — 

1.  ''Thou  art  the  Salve,  and  I  the  mortall  Sore: 

Yet  with  one  touch,  thy  vertue  can  revive  me : 
To  heale  this  Sore,  a  Speare  thy  heart  did  gore, 
(Kinde  Pelican)  that  thy  Bloud  might  relieve  me."^ 

2.  ''O!  juycie  Bunch  of  Soule-refreshing  grapes, 

(hard  pressed  in  the  Wine-presse  of  the  Crosse  I) 
Make  druncke  my  thirstie  Soule,  that  (gasping) 

gapes 
for   thy    pure   bloud,  to  purge    mine,  being  too 

grosse."  * 

Compounds  and  verbal  echoes  abound  once  more, 
the  former  appearing  in  still  more  extended 
form.     The  most  striking  examples  of  this  are: 

1  Ed.  cit.,  ii.  7.  ^  Ibid.,  ii.  52. 


DU  BARTAS  193 

' '  ignorant-great-highly-base ; "  ^  ^  fleshly- worldly- 
divellish-damn'd  desire;"  and  '' great-good, 
good-great-great  Lord."  One  of  the  verbal 
conceits  introduces  a  compound  that  Sylvester 
is  fond  of:  — 

*'Thou  art  too  great,  for  Greatnes,  ne'er  so  great ! 
and  far  too  good,  for  Goodnes,  e'er  so  good ! 
Who  (were  it  possible)  art  more  compleate 

in  Goodnesse,  then  thine  owne  Trine-unionhood  !  "* 

In  these  three  works  of  Davies,  especially 
The  Holy  Roode,  the  general  impression  made 
upon  the  reader  goes  much  farther  to  confirm 
the  notion  of  influence  from  Du  Bartas  than 
any  mechanical  grouping  of  resemblances  in 
detail  could  be  expected  to  do.  Taking  into 
account  the  outspoken  regard  of  Davies  for  the 
Semaines  and  their  translator,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  he  followed  their  lead  in  these 
portions  of  his  work. 

Another  poet  of  about  the  same  time  ac- 
knowledges his  devotion  to  the  poetry  of  Du 
Bartas,  and  in  one  way  and  another  shows  the 
influence  of  it.  This  is  Michael  Drayton,  whose 
Moyses  in  a  Map  of  Miracles  was  published  in 
1604,  with  a  dedication  to  Du  Bartas  and  his 
translator.  This  poem,  somewhat  altered,  was 
republished  in  1630  as  part  of  the  collection. 
The  Muses  Elizium,  which  also  contained 
'^Noah's  Flood"  and  '^ David  and  Golia." 
The  poem  was  now  entitled  '^  Moses,  his  Birth 
and  Miracles,"  and  the  dedication  was  retained. 

1  Ibid.,  ii.  32. 


194  DU  BARTAS 

After  calling  upon  the  Muse  to  lift  his  verse 
above  the  earth  and  the  '^Atheists  vituperious 
sting/'  ^  he  says:  — 

''And  thou  translator  of  that  faithfull  Muse 
This  Alls  creation  that  divinely  song, 
From  courtly  French  (no  travaile  dost  refuse) 
To  make  him  master  of  thy  genuin  tong, 
Salust  to  thee  and  Silvester  thy  friend, 
Comes  my  high  poem  peacably  and  chaste, 
Your  hallow 'd  labours  humbly  to  attend 
That  wrackf  ull  Time  shall  not  have  power  to  waste. " ' 

Actual  evidence  of  influence  from  Du  Bartas 
in  Drayton's  ^^ Moses"  is  surprisingly  slight. 
The  verse  is  of  ten  syllables,  arranged  in  qua- 
trains with  alternate  rhyme,  the  '' Arguments" 
being  in  rhyming  couplets  of  eight-syllable 
verse.  The  general  order  of  events  recounted 
is  of  course  that  in  Du  Bartas's  '^The  Law," 
since  both  are  based  on  the  Bible  narrative. 
Drayton's  account  is  much  longer  than  that 
of  Du  Bartas,  however,  and  in  every  way  in- 
dependent. It  is  much  better  poetry,  and  is 
not  marked  by  the  peculiarities  of  style  seen 
in  the  Semaines,  Such  similarities  of  phrasing 
as  occur  may  be  mere  coincidence.  Indeed, 
from  one  of  Drayton's  statements  we  may 
wonder  if  at  that  time  he  had  ever  seen  the 
portion  of  Du  Bartas  devoted  to  these  events. 
When  about  to  describe  the  plagues  of  Egypt, 
he  appeals  again  for  Divine  aid,  for :  — 

^  Cf.  Sylvester's  "  Curst  Atheists  quipt,"  in  Argument 
to  First  Day  of  First  Week. 

^  "  Moses,  his  Birth  and  Miracles,"  11.  29  sq. 


DU  BARTAS  195 

*'A  taske  unusuall  I  must  now  assay, 
Striving  through  perill  to  support  this  masse, 
No  former  foot  did  ever  tract  a  way, 
Where  I  propose  unto  myself e  to  passe."  ^ 

Indeed,  it  is  possible  that  when  Drayton  made 
the  first  draft  of  this  poem  and  dedicated  it  to 
Du  Bartas  and  Sylvester,  he  may  have  known 
them  chiefly  by  reputation.  Even  though  he 
embodied  no  borrowings  from  them  in  his 
revised  ^' Moses"  in  1630,  he  seems  to  have  had 
Sylvester  under  observation  in  the  composition 
of  the  companion  piece,  ^'Noah's  Flood."  Both 
here  and  in  the  ^^  David  and  Golia"  the  verse 
is  of  ten  syllables,  in  rhymed  couplets.  The 
selection  and  arrangement  of  material  in  Dray- 
ton's poem,  as  well  as  the  phraseology  of  the 
descriptions,  again  and  again  suggest  Sylvester. 
Thus  Sylvester  had  said  of  the  rapid  increase 
of  population  before  the  flood :  — 

*'But  for  his  ^  Children,  born  by  three  and  three 
Produce  him  children  that  still  multiply 
With  new  increase ;  who  yer  their  age  be  rife 
Become  great-Grand-sires  in  their  Grandsire's  life." ' 

In  Drayton  this  idea  is  expanded  into  about 
twenty-one  lines,  of  which  may  be  quoted :  — 

"Men  then  begot  so  soon  and  got  so  long, 
That  scarcely  one  a  thousand  men  among, 
But  he  ten  thousand  in  his  time  might  see, 
That  from  his  loynes  deriv'd  their  Pedegree."  * 

^  Drayton,  The  Muses  Elizium,  Spenser  Soc.  Publ., 
Manchester,  1892,  p.  146. 

2  Cain's.  ^  Sylvester,  ed.  1641,  p.  106a. 

*  Muses  Elizium,  ed.  cit.,  p.  90. 


196  DU  BARTAS 

Drayton's  account  of  the  creatures  coming 
to  the  ark  consists  of  animals,  reptiles,  and 
fowls,  with  brief  characterizing  or  descriptive 
mention  of  each  one,  —  in  close  resemblance 
to  the  plan  of  Du  Bartas  in  his  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Days  of  the  First  Week.  Only  part  of  the  time 
do  the  comments  resemble  Du  Bartas's,  the 
order  is  changed,  and  there  are  other  differences; 
but  there  is  still  an  impressive  parallel.  More- 
over, Drayton's  digression  to  meet  scoffers' 
skeptical  objections  is  entirely  in  line  with 
Du  Bartas's  method  of  procedure,  for  the  latter 
also  takes  up  these  objections  and  answers 
them  similarly/  Later  in  the  narrative  Noah's 
discourse  to  his  family  in  the  ark  parallels 
the  remarks  ascribed  to  him  by  Sylvester,^ 
including  the  first  part  of  his  reply  to  skeptical 
Cham.  The  really  striking  resemblance,  how- 
ever, occurs  in  the  description  of  the  actual 
downpour  and  its  effects,  where  both  general 
plan  and  detail  of  expression  correspond.^  In 
connection  with  this  description  there  is  one 
comparison  in  Drayton  that  seems  thoroughly 
in  the  tone  of  Sylvester :  — 

"That  through  her  pores,  the  soft  and  spungy  earth 
As  in  a  dropsie,  or  unkindely  birth, 
A  Woman,  swolne,  sends  from  her  fluxie  wombe 
Her  woosie  springs,  that  there  was  scarcely  roome 
For  the  waste  waters  which  came  in  so  fast  .  .  . 
Furrow 'd  the  earths  late  plumpe  and  cheerefuU  face 
Like  an  old  Woman  that  in  little  space 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  116.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  114. 

5  Cf.  the  list  of  parallels,  appendix  B. 


DU  BARTAS  197 

With  ryveld  cheekes,  and  with  bleard  blubberd  eyes 
She  wistly  look'd  upon  the  troubled  skyes."  ^ 

Drayton's  poem  also  contains  a  large  number 
of  compounds,  but  only  one  of  the  elongated 
sort,  —  'Hhat  forty-dayes  still-falling  raine/'^ 
In  the  '^  David  and  Golia"  there  is  little 
resemblance  to  Sylvester  except  what  would 
arise  from  the  fact  that  both  follow  the  Bible 
story. 

In  1605  was  published  a  group  of  poems  —     . 
The   Soules    Immortall    Crowne  —  by   Nicholas     \ 
Breton.     These  have  a  title-page  which  appears 
rich  in  suggestion  of  the  Semaines.     It  reads :  — 

The 

Soules  immortall  Crowne  consisting  of 

Seven  glorious  graces 

1.   Vertue.    2.  Wisedome.    3.  Love.    4.  Constancie. 

5.   Patience.     6.   Humilitie.     7.   Infiniteness. 

Devided  into  Seaven  dayes  Workes, 

and 
Dedicated  to  the  Kings  most  excellent  Majestic. 

1605. 

On  investigation,  however,  it  develops  that 
this  ^^ seven-day"  arrangement  has  no  real 
significance.  The  general  divisions  are  headed : 
—  ''The  first  clays  work,"  ''The  second  days 
work,"  etc. ;  but  they  are  devoted  entirely  to 
abstract  moral  philosophizing  along  the  line 
of  the  virtues  mentioned.  Only  in  the  last 
part  is  there  any  dependence  on  the  Bible. 
To  Wisdom,  indeed,  is  ascribed  with  some  detail 
all  the  work  of  creation,  and  in  the  seventh 

*  Muses  Elizium,  ed.  cit.,  p.  107.         ^  Ihid.,  p.  116. 


198  DU  BARTAS 

division  this  account  is  repeated  in  brief  and 
reascribed  to  the  power  of  Infinite  Glory. 
It  is  then,  after  all,  only  the  external  scheme 
of  arrangement  that  Breton  has  found  in 
Du  Bart  as. 

Giles  and  Phineas  Fletcher  appear  to  have 
been  under  the  influence  of  Sylvester's  trans- 
lations ;  but  these  men  were  such  thorough-going 
disciples  of  Spenser,  and  Sylvester  himself 
employed  so  many  Spenserian  character- 
istics, that  there  is  little  hope  of  making  nice 
distinctions.  Both  the  Fletchers  paid  their 
tribute  to  Du  Bartas  as  a  worthy  leader  in  the 
sacred  calling  they  valued  so  highly.  Giles, 
in  the  Preface  to  Christs  Victorie  and  Triumph, 
1610,  mentions  Nonnius  and  Sannazaro  as 
particularly  zealous  in  Christian  poesy,  the 
latter  having  spent  ten  years  on  a  Song  to 
Christ's  Birthday.  Then  he  adds:  'Hhrice- 
honoured  Bartas  and  our  (I  know  no  other  name 
more  glorious  than  his  own)  Mr.  Edmund  Spen- 
ser (two  blessed  souls),  not  thinking  ten  years 
enough,  laying  out  their  whole  lives  upon  this 
one  study."  ^  Phineas  embodies  in  his  Purple 
Island  a  complimentary  stanza  that  appears 
also  to  refer  to  Du  Bartas :  — 

"And  that  French  Muse's  eagle  eye  and  wing 
Hath  soar'd  to  heav'n,  and  there  hath  learn 'd  the  art 
To  frame  angehck  strains,  and  canzons  sing 
Too  high  and  deep  for  every  shallow  heart. 
Ah  blessed  soul !  in  those  celestiall  rayes, 

*  Giles  Fletcher,  Poems,  ed.  Grosart  (Early  English 
Poets),  London,  1876,  p.  115. 


N 


DU  BARTAS  199 

Which  gave  thee  light  these  lower  works  to  blaze, 
Thousit'st  emparadis'd  and  chaunt'st  eternall  layes."* 

There  seems  to  be  nothing  in  Christs  Victorie 
and  Triumph  that  is  distinctly  Sylvestrian. 
Verbal  echo  with  its  attendant  word-play  is 
rather  common,  just  as  it  is  in  Spenser,  and 
compounds  are  no  more  frequent  than  in  that 
poet.  The  poem  shows  a  somewhat  marked 
tendency  to  elaborate  its  comparisons  beyond 
the  limits  of  good  taste,  —  a  tendency  already 
manifest  in  Spenser,  but  one  which  a  familiar 
knowledge  of  the  Divine  Weeks  would  of  course 
have  encouraged  considerably. 

A  consideration  of  Phineas  Fletcher's  Purple 
Island,  which,  though  printed  as  late  as  1633, 
he  declares  to  be  the  ''raw  essayes  of  my  very 
unripe  yeares,  and  almost  childehood,"  ^  raises 
the  probability  of  a  line  of  connection,  com- 
plicated but  intensely  interesting.  Attention 
has  already  been  given  ^  to  the  idea  that  Spen- 
ser's House  of  Alma,  in  the  Second  Book  of  the 
Faerie  Queene,  drew  upon  Du  Bartas's  de- 
scription of  the  body  as  the  dwelling-place  of 
the  soul;  further,  that  Sylvester,  in  his  trans- 
lation of  this  part  of  Du  Bartas,  shows  a 
familiarity  with  the  phrasing  employed  in  the 
House  of  Alma.  That  there  is  a  parallel 
between  the  House  of  Alma  and  certain  por- 

^  Phineas  Fletcher,  Works,  ed.  Grosart  (Fuller  Wor- 
thies Libr.),  iv.  42. 

2  Works,  ed.  cit.,  iv.  21-22.  Grosart  in  the  Memoir 
(i.  p.  Ixxvii)  calls  attention  to  similar  references  in  the 
body  of  the  poem.  ^  Supra,  p.  169  sq. 


200      ,  DU  BARTAS 

tions  of  the  Purple  Island  is  obvious.  Indeed, 
Fletcher  himself  bears  witness  to  it,  just  after 
his  account  of  Understanding,  Phantastes, 
and  Eumnestes.^  But  there  are  various  other 
portions  of  Fletcher's  poem,  for  which  Spenser 
affords  no  parallel,  but  which  have  a  striking 
resemblance  to  Sylvester's  version  of  that  part 
of  Du  Bartas  just  mentioned  as  a  probable 
source  for  Spenser.  Indeed,  whenever  Fletcher, 
attracted  by  the  allegorical  possibilities  which 
the  House  of  Alma  suggested,  and  conscious 
of  Spenser's  indebtedness  to  the  French  poet, 
turned  to  the  Semaines  themselves,  he  must 
have  found  there,  in  little,  the  essence  of  the 
very  notion  which  formed  the  basis  of  his  whole 
poem.  Sylvester,  following  Du  Bartas,  thus 
describes  the  circulation  of  the  blood,  offering 
a  clear  suggestion  for  a  ^'Purple  Island":  — 

"And  then  the  same  doth  faithfully  deliver 
Into  the  Port-vain  passing  to  the  Liver, 
Who  turns  it  soon  to  blood ;  and  thence  again 
Through  branching  pipes  of  the  great  Hollow-vain, 
Through  all  the  members  doth  it  duly  scatter : 
Much  like  a  Fountain,  whose  divided  water 
It  selfe  dispersing  into  hundred  Brooks, 
Bathes  some  fair  Garden  with  her  winding  crooks. 
For,  as  these  Brooks,  thus  branching  round  about, 
Make  here  the  Pink,  there  th'  Aconite  to  sprout, 
Here  the  sweet  Plum-tree,  the  sharp  Mulberry  there, 
Here  the  lowe  Vine,  and  there  the  lofty  Pear, 
Heer  the  hard  Almond,  there  the  tender  Fig, 
Heer  bitter  Worm-wood,  there  sweet-smelling  Spike : 
Even  so  the  blood  (bred  of  good  nourishment) 
By  divers  Pipes  to  all  the  Body  sent, 

*  Ed.  cit.,  p.  183.     See  appendix  B. 


DU  BARTAS  201 

Turns  here  to  Bones,  there  changes  into  nerves, 
Heer  is  made  Marrow,  there  for  Muscle  serves, 
Heer  skin  becomes,  there  crooking  veins,  there  flesh. 
To  make  our  Limbs  more  forcefull  and  more  fresh.''  ^ 

In  view  of  the  numerous  bits  of  description 
which  reveal  a  parallel  between  Fletcher  and 
Sylvester,^  either  with  or  without  the  inter- 
vention of  Spenser,  the  notion  of  this  indebted- 
ness becomes  decidedly  tenable.  Not  merely 
in  this  essential  description  of  the  flow  of  the 
blood,  but  at  considerable  length  in  the  ac- 
counts of  the  mouth,  the  stomach,  the  lungs, 
the  eyes,  the  ears,  and  the  tongue,  Fletcher 
shows  a  fidelity  to  the  accounts  in  Sylvester 
that  certainly  cannot  be  mere  coincidence. 
There  is  also  a  close  parallel  between  Fletcher's 
praise  of  the  country  life,  at,  the  beginning  of 
the  Twelfth  Canto,  and  Sylvester's  remarks 
on  the  same  theme  at  the  close  of  the  Third 
Day,  First  Week?  This  is  much  less  significant, 
however,  because  such  matter  served  then  as 
a  conventional  theme  for  every  poet  of  any 
pretensions  whatever. 

For  this  same  reason  of  conventional  usage, 
it  is  perhaps  unwise  to  give  serious  notice  to 
passages  in  William  Browne's  Britannia^ s  Pas- 
torals (1613-1616),  which  also  parallel  Syl- 
vester's tribute  to  the  joys  of  country  life. 
It  may  be  noted  in  addition  that  Browne  em- 
ploys the  heroic  couplet  as  does  Sylvester,  and 
at  one  point  in  the  Pastorals  speaks  in  praise 

^  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  55a.        ^  See  appendix  B. 


202  DU  BARTAS 

of  Du  Bart  as,  using  the  same  pun  which  tra- 
dition assigns  to  Ronsard/ 

"Divinest  Bartas,  whose  enriched  soul 
Proclamed  his  Maker's  worth,  should  so  enroll 
His  happy  name  in  brass,  that  Time  nor  Fate 
That  swallows  all,  should  ever  ruinate : 
Delightful  Saluste,  whose  all-blessed  lays 
The  shepherds  make  their  hymns  on  holy  days ; 
And  truly  say,  thou  in  one  week  hast  penn'd, 
What  time  may  ever  study,  ne'er  amend."  ^ 

That  William  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling,  for 
many  years  the  Scottish  literary  adviser  of 
James  I.  in  England,  should  have  been  led  to 
imitate  Du  Bartas,  is  a  matter  of  no  surprise. 
His  Doomesday  or  The  Great  Day  of  the  Lord's 
Judgement,  of  which  four  books  or  ^'Hours'' 
were  published  in  1614,  follows  the  general  plan 
of  the  Semaines,  except  that  he  treats  the 
twelve  successive  hours  of  only  one  day  —  the 
day  of  judgment.  He  uses  heroic  verse,  as 
does  Sylvester,  but  keeps  an  eight-line  stanza 
throughout.  As  early  as  1612  Drummond  of 
Hawthornden  mentions  having  seen  some  of 
this  poem,  and  compares  it  to  the  product  of 
Du  Bartas.  He  is  describing  in  a  letter  his  first 
meeting  with  Alexander,  and  says:  '^ Tables 
removed,  after  Homer's  fashion  well  satiate,  he 
honoured  me  so  much  as  to  show  me  his  books 

^  On  first  reading  the  Premiere  Semaine,  Ronsard  is 
reported  to  have  said  :  "  M.  Du  Bartas  a  plus  fait  en  une 
septmaine  que  je  n'ay  fait  en  toute  ma  vie "  (Gidel, 
Hist,  de  la  litt.frang,  p.  302). 

^  Browne,  Poems,  ed.  G.  Goodwin,  London,  1894,  i. 
223. 


DU  BARTAS  203 

and  papers.  This  much  I  will  say  and  per- 
chance not  without  reason  dare  say:  he  hath 
done  more  in  one  day  than  Tasso  did  all  his 
life  and  Bart  as  in  his  two  weeks,  though  both 
one  and  the  other  be  most  praiseworthy."  ^ 

Du  Bartas  and  his  translator  have  much  to 
say  of  the  Day  of  Doom,  which  is  to  usher  in 
the  eternal  Sabbath ;  and  would  have  said  more 
had  their  narrative  progressed  to  the  end  of  the 
Second  Week.  Doomsday  is  discussed  in  the 
First  Day  of  the  First  Week,  prefaced  in  Syl- 
vester's Argument  by  a  reference  to  ^^  Doom's 
glorious  day."  In  the  "Eden/'  Sylvester  says 
again :  — 

"Let  me  this  Totall  bring 
From  thy  first  Sabbath  to  his  fatall  Tomb, 
My  stile  extending  to  the  Day  of  Doom."  ^ 

A  more  definite  mention  occurs  in  "  The  Handi- 
crafts," where  Adam  prophesies  to  Seth  the 
seven  days  of  the  "second  week."  He  con- 
cludes this :  — 

"The  Last  shall  be  the  very  Resting-day, 
Th'  air  shall  be  mute,  the  Waters  works  shall  stay ; 
The   Earth   her   store,   the   stars   shall   leave   their 

measures, 
The  Sun  his  shine :  and  in  eternal  pleasures 
We  plunged,  in  Heav'n  shall  ay  solemnize,  all, 
Th'  eternall  Sabbath's  end-less  Festivall."  ^ 

Similarly,  Alexander  entreats  in  opening :  —  ' 

"  Breathe  thou  a  heavenly  fury  in  my  brest : 
I  sing  the  Sabbath  of  eternall  rest." 

*  Quoted  by  David  Masson,  Drummond  of  Hawthorn- 
den,  London,  1873,  p.  41. 

2  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  81a.  '  Ibid.,  p.  1086. 


204  DU  BARTAS 

Alexander's  ^^  First  Hour,"  which  is  the  in- 
troduction to  his  account  proper,  is  a  sort  of 
resume  of  the  events  of  Bible  history  which  form 
the  material  of  La  Seconde  Semaine,  In  a 
number  of  cases  his  language  closely  follows  that 
used  by  Sylvester  for  the  same  account.  Ex- 
amples follow :  — 

1.  Doomesday,  First  Hour. 

''He,  who  his  strength  in  heaven  in  vaine  had  try'd, 
(As  dogs  bite  stones  for  him  who  hath  them 

throwne,) 
Did  hunt  God's  image,  when  in  Adam  spy'd. 
And  (grudging  at  his  state)  despised  his  owne."^ 

Sylvester,  "The  Imposture." 

"And  th'  envious  hart-break  to  see  (yet)  to  shine 
In  Adam's  face  God's  image  all  divine, 
Which  he  had  lost."  ^ 

2.  Doomesday,   First  Hour. 

"He  brimstone  rain'd  (O  most  prodigious  shoure !) 
Their  bodies  burn'd  whose  souls  were  burn'd  with 
lust."  ^ 

Sylvester,   "The  Vocation." 

"  Fire  punished  their  beastly  Fire  within, 
And    Brimston's   stink  the   stench  of  their  foul 

Sin." ' 

3.  Doomesday,  First  Hour. 

"Over  them  a  cloud  by  day,  by  night  fire  stood, 
A  guide,  a  guard,  a  shadow  and  a  sunne."  ^ 

*  Alexander,  Works,  ed.  Glasgow,  1872,  ill.  22. 
2  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  90a. 

^  Alexander,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  30. 

*  Sylvester,  ed.  cit.,  p.  1556. 
^  Alexander,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  33. 


DU  BARTAS  205 

Sylvester,  "The  Law." 

"for,  compast  aye 
With  Fire  by  Night,  &  with  a  Cloud  by  Day, 
Thou  (my  Soul's  hope)  wert  their  sole  Guide  and 
Guard." ' 

The  Doomesday  and  the  Semaines,  apart  from 
their  similarity  in  plan  and  pm'pose,  have  nu- 
merous characteristics  in  common.  Alexander 
shows  the  tendency,  already  noted  in  Du  Bartas, 
to  mingle  Greek  and  Roman  divinities  in  his 
Christian  poem.  He  gets  immense  satisfaction 
from  the  massing  of  great  troops  of  illustra- 
tions, —  from  the  lists  of  fish,  flesh,  and  fowl 
that  must  perish  in  the  last  fire,  to  the  cata- 
logues of  famous  sinners.  He  is  fond  of  long 
digressions,  preferably  of  a  moralizing  or  preach- 
ing type.  The  elaborate  comparisons  of  Du 
Bartas  give  way  before  Alexander's  fondness 
for  striking  and  epigrammatic  expression.  Com- 
pounds are  fairly  frequent,  some  of  them  of 
good  length;  as,  ^^The  sight-confining-crystall- 
covered  skies."  The  reduplications,  noted  as 
peculiar  to  Du  Bartas  and  not  actually  finding 
a  place  in  Sylvester's  version,  crop  out  here, 
indicating  that  Alexander  was  perfectly  familiar 
with  the  French  Semaines  as  well  as  with  the 
English  version.  The  examples  of  this  pecu- 
liarity are :  — 

1.  "By  corkasses  flot-flotting  in  a  masse." 

2.  "The  crystals  ... 

Growne   red   with   rage,    boil'd   up,   pop-popling 

stay."  2 

*  Sylvester,  ed.  cit..  p.  1716. 

2  Both  on  p.  96  of  the  edition  cited. 


206  DU   BARTAS 

Drummond,  whose  first  meeting  with  his  later 
friend  Alexander  was  concerned  with  imita- 
tion of  Du  Bartas,  was  himself  interested  in  Du 
Bart  as  and  his  translators.  Although  thinking 
little  of  Sylvester's  first-hand  attempts  at  poetry, 
he  praises  his  translations  freely  and  compares 
them  with  Hudson's  to  the  discredit  of  the 
latter.^  Indeed,  one  of  Drummond's  poems, 
''An  Hymn  of  the  Fairest  Fair,"  published  in 
^  Flowers  of  Sion,  1623,  gives  considerable  indi- 
cation of  influence  from  Du  Bartas.  The  verse 
is  heroic  couplet;  and  a  short  quotation  shows, 
crowded  into  small  compass,  compounds,  verbal 
conceit,  elaborate  comparison  from  contempo- 
rary science,  and  the  deploring  of  the  author's 
inadequate  power  of  expression,  —  all  familiar 
characteristics  of  Du  Bartas :  — ■ 

"Great  causes,  sure  ye  must  bring  great  effects, 
But  who  can  descant  right  your  grave  aspects  ? 
He  only  who  you  made,  decipher  can 
Your  notes;  heaven's  eyes,  ye  blind  the  eyes  of  man. 

*fc^*  ^f  ^K  ^^ 

»J»  •^  0^  ^^ 

Amidst  these  sapphire  far-extended  heights, 
The  never-twinkling,  ever-wandring  lights 
Their  fixed  motions  keep ;  one  dry  and  cold, 
Deep-leaden  coloured,  slowly  there  is  roll'd ; 
With  rule  and  line  for  time's  steps  measur'd  even. 
In  twice  three  lustres  he  but  turns  his  heaven. 
With  temperate  qualities  and  countenance  fair, 
Still  mildly  smiling,  sweetly  debonair, 
Another  cheers  the  world,  and  way  doth  make 
In  twice  six  autumns  through  the  zodiac."  ^ 

^  Drummond,  Wks.,  folio  ed.,  Edinburgh,  1711,  p.  227. 
2  Drummond,   Poems,   ed.   Ward,   London  and   New 
York,  1894,  ii.  43-44. 


DU  BARTAS  207 

From  Drummond,  too,  comes  the  final  informa- 
tion regarding  Ben  Jonson's  opinion  of  Du 
Bartas.  Jonson,  acknowledging  his  weakness 
in  French,  but  expressing  admiration  of  Syl- 
vester's English,  had  declared  in  1605,  in  a 
sonnet  '^To  Mr.  Jos.  Sylvester":  — 

"  Bartas  doth  wish  thy  English  now  were  his. 
So  well  in  that  are  his  inventions  wrought, 
As  his  will  now  be  the  translation  thought, 
Thine  the  originall ;  and  France  shall  boast, 
No  more  these  mayden  glories  she  hath  lost."  ^ 

In  the  notes  which  Drummond  took  of  Jonson's 
conversations  with  him,  some  years  later,  a  far 
different  tone  appears.  At  one  time  Jonson 
speaks  of  Du  Bartas.  '^His  Judgment  of 
stranger  poets,"  says  Drummond,  ''was.  That 
he  thought  not  Bartas  a  Poet,  but  a  Verser, 
because  he  wrote  not  Fiction."  ^  Again  he  is 
made  to  say,  still  less  favorably:  ''that  Sil- 
vester's translation  of  Du  Bartas  was  not  well 
done ;  and  that  he  ^  wrote  his  verses  before  he 
understood  to  confer."  ^  Drummond  offers  no 
explanation  or  comment  on  these  opinions, 
beyond  his  one  general  statement,  "Jonson 
neither  doth  understand  French  nor  Italiannes."^ 
The  devotion  to  Urania  continued  through 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  operating 

*  Jonson,  Wks.,  ed.  Gifford,  London,  1875,  viii.  231. 
^Drummond,  Wks.,  folio  ed.,  1711,  p.  225. 

^  Jonson,  apparently.  The  "  verses  "  refer  to  his  son- 
net of  praise,  written  before  he  knew  French  well  enough 
to  compare  a  translation  with  its  original. 

*  Jonson,  Wks.,  ed.  Gifford,  viii.  239. 


208  DU  BARTAS 

Under  various  impulses  and  producing  various 
results.  The  narrative  or  epic  poem,  para- 
phrasing Bible  material,  or  at  least  dealing  with 
sacred  story,  is  a  frequently  recurring  type. 
The  list  begins  with  The  Divine  Poems  of  Fran- 
cis Quarles,  written  between  1620  and  1633,  and 
including  '^A  Feast  of  Worms,"  ^^Hadassa," 
^^Job  Militant,"  and  ^^ Sampson."  Before  1630 
John  Taylor,  the  Water  Poet,  had  written  a 
'^  Urania,"  accompanied  by  The  Sieges  and 
Sackings  of  Jerusalem.  A  few  years  later  ap- 
peared The  History  of  Joseph,  by  Thomas 
Salisbury,  and  the  Davideis  of  Abraham  Cowley. 
Immediately  following  the  Restoration  came 
Milton's  epics.  While  all  these  poems  were 
written  under  a  multiplicity  of  influences,  by 
men  of  wide  reading  in  their  own  and  foreign 
languages,  there  remains  the  strong  probability 
that  in  most  cases  the  familiar  models  handed 
down  from  Du  Bartas  must  have  played  some 
part.  Indeed,  in  several  instances,  there  are 
strong  particular  reasons  for  regarding  the 
Divine  Weeks  as  a  potent  factor  in  the  shaping 
of  the  poem. 

The  Divine  Poems  of  Quarles  give  distinctly 
the  general  impression  of  Sylvestrian  narrative, 
with  most  of  the  figurative  excesses  and  verbal 
tricks  omitted.  There  is  the  same  ten-syllable 
couplet,  though  each  ^^ Argument"  is  compressed 
into  two  eight-syllable  couplets.  There  is  the 
same  dull  wordiness  as  in  Sylvester,  with  a 
kindred  lack  of  poetic  inspiration.  There  is 
the  same  excessive  fondness  for  moralizing,  ex- 


DU   BARTAS  209 

cept  that  Quarles  has  systematized  his  efforts 
by  following  each  section  of  his  poems  with  an 
appropriate  '' Meditation/'  numbered  to  corre- 
spond. These  vary  considerably  in  their  tone, 
some  being  devoutly  worshipful,  others  bitterly 
satirical.  The  material  is  frequently  that  of 
Du  Bartas's  interpolations.  One  instance  in 
particular  demands  notice,  offering  a  close 
parallel  to  Du  Bartas's  description  of  the  Soul's 
abode  in  the  Body  —  the  ^' House  of  Alma" 
conception  of  Spenser.  The  Twelfth  Meditation 
in ''  A  Feast  of  Worms  "  says  of  Man :  — 


"His  body  is  a  well  erected  station, 
But  full  of  folly  and  corrupted  passion : 
Fond  love,  and  raging  lust,  and  foolish  fears ; 
Griefs  overwhelmed  with  immoderate  tears; 
Excessive  joy;  prodigious  desire ; 
Unholy  anger,  red  and  hot  as  fire ; 
These  daily  clog  the  soul,  that's  fast  in  prison, 
From  whose  encrease  this  luckless  brood  is  risen, 
Respectless  Pride,  and  lustful  idleness, 
Base  ribauld  talk,  and  loathsom  Drunkenness, 
Faithless  Despair,  and  Vain  Curiosity : 
Both  false,  yet  double-tongu'd  Hypocrisie; 
Soft  flattery,  and  haughty  ey'd  Ambition ; 
Heart-gnawing  Hatred,  and  squint-ey'd  Suspition ; 
Self-eating  Envy,  envious  Detraction, 
Hopeless  distrust,  and  too  too  sad  Dejection; 
Revengeful  Malice,  hellish  Blasphemy, 
Idolatry,  and  hght  Inconstancy ; 
Daring  Presumption,  wry-mouth'd  Derision, 
Damned  Apostasie,  fond  Superstition. 

What  heedful  watch  ?     Ah  what  continuall  ward  ? 
How  great  respect,  and  howerly  regard 
Stands  man  in  hand  to  have ;  when  such  a  brood 
Of  furious  hell-hounds  seek  to  suck  his  blood  ? 


210  DU  BARTAS 

Day,  night,  and  hour,  they  rebel,  and  wrastle, 
And  never  cease,  till  they  subdue  the  Castle."  * 

It  is  true  that  th-ere  are  various  points  about 
the  Divine  Poems  that  indicate  indebtedness 
to  Spenser  or  perhaps  to  the  Italian  epics  from 
which  he  drew,  and  the  passage  just  quoted 
might  thus  be  accounted  for  sufficiently  by  the 
''House  of  Alma."  There  is,  however,  this  im- 
portant difference :  Spenser  refers  to  the  hostile 
bands  surrounding  Alma's  castle,  but  does  not 
give  their  names  or  interpretation.  Du  Bart  as 
and  Sylvester  name  them  very  much  in  the 
manner  of  Quarles. 

There  is  every  reason  that  Quarles  should 
have  been  attracted  by  the  work  of  Sylvester, 
a  man  who  cared  so  much  for  the  fantastic  ex- 
ternals of  verse-making,  for  anagrams,  acrostics, 
and  emblematic  designs.  Yet  there  is  abso- 
lutely no  mention  of  Sylvester  or  Du  Bartas  in 
the  introductory  material  to  any  of  the  Divine 
Poems,  and  it  is  in  the  conceits  of  Sylvester  that 
Quarles  seems  to  follow  him  least.  All  the 
peculiarities  already  noted  in  the  Divine  Weeks 
appear  occasionally  in  these  poems  of  Quarles, 
but  they  are  too  rare  to  be  of  value  as  evidence. 
The  cataloguing  of  animals,  with  a  somewhat 
elaborate  account  of  their  supposed  character- 
istics occurs  a  few  times.  Thus,  in  the  ''Job 
Militant,"  God  calls  Job's  attention  to  a  num- 
ber of  creatures  as  evidences  of  divine  creative 
power.^    These  descriptions  culminate  in  a  long 

*  Quarles,  Divine  Poems,  ed.  London,  1632,  pp.  46-47. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  239  sq. 


DU  BARTAS  211 

and  exaggerated  picture  of  Leviathan.^  A 
longer  list,  with  many  compound  adjectives, 
enumerates  the  unclean  meats  forbidden  to  the 
pregnant  mother  of  Samson.^  Mechanically 
worked  out  comparisons,  sometimes  trivial, 
sometimes  in  bad  taste,  are  fairly  frequent. 
Jonah's  correction  at  the  hands  of  God  is 
compared  to  a  lad's  first  experiences  at  board- 
ing-school ;  ^  much  figurative  significance  is 
found  in  the  rib  from  which  Eve  was  formed ;  * 
and  the  gatherings  of  Job's  family  suggest  to 
Quarles  the  care  of  a  hen  over  her  brood. ^  One 
appeal  of  the  poet  to  his  God  calls  Du  Bartas 
vaguely  to  one's  mind.  At  the  opening  of 
^'Hadassa,"  Quarles  says:  — 

''Be  thou  the  Load-star  to  my  wand 'ring  mind, 
New  rigg'd  and  bound  upon  a  new  Adventure : 
O  fill  my  Canvass  with  a  prosperous  wind : 
Unlock  my  soul,  and  let  thy  Spirit  enter."  ' 

This  again  might  have  come  from  the  end  of 
Spenser's  first  book  of  the  Faerie  Queene,  but 
hardly  could  the  prayer  that  appears  a  few 
pages  later : — 

''Lord,  if  my  Cards  be  bad,  yet  lend  me  skill 
To  play  them  wisely,  and  make  the  best  of  ill."  '    • 

The  rather  frequent  verbal  echoes  and  jingles 
in  these  poems  of  Quarles  might  all  have  been 
modeled  on  Spenser,  as  might  also  the  simple 


»  Ibid.,  p.  244. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  268-269. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  34. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  103. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  168. 

«  Ibid.,  p.  93. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  101. 

212  DU  BARTAS 

compounds  that  occur.  The  only  compound 
of  more  than  two  parts  occurs  in  the  Samson: 
''To  see  this  flesh-and-blood-relenting  sight."  ^ 

Such  evidence  as  this  succeeds  in  estabUshing 
very  Httle,  especially  for  poems  written  so  late 
as  these  were.  A  possible  partial  influence,  in- 
cluding an  initial  impulse,  is  the  most  that  could 
be  claimed.  In  the  case  of  Taylor,  there  is  at 
least  the  fact  that  he  recognized  the  position  of 
the  poetry  of  Du  Bartas,  and  paid  tribute  to 
author  and  translator.  In  his  ''Description  of 
Naturall  English  Poetry,"  he  says:  — 

"Du  Bartas  heavenly  all  admired  Muse, 
No  unknowne  Language  ever  us'd  to  use : 
But  as  he  was  a  Frenchman,  so  his  lines 
In  native  French  with  fame  most  glorious  shines, 
And  in  the  English  tongue  tis  fitly  stated, 
By  silver-tongued  Silvester  translated. 
So  well,  so  wisely,  and  so  rarely  done, 
That  he  by  it  immortall  fame  hath  wonne."  ^ 

Taylor's  emphatic  declaration  that  he  knew  no 
French  ^  detracts  from  the  value  of  part  of  this, 
though  another  reference  to  Du  Bartas  ^  indi- 
cates that  he  knew  the  poems,  if  only  in  transla- 
tion. By  the  time  Taylor's  "Urania"  appeared 
in  1630,  there  was  of  course  so  wide  a  vogue  of 
poems  of  this  sort  that  there  was  no  need  for 
him  to  draw  upon  Du  Bartas.  There  may, 
however,  be  some  significance  in  the  fact  that 

*  Divine  Poems,  ed.  cit.,  p.  356. 

2  Taylor,  Works,  folio  edition,  London,  1630,  p.  386, 

3  Infra,  p.  248. 

*  In  Drink  and  Welcome,  published  1637,  in  vol,  ii. 
of  his  Tracts,  Spenser  Soc.  Publ.,  London,  1870. 


DU  BARTAS  213 

immediately  after  this  poem,  in  the  folio  edition 
of  his  works,  appeared  '^  The  Sieges  and  Sack- 
ings of  Jerusalem,"  that  one  of  his  poems  which 
bears  closest  resemblance,  in  both  matter  and 
form,  to  the  work  of  Sylvester. 

Cowley's  Davideis,  modeled  upon  the  ~Uiad,  ^f^-^-^A^ 
and  showing  unmistakable  relations  to  Marino's 
Strage  degli  Innocenti  or  Crashaw's  translation 
—  Sospetto  D^Herode — from  Marino's  first  book,^ 
was  still  farther  removed  in  time  from  Du 
Bartas  and  his  translator.  It  is  in  the  metre 
of  Sylvester;  it  deals  with  and  elaborates  a 
portion  of  Bible  story  narrated  in  "  Les  Capi- 
taines  "  and  '^  Les  Trophees  " ;  it  digresses  at  one 
point  into  a  seventy-line  description  of  Crea- 
tion; and  it  rejoices  in  ponderous  comparisons 
drawn  from  the  material  details  of  science. 
But  such  resemblances  as  these  give  way  before 
a  closer  study  of  Cowley's  real  inspiration  — 
the  new  impulse  toward  the  religious  epic  which 
he  had  just  encountered  in  France.  That  he 
considered  the  Davideis  an  innovation  for 
England  is  shown  by  the  preface  to  the  edition 
of  his  works  published  in  1656.  Apropos  of  the 
Davideis  he  has  discussed  at  some  length  the 
need  for  great  poems  on  divine  or  religious  sub- 
jects. Then  he  concludes:  ^^I  am  far  from 
assuming  to  myself  to  have  fulfilled  the  duty 
of  this  weighty  undertaking;  but  sure  I  am, 
there  is  nothing  yet  in  our  language  (nor  per- 
haps in  any)  that  is  in  any  degree  answerable 

^Cf.   J.    M.   McBryde,   Jr.,    "A   Study   of   Cowley's 
Davideis,"  in  Jour.  Germ.  Philol.,  ii.  454  sq. 


214  DU  BARTAS 

to  the  idea  that  I  conceive  of  it.  And  I  shall 
be  ambitious  of  no  other  fruit  from  this  weak 
and  imperfect  attempt  of  mine,  but  the  opening 
of  a  way  to  the  courage  and  industry  of  some 
other  persons,  who  may  be  better  able  to  per- 
form it  thoroughly  and  successfully."  ^ 

One  interesting  line  of  connection  occurs  at 
this  point. ^  In  the  summary  written  by  Du 
Bartas's  editor,  Simon  Goulart  de  Senlis,  and 
prefixed  to  '^  Les  Trophees,"  in  which  the  story 
of  David  is  given,  appear  these  statements :  — 

"Le  Poete  represente  les  principaux  poincts  d'icelle 
histoire  en  onze  cens  vers  ou  environs,  choisissant  ce 
qui  lui  a  semble  plus  digne  d'estre  compris  en  Toeuvre 
par  lui  entrepris.  Car  une  Davideide  vaudroit  bien 
le  cours  d'une  Eneide,  ou  le  nombre  des  livres  de 
^  riliade  et  de  TOdyssee  ensemble  si  quelque  Chrestien 
et  docte  poete  Frangois  vouloit  y  employer  le  temps  et 
I'estude,  comme  un  si  noble  et  fertile  sujet  le  merite." 

This  direct  suggestion  of  the  kind  of  work 
Cowley  undertook  deserves  comparison  with 
his  own  statement  in  his  preface:  '^I  come  now 
to  the  last  part  which  is  the  Davideis,  or  an 
heroical  poem  of  the  troubles  of  David :  which  I 
designed  into  twelve  books;  not  for  the  tribes' 
sake,  but  after  the  pattern  of  our  master  Virgil."  ^ 
Some  further  weight  is  given  this  consideration 
by  the  fact  that  Du  Bartas's  Judith  had  been  < 
avowedly  cast  in  the  classic  mold. 

*  Cowley,  Poems,  Cambridge  English  Classics,  1905, 
p.  14. 

2  Cf.  J.  M.  McBryde,  op.  cit.,  p.  483  sq. 
'  Cowley,  Poems,  ed.  cit.,  1905,  p.  11. 


1 


"•^W^£r  DU  BARTAS  215 

The  question  of  Milton's  relations  to  Du  Bartas 
was  one  of  great  importance  to  certain  scholars 
of  a  century  ago/  but  of  late  it  has  almost  dis- 
appeared from  view.  The  citations  and  paral- 
lels brought  out  by  this  scholarship  were  of  no 
particular  value.  The  one  thing  of  possible 
importance  in  the  argument  of  Dunster,  the 
leading  advocate  for  the  influence  of  Du  Bartas, 
was  the  fact  that  certain  editions  of  Sylvester's 
works,  notably  the  important  folio  edition  of 
1621,  were  printed  by  ^'Humphrey  Lownes 
dwelling  on  Bread-street-hill,"  in  the  immediate 
vicinity_ofthe  Milton  home.  Lownes  was  an 
ardentPuritalT,  in  sympathy  with  tjie  tone  of 
Sylvester's  poetry.  Milton's  father  was~a  Turi- 
tan  and^presumably '  a  friend  of  Lownes.  Dun- 
ster's  inference  was  that  the  young  Milton,  then 
at  an  impressionable  age,  thus  grew  familiar 
with  the  poems  of  Du  Bartas,  and  was  attracted 
by  them  in  a  way  that  he  never  forgot^  It  is 
true  that  both  poets  are  disciples  of  Urania,  and 
that  the  subjects  which  concern  them  are  closely 
akin.  There  is  even  a  suggestion  of  Milton's 
whole  plan  in  the  Seventh  Day  of  the  First 
Week,  thus  rendered  by  Sylvester :  — 


\ 


"Who  sees  not  also  that  th'  unjust  Decree 
Of  a  proud  Judge  and  Judas  treachery, 
The  Peoples  fury,  and  the  Prelats  gall, 
Serv'd  all  as  Organs  to  repair  the  Fall 
Of  Edens  old  Prince,  whose  luxurious  pride 
Made  on  his  seed  his  sin  for  ever  slide?" 

^  Cf.  Chas.  Dunster,  Considerations  on  Milton's  Early 
Reading,  London,  1800;   also  the  notes  in  Todd's  Milton_ 


^16  DU  BARTAS 

This  idea  is  continued  at  considerable  length, 
"with  apt  Similitudes" — as  the  marginal  ex- 
planation says  —  "confirming  the  reason  and 
declaring  the  right  end  of  God's  divers  dealings 
with  men."  Yet  there  was  reason  enough  in 
Milton's  own  experience  and  party  affiliations 
to  turn  his  creative  powers  to  their  religious 
theme.  There  are,  indeed,  some  other  resem- 
blances with  Du  Bartas  which  add  support  to  a 
probabihty  that  the  Divine  Weeks,  known  to 
Milton  in  his  youth,  readily  recurred  to  his  mind 
when  the  notion  of  a  sacred  epic  arose  there. 
Both  poets  found  it  necessary  to  blend  the 
machinery  of  classic  myth  with  their  biblical 
characters.  Du  Bartas  had  depended  for  poetic 
effect,  as  Milton  did,  on  "muster-rolls"  of 
proper  names.  Phrases  and  word-combinations 
in  Milton  are  frequently  recalling  similar  ex- 
pressions in  the  Weeks,  although  the  resem- 
blances cannot  justly  be  called  parallels.^  The 
whole  question  lies  slightly  outside  the  scope  of 
this  study,  and  at  best  offers  little  more  than  the 
thread  of  probability  indicated  above. 

By  the  time  of  England's  civil  strife,  literary 
influences  such  as  Du  Bartas  and  Sylvester 
represented  had  become  so  various  and  compli- 
cated that  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  point  out 
definite  instances  of  dependence.  There  is 
ample  indication,  however,  that  through  the 
entire  first  half  of  the  century,  the  popularity 
of  these  poets  was  practically  intact;  so  that  it 

*  Cf .  Dunster,  op.  cit. 


DU   BARTAS      /  217 

really  gave  way  only  with  the  vigorous  impulses 
of  the  Restoration.  Numerous  tributes  might 
be  quoted  from  men  who  have  not  been  men- 
tioned as  imitators  or  as  connected  with  imi- 
tators. Some  of  these  date  from  the  beginning 
of  the  century,  when  they  were  published  in 
connection  with  Sylvester's  collected  works. 
The  demand  that  necessitated  the  numerous 
later  editions  of  Sylvester  represents  continued 
popularity  in  a  material  form.  Sufficient  late 
testimony  is  provided  by  a  brief  tribute  in  George 
Daniel's  ^^Vindication  of  Poesie,"  published  in 
1646,  and  by  a  familiar  statement  of  Dryden  re- 
garding his  own  youth.  Daniel  says,  with  an 
echo  of  Spenser's  earlier  tribute :  — 

"Nor  shall  the  Muse  of  the  French  Eagle  dye, 
Divine  Sire  Bartas ;  and  the  happie  writt 
Of  Bellay,  here  shall  live  eternallie, 
Eternizing  his  name,  in  his  owne  Witt."  ^ 

Dryden's  comment  in  the  translation  of  Boileau^s 
Art  Poetique,  is  :  ^'I  remember,  when  I  was  a 
boy,  I  thought  inimitable  Spenser  a  mean  poet 
in  comparison  of  Sylvester's  Du  Bartas."  ^ 

The  study  of  Du  Bartas's  influence  in  England 
has  thus  revealed  a  somewhat  complicated  his- 
tory. The  influence  proceeded  from  two  sources, 
the  original  and  the  translations,  especially  that 
of  Joshua  Sylvester.  It  was  of  two  sorts,  the 
general  call  to  the  service  of  Urania  and  the 
more  definite  effect  on  style  and  peculiarities  of 

^  Poems,  ed.  Grosart,  1878,  i.  27. 

2  Of.  Did.  Nat.  Biog.  s.  v.  ''Sylvester." 


218  DU  BARTAS 

detail.  Along  both  these  lines  Sylvester's  part 
was  similar  to  that  of  his  master,  except  that 
he  was  a  greater  extremist.  To  Sylvester,  as  to 
his  greater  English  contemporaries,  Du  Bartas, 
with  his  Protestant  zeal  and  stylistic  extrava- 
gances, offered  something  for  which  minds  and 
tastes  were  well  prepared.  Men  like  Sidney  and 
Donne  could  find  in  this  poetry  flights  of  fancy 
or  tricks  of  expression  to  fit  their  need,  without 
definitely  consecrating  their  efforts  to  the 
Heavenly  Muse.  A  few  years  later,  with  Syl- 
vester's translations  to  localize  the  appeal,  seri- 
ous minded  men  of  religious  purpose,  Drayton, 
Alexander,  and  John  Davies  of  Hereford,  found 
in  these  poems  models  for  their  own  composi- 
tions based  on  Bible  story.  Back  of  this  whole 
development  stands  the  royal  figure  of  King 
James,  the  friend  of  Du  Bartas,  the  encouraging 
force  for  Sylvester,  the  patron  of  Alexander,  the 
champion  of  Urania  herself.  As  the  seventeenth 
century  proceeded,  influences  increased  and  com- 
plicated, but  the  poetry  of  Du  Bartas  retained 
a  popularity  that  requires  it  to  be  still  regarded 
as  a  factor.  Only  with  the  Restoration  did 
these  poems  sink  into  the  position  of  contemptu- 
ous neglect  which  had  so  soon  become  their  lot 
in  France. 


CHAPTER  V 

Rabelais 

Whatever  influence  the  writings  of  Frangois 
Rabelais  may  have  had  upon  Enghsh  Literature., 
two  points  are  very  well  established:    this  in- 
fluence is  scarcely  appreciable  for  more  than  half 
a  century  after  the  first  two  books  of  Gargantua 
were  written;   and  when  it  does  appear,  it  has 
to  do  chiefly  with  style  and  spirit  rather  than 
with  doctrine  or  ideas,  —  with  the  traditional 
Rabelais,  perhaps,  more  than  the  reality.    The 
'real  Rabelais  is  easily  apparent  in  his  work,  — 
a  composite   figure,   blending  the  Humanistic 
desire  for  freedom  of  thought  and  the  Renais-  ^ 
sance  multiplicity  of  talents  with  a  medieval  ) 
fondness  for  encyclopedic  learning  and  a  jovial  \ 
abandon  to  the  picturesque  expression  of  the  [ 
spirit  of  good  living/     In  all  points  of  contro-J 
versy  the  medial  ground  was  to  him  the  attrac- 
tive one;    and  from  this  point  of  comparative 
safety  he  turned  the  light  of  his  ridicule  upon 
the  extremists.     He  had  views  that  were  reason- 
able and  wholesome  on  philosophy,  education, 
science,  and  religion.     But  the  very  eclecticism 
of  his  position  made  him  enemies  on  all  sides; 

^  Cf .  Emile   Gebhart,  Rabelais :  la    Renaissance  et   la 
Reforme.     Paris,  187  7. 

219 


220  RABELAIS 

the  good-humored  coarseness  of  his  expression 
gave  these  enemies  their  weapons;  and  there 
grew  up  in  men's  minds,  in  France  and  through- 
out Europe,  a  traditional  Rabelais,  —  glutton, 
drunkard,  buffoon,  and  trickster,^  —  who  took 
his  place  beside  Machiavelli  and  Aretino  as  one 
of  the  ^Herrible  examples"  of  the  Renaissance. 
By  that  time  the  medievalism  he  represented 
had  become  dead  matter,  Humanism  had  run 
its  course,  and  the  religious  reforms  he  had 
championed  had  played  their  part  in  various 
readjustments.  Naturally,  in  the  minds  of 
many  men,  the  only  vital  elements  left  to  his 
work  were  its  coarseness  of  tone  and  the  laxity 
of  life  it  encouraged;  and  these  corresponded 
all  too  well  with  the  tradition.  In  England  this 
must  have  been  especially  true.  The  abuses  of 
the  church  would  no  longer  entirely  vitalize  his 
elaborate  satire,  in  a  land  where  popes  and 
monks  had  ceased  to  be  a  really  serious  factor. 
Extreme  Protestants,  moreover,  would  forget 
his  service  as  a  reformer  in  their  righteous  zeal 
against  so  bold  an  advocate  of  unholy  living; 
who  had  not  scrupled,  indeed,  to  satirize  Prot- 
estant leaders  in  his  later  books. ^  To  the  less 
zealous  he  would  appear  merely  as  'Hhe  great 
jester  of  France."  ^ 

The  literary  influence  of  Rabelais,  then,  is  not 
to  be  sought  among  the  religious  poets  of  Eng- 


^  Cf.  Gebhart,  op.  cit.,  pp.  10-18. 

"^  E.g.  the  account  of  the  offspring  of  "  Antiphysie," 
(Euvres,  ed.  Duchat,  Amsterdam,  1741,  ii.  85. 
^  Infra,  p.  244. 


RABELAIS  221 

land,  nor  in  the  learned  circles  of  the  nobility 
and  its  literary  retainers.  It  is  likely  to  appear  ^ 
at  any  time  in  the  drama,  and  should  be  espe- 
cially manifest  in  the  satirical  outbursts^  of 
literary  free-lances  like  Thomas  Nash  and  John 
Taylor,  the  Water  Poet.  The  real  Rabelais  had 
been  influenced  by  Sir  Thomas  More,  making 
both  Gargantua  and  Pantagruel  rulers  of  / 
Utopia,  and  representing  the  mother  of  Pan- 
tagruel as  '^fille  du  Roy  cles  Amaurotes  en 
Utopie,"  ^  as  well  as  giving  expression  to  many 
of  the  philosophical  opinions  of  both  More  and 
Erasmus.^  The  Rabelais  that  England  knew 
could  seldom  aspire  to  such  company,  though 
Francis  Bacon  at  least  is  known  to  have  been 
familiar  with  his  writings. 

In  attempting  to  estimate  the  extent  of  Eng- 
lish knowledge  of  Rabelais  on  the  basis  of 
references  to  him  and  his  work,  an  uncertainty 
at  once  arises.  The  books  of  Gargantua  and 
Pantagritel  were  built  about  a  giant  hero  of 
popular  chap-book  romance,  whose  story  had 
been  in  general  circulation  some  time  before 
Rabelais  turned  his  hand  to  the  revision  of  it, 
and  found  there  the  very  machinery  he  desired 
for   his   own   creations.^    Les   grandes   et  ines- 

^  Rabelais,  Pantagruel  (bk.  ii.),  chap,  ii;  cf.  Rathery, 
Revue  contemporaine,  xxi.  42. 

2  Cf.  H.  Schoenfeld,  ''Die  Beziehung  der  Satire  Rabe- 
lais' zu  Erasmus'  Encomium  Moriae  u.  Colloquia,"  in 
Publ.  Mod.  Lang.  Assn.  Amer.,  viii.  1  sq.  The  "Abbey 
of  Theleme,"  at  the  close  of  Rabelais's  First  Book,  is  a 
decidedly  Utopian  institution. 

3  The  traditional  giant  Gargantua  is  mentioned  by 
Claude    Bourdigne    in    a    ballade    prefixed    to    Legende 


/ 


222  RABELAIS 

timahles  Croniques  du  grant  et  enorme  geant 
Gargantua,  published  in  1532,  in  the  form  which 
was  apparently  given  them  by  Rabelais  him- 
self/ enjoyed,  as  he  testifies  in  the  prologue  to 
Pantagruel,  an  immediate  and  vast  popularity. 
There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  new 
satirical  history  of  Pantagruel,  or  even  the  re- 
vised and  expanded  story  of  Gargantua,  with  all 
their  points  of  excellence,  entirely  superseded 
the  earlier  simple  narrative  of  the  people's  giant 
hero.  In  all  probability  the  traditional  Gar- 
gantua added  to  his  biography  numerous  accre- 
tions from  the  larger  narrative,  with  some  sense 
of  acknowledgment  to  Rabelais;  but  for  the 
common  people  this  biography  remained  still 
essentially  a  giant  story.  Rabelais,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  his  creation  grew,  eventually  lost  sight 
entirely  of  his  original  giant  motive,  and  con- 
sidered only  Prince  Pantagruel  and  his  increas- 
ingly important  retinue  as  the  machinery  for 
satire. 

This  popular  giant  story  passed  into  England 
at  some  comparatively  early  date,  with  the 
other  odds  and  ends  of  the  romance  cycles. 
Apparently  it  flourished  there  for  a  time  with 
an  audience  that  knew  nothing  of  its  possible 
connections  with  Rabelais;    and  indeed  knew 

Pierre  Faifeu,  finished  March  31,  1531,  and  printed  in 
1532.  P.  Sebillot,  Gargantua  dans  les  traditions  popu- 
laires,  1883,  finds  stories  of  Gargantua  most  plentiful  in 
Brittany,  agreeing  with  the  fact  that  Les  grandes  Cro- 
niques connect  him  with  the  Arthurian  cycle. 

^  Works,  tr.  by  W.  F.  Smith,  London,  1893,  i.  pp. 
Iviii-lix. 


RABELAIS  '  223 

Rabelais  only  vaguely,  if  at  all,  as  the  roystering 
''Eulenspiegel"  of  French  Catholicism.  The 
frequent  mention  of  Gargantua,  then,  even  in 
later  Elizabethan  literature,  is  always  open  ,ta 
the  suspicion  that  it  is  prompted  merely  by 
popular  tradition.  This  suspicion  is  often 
greatly  intensified  by  the  associations  in  which 
the  reference  occurs,  as  in  groups  of  legendary 
giants,  broken  down  romances,  and  the  like. 

There -is  a  corresponding  difficulty  in  attempt- 
ing to  identify  the  influence  of  Rabelais  by  mere 
resemblance  of  tone  and  manner,  as  in  certain 
scenes  in  Shakespeare's  Henry  IV.,  or  in  Jon- 
son's  Bartholomeiv  Fair}  The  tone  is  too  nearly 
that  of  the  pleasure-loving  common  people,  of 
every-day  bourgeois  gatherings  and  Elizabethan 
fairs  and  tavern  frolics,  to  need  the  inspiration 
of  a  Rabelais  or  of  any  other  literary  figure. 
Even  resemblance  of  plirase  is  often  open  to 
doubt,  as  many  of  the  most  striking  expressions 
of  Rabelais  either  were  common  property  at  his 
time  or  soon  became  so. 

In  France,  the  so-called  Second  Book  of 
Rabelais's  work,  —  Les  horribles  et  espovetables 
faictz  et  prouesses  du  tresrendme  Pantagruel,  was 
probably  first  published  in  1532.^  The  enlarged 
Gargantua,  designed  to  be  the  First  Book  in  the 
series,  was  printed  by  or  before  1535.  The 
Third  Book  followed  in  1546,  the  Fourth  in 
1548,  and  the  Fifth,  whatever  may  be  the  truth 

^  This    connection    has    been    suggested    by   Charles 
Whibley,  in  Revue  des  Etudes  rabelaisiennes ,  i.  3. 
2  A  second  edition  is  in  existence,  dated  lo33. 


224  RABELAIS 

regarding  its  authorship,  was  before  the  public 
by  1564.^  There  was  a  Pantagrueline  Prognos- 
tication pour  Van  15SS,  which  was  continued 
year  by  year,  until  in  1542  it  was  made  a  Prog- 
nostication pour  Fan  perpetuel.  In  England, 
there  is  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register  for 
April  6, 1592,  "Gargantuxi  his  prophesie,''  which 
would  seem  to  indicate  an  English  rendering 
of  the  Prognostication.  According  to  that  view, 
there  is  significance  in  the  thought  that  the  name 
Gargantua  was  being  accepted  loosely  to  cover 
the  various  writings  of  Rabelais,  and  that  the 
traditional  giant  story  was  by  that  time  being 
confused  in  English  minds  with  the  more  elabo- 
rate literary  creation.  If  this  supposition  could 
be  accepted,  it  would  aid  greatly  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  two  very  vague  entries  made  a 
trifle  later.  Under  date  of  June  16, 1592,  there  is 
an  entry  of  "Gargantuxi/'  made  without  explana- 
tion and  afterward  cancelled.  On  December  4, 
1594,  there  is  entered  "The  historic  of  Gargantua," 
with  the  note,  '^Provided  that  if  this  Copie  doo 
belonge  to  anie  other,  Then  this  Entrance  to  be 
voide."  These  publications  have  not  survived, 
and  nothing  whatever  is  known  about  them. 
The  title  appears  to  indicate  merely  a  printed 
English  version  of  the  popular  tradition,  although 
the  apparent  extension  of  the  term  "  Gargantua," 
and  the  short  time  elapsing  between  the  entry 
'  of  the  Prophesiesmd  the  first  notice  of  Gargantuxi, 
Sit  least  open  the  possibility  of  so  early  a  trans- 

^  Cf.  Tilley,    op.   cit.,  i.  262  sq.,  for   bibliography  of 
these  editions. 


RABELAIS  225 

lation  of  part  of  Rabelais's  greater  work.  The 
translation  of  the  first  two  books,  by  Thomas 
Urquhart,  in  1653,  was  apparently  called  forth  by 
a  growing  interest,  at  that  time,  in  things  satirical. 
Before  1580  there  are  at  least  three  authentic 
references  to  Gargantua,  all  of  them  in  connec- 
tions that  seem  to  point  to  the  legendary  giant 
hero.  In  1572  the  '^  Brief  and  Necessary  In- 
struction^^ by  E.  D.  decries,  among  other  English 
books  of  the  time,  ^Hhe  witles  devices  of  Gar- 
gantua." ^  In  1575  Robert  Laneham,  in  his 
letter  to  Humphrey  Martin,  describing  the  en- 
tertainment of  the  Queen  at  Kenilworth,  men- 
tions Gargantua  as  one  of  the  books  with  which 
Captain  Cox  was  familiar.^  All  the  other  books 
named  are  in  English,  and  the  presumption 
follows  that  this  one  is  also.  Two  years  later 
Doctor  Merideth  Hanmer  enumerates  'Hhe 
monstrous  fables  of  Gargantua"  in  a  list  of 
popular  English  books. ^  As  late  as  1598,  in  the 
Palladis  Tamia  of  Meres,  Gargantua  is  con- 
demned, together  with  the  Four  Sons  of  Aymon 
and  the  Seven  Chainj)ions,  as  a  book  injurious 
for  young  people.^  Here  again,  judging  by  the 
company  it  keeps,  the  book  in  mind  may  well 
be  the  giant  story,  although  the  question  is  a 
much  more  open  one. 

^  Noted  by  H.  R.  D.  Anders,  Shakespeare^ s  Books,  p.  56. 

2  Ed.  1822  (Philadelphia),  p.  37.  Noted  by  Anders, 
op.  cit.,  p.  56. 

^  Epistle  Dedicatorie  to  the  Auncient  Ecclesiastical 
Histories  of  the  First  Six  Hundred  Yeares  after  Christ, 
ed.  1619,  p.  ^4.     Noted  by  Anders,  op.  cit.,  p.  56. 

*  Machiavelli's  Prince  is  also  in  the  list. 


226  RABELAIS 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  for  some 
years  prior  to  1598  —  in  fact,  beginning  sig- 
nificantly enough  just  about  the  date  of  the 
entries  quoted  from  the  Stationers^  Register  — 
Rabelais  and  his  work  had  been  well  known  in 
England,  and  indeed  had  exercised  some  im- 
portant literary  influence.  In  1590  the  tract. 
An  Almond  for  a  Parrot,  formerly  attributed 
to  Nash,  mentions  ''that  merry  man  Rablays 
who  dedicated  most  of  his  workes  to  the  soule 
of  the  old  Queene  of  Navarre  many  yeares  after 
her  death,  for  that  she  was  a  maintainer  of  mirth 
in  her  life."  ^  John  Donne  in  his  "  Fourth  Satire  '^ 
(written  about  1597)  alludes  to  Panurge :  — 

"Nay,  your  Apostles  were 
Good  pretty  Linguists ;  so  Panurgus  was, 
Yet  a  poor  Gentleman;  all  these  may  pass."  ^ 

The  V ergidemiarum  of  Joseph  Hall  (1597)  also 
alludes  to  Rabelais :  — 

''But  who  coniur'd  this  bawdie  Poggie's  ghost, 
From  out  the  stewes  of  this  lewde  home-bred  coast : 
Or  wicked  Rablais'  dronken  revelhngs, 
To  grace  the  mis-rule  of  our  Tavernings?"  ^ 

The  Preludium  of  Edward  Guilpin's  Skialetheia 
(1598)  has  a  similar  reference :  — 

''  Let  Rablais  with  his  durtie  mouth  discourse, 
No  longer  blush,  for  they'le  write  ten  times  worse : 

.*  Nash,   Works,  ed.    McKerrow,  iii    341.      Noted  by 
Charles  Whibley,  in  Rev.  des  Etudes  rah.,  i.  3. 
^  Wks.,^  ed.  Grosart,- Fuller  Worthies  Libr.,  1.  32. 
'  ^  Bk.  ii,  satire  i. 


RABELAIS  227 

And  Aretines  great  wit  be  blam'd  no  more, 
They'le  storie  forth  the  errant  arrant  whore."  * 

More  important  than  these  allusions,  which  at 
most  can  but  show  growing  public  acquaintance, 
are  the  evidences  of  Rabelaisian  influence,  dur- 
ing this  same  period,  in  the  work  of  Thomas 
Nash,^  and  —  with  less  of  certainty  —  in  the 
English  drama.  There  was  much  reason  that 
Nash  should  come  under  the  power  of  Rabelais. 
After  seven  years  of  study  at  Cambridge,  he 
had  gone  traveling,  in  1587,  through  France  and 
Italy,  and  retiu-ned  to  England  to  a  literary 
career  largely  turned  to  satire  and  invective. 
Like  Rabelais  he  was  the  avowed  foe  of  pedan- 
try; and,  like  him  again,  he  was  immensely 
fond  of  citations  from  the  ancients  and  the  em- 
ployment of  learned  commonplaces.  Like  Rabe- 
lais he  professed  a  fabliau  sort  of  distrust  for 
women.  Unlike  him,  he  inveighed  against  glut- 
tony and  drunkenness,  lingering  meanwhile  on 
the  picturesque  details  of  such  conditions  with 
an  unholy  joy  that  makes  one  suspicious.  It  is 
in  the  role  of  ^Hragicus  Orator"  that  Nash  likes 
to  regard  himself,  railing  and  inveighing  against 
the  vices  of  his  fellow-men.  In  this  he  looks  to 
Aretino  as  his  model,^  professing  to  draw  from 

^  Ed.  Grosart,  in  Occasional  Issues,  vi.  31. 

^  This  has  been  discussed  in  part  by  Charles  Whibley, 
in  his  article  in  Rev.  des  J^tudes  rob.,  i. 

^  References  to  Aretino  occur  in  Pierce  Penniless, 
1592  {Wks.,  ed.  McKerrow,  i.  242),  and  in  Four  Letters 
Confuted,  1592  {Wks.,  i.  20),  together  with  a  lengthy 
praise  of  "Aretine"  in  The  Unfortunate  Traveller,  1594 
(Wks.,  ii.  264). 


228  RABELAIS 

him  whatever  he  possesses  of  keenness  and 
satirical  fire,  together  with  a  fluency  in  the  use 
of  large  but  expressive  words.  Concluding  the 
epistle  to  the  Reader,  before  his  Lenten  Stuff,  "^ 
appearing  almost  at  the  end  of  his  career,  he 
says:  '^Let  me  speake  to  you  about  my  huge 
woords  which  I  use  in  this  booke,  and  then  you 
are  your  own  men  to  do  what  you  list.  Know 
it  is  my  true  vaine  to  be  tragicus  Orator,  and  of 
all  stiles  I  most  affect  and  strive  to  imitate 
Aretines,  not  caring  for  this  demure  soft  medio- 
cre genus,  that  is  like  water  and  wine  mixt 
togither."  * 

Nowhere  does  he  acknowledge  an  obligation 
to  Rabelais,  whose  influence  will  be  found 
operative  in  another  side  of  Nash's  work  almost 
as  prominent  as  the  invective  vein,  though  per- 
haps one  in  which  he  took  less  pride.  Even  in 
his  ^^huge  woords"  the  model  of  Rabelais  seems 
often  not  far  away.  Except  for  the  ''  Wonderful 
strange  and  miraculous  Astrologicall  Prognosti- 
cation/' published  in  1591,^  generally  ascribed  to 
Nash,  and  almost  certainly  modeled  upon  the 
Pantagrueline  Prognostication,  the  influence  of 
Rabelais  in  Nash's  earlier  writings  seems  small 
indeed  as  compared  to  its  later  prominence. 
But  even  in  the  early  work  Gabriel  Harvey  pro- 
fessed to  find  this  influence  to  a  degree  that 


1  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  152. 

2  Note  that  this  was  a  year  before  the  entry  of  "  Gar- 
gantua  his  prophesie"  (see  p.  224).  A  translation  of  the 
original  model  may  well  have  been  called  out  by  the 
success  of  the  English  work. 


RABELAIS  229 

justified  him  in  placing  Rabelais  and  Aretino 
side  by  side  as  the  models  of  his  annoy ing.foe.^ 
In  Harvey's  Four  Letters,  as. early  as -1592, 
he  makes  a  plea  to  Nash  to  be  a  divine  poet  and 
use  heavenly  eloquence  indeed,  concluding  with 
the  statement:  ''Right  artificiality  ...  is  not 
mad-brained,  or  ridiculous,  or  absurd,  or  blas- 
phemous, or  monstrous;  but  deep-conceited, 
but  pleasurable,  but  delicate,  .  .  .  not  accord- 
ing to  the  fantastical  mould  of  Aretine  or 
Rabelays,  but  according  to  the  fine  model  of 
Orpheus,  Homer,  Pindarus.  .  .  ."  ^  This  con- 
nection is  repeated  in  the  New  Letter  of  Notable 
Contents,  the  year  following:  ''When  the  sweet 
youth  haunted  Aretine,  and  Rabelays,  the  two 
monstrous  wittes  of  their  languages,  who  so 
shaken  with  the  furious  feavers  of  the  One;-  or 
so  attainted  with  the  French  Pockes  of  the 
Other?"  ^  Piercers  Supererogation,  also  pub- 
lished in  1593,  adds  further  confirmation,  with 
a  concrete  detail  to  indicate  that  Harvey  was 
familiar  with  Rabelais's  work,  and  was  not 
merely  comparing  his  enemy  to  a  traditional 
master  of  grossness.     "Poor  I/'  he  says,  "... 

^  A  passage  like  the  following  in  Nash's  reply  to  the 
Four  Letters  shows  perhaps  the  justification  of  Harvey's 
statements:  —  "Why,  thou  arrant  butter  whore,  thou 
cotqueane  and  scrattop  of  scoldes,  wilt  thou  never  leave 
afflicting  a  dead  Carcasse,  continually  read  the  rethorick 
lecture  of  Ramme- Allie  ?  a  wispe,  a  wispe,  a  wispe, 
rippe,  rippe,  you  ki\chinstuffe  wrangler. "  (Nash,  Wks., 
ed.  cit.,  i.  299.)  The  influence  of  Skelton,  frequently 
seen  in  Nash,  also  appears  to  crop  out  here. 

2  Harvey,  Wks.,  ed.  Grosart,  i.  218. 

8  Ihid.,  i.  272-273. 


230  RABELAIS 

that  am  matched  with  such  a  Gargantuist  as 
can  devoure  me  quicke  in  a  sallat."  ^  The  ex- 
perience of  Gargantua  with  the  pilgrims,  as  told 
in  Chapter  38  of  the  First  Book,  is  at  once 
recalled. 

In  considering  the  actual  writings  of  Nash, 
there  is  one  important  indication  of  obligation 
to  Rabelais  that  can  of  course  be  treated  only 
in  a  general  way.  This  is  the  peculiar  spirit  and 
manner  which  one  comes  to  associate  with  the 
frankly  coarse  but  good-natured  '^jester  of 
France,"  and  which  seems  to  depend  on  the 
accumulation  of  small  details  rather  than  on  a 
few  striking  passages.  Between  the  Astrologicall 
Prognostication,  for  instance,  and  the  Panta- 
grueline  Prognostication,  there  is  a  striking  re- 
semblance in  manner  as  well  as  in  method  of 
approach.  Both  are  burlesque  prophecies,  get- 
ting their  humor  from  the  perfect  obviousness  of 
the  things  predicted,  and  adding  in  many  in- 
stances the  satirical  touch.  They  both  deal  with 
the  eclipses  for  the  year  and  the  conditions  to 
be  connected  with  these,  as  well  as  offering  pre- 
dictions for  each  of  the  four  seasons.  Both 
give  some  attention  to  the  different  classes  and 
occupations  of  men,  and  to  the  peculiarities  of 
other  countries.  With  the  frequent  appearance 
of  serious  prognostications  in  both  countries,  it 
was  to  be  expected  that  such  parodies  would 
arise  from  time  to  time,  but  in  this  case  there 
seems  to  be  much  more  than  a  chance  parallel. 

1  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  224.  Whibley  has  noted  this 
reference,  op.  cit.j  p.  7. 


RABELAIS  231 

With  Pierce  Penilesse  his  Supplication  to  the 
Divell,  in  1592,  the  influence  of  Rabelais  in  au- 
thentic work  of  Nash  begins  to  be  manifest. 
The  work  is  at  basis  satirical,  and  is  emphatic 
in  its  adverse  attitude  toward  gluttony,  dri^^k- 
ing,  and  carousing;  yet,  as  noted,"" the  very 
descriptions  there  involved  are  expanded  with 
the  concrete  pictm'esqueness  of  coarse  or  absurd 
detail  which  helps  to  give  Rabelais  his  tone. 
Already  Nash  shows  a  Rabelaisian  feeling  for 
monstrosity,  as  well  as  a  peculiar  delight  in  the 
play  of  imagination  over  whimsical  personifica- 
tions. Nash  says  of  Master  Dives,  whom  he 
makes  a  representative  London  glutton:  '' Mis- 
erere mei,  what  a  fat  churle  it  is  !  Why,  he 
hath  a  belly  as  big  as  the  round  Church  in 
Cambridge,  a  face  as  huge  as  the  whole  bodie 
of  a  bass  viall,  and  legs  that,  if  they  were  hol- 
low, a  man  might  keepe  a  mill  in  eyther  of 
them."  ^  Earlier  in  the  work  Nash's  imagina- 
tion produces  this,  ''he  that  hath  no  mony  in 
his  purse,  must  go  dine  with  Sir  John  Best- 
betrust,  at  the  signe  of  the  chalk  and  the 
Post."  ' 

The  characteristic  manner  of  his  descriptions 
might  be  illustrated  from  a  dozen  examples,^ 
but  the  following  will  serve.     Dame  Niggardize 

1  Nash,  Wks.,  ed.  McKerrow,  i.  199-200.  Whibley, 
op.  cit.,  p.  10,  quotes  this  to  illustrate  Nash's  feeling 
for  monstrosity. 

2  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  163. 

^  E.g.  "the  Usurer,"  p.  162;  "Greediness,"  p.  166; 
"Old  hacksters,"  p.  181.  The  Unfortunate  Traveller 
(1594)  has  others  of  the  same  sort. 


232  RABELAIS 

was  attired  "  in  a  sedge  rug  kirtle,  that  had  beene 
a  mat  time  out  of  minde,  a  course  hempen  raile 
about  her  shoulders,  borrowed  of  the  one  end 
of  a  hop-bag,  an  apron  raade  of  Almanackes 
out  of  date  (such  as  stand  upon  Screens,  or 
on  the  backside  of  a  dore  in  a  Chandlers  shop), 
and  an  old  wives  pudding  pan  on  her  head, 
thrumd  with  the  parings  of  her  nailes."  She 
sat  ^^  barrelling  up  the  droppings  of  hir  nose,  in 
steed  of  oyle,  to  saime  wooll  withall,  and  would 
not  adventure  to  spit  without  halfe  a  dozen 
porrengers  at  her  elbow."  ^  The  rats  and  the 
mice  — 

"  went  a  Boot-haling  one  night  to  Sinior  Greedinesse 
bed-chamber,  where,  finding  nothing  but  emptines 
and  vastitie,  they  encountered  (after  long  inquisition) 
with  a  cod-piece,  wel  dunged  and  manured  with  greace 
(which  my  pinch-fart  penie-father  had  retaind  from 
his  Bachelorship,  untill  the  eating  of  these  presents). 
Uppon  that  they  set,  and  with  a  couragious  assault 
rent  it  cleene  away  from  the  breeches,  and  then  carried 
it  in  triumph,  like  a  coffin,  on  their  shoulders  betwixt 
them."  2 

In  his  controversial  pamphlets  against  Harvey, 
Nash  had  particular  opportunity  to  employ  the 
art  of  railing  drawn  from  Aretino.  Yet  in  Have 
with  you  to  Saffron  Walden,  published  in  1596, 
and  the  bitterest  contribution  to  the  contro- 
versy, it  appears  that  the  imitation  of  Rabelais, 
seen  earlier  chiefly  in  the  tone  of  Nash's  descrip- 
tions, has  grown  to  a  degree  that  makes  one 
wonder  if  the  more  influential  model  was  French 

^  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  i.  167.  ^  Ibid.,  i.  168, 


RABELAIS  233 

or  Italian.  To  the  traces  of  Rabelais's  influence 
already  noted  are  now  added  a  more  elaborate 
sort  of  fooling  and  a  tendency  toward  accumula- 
tion of  parallel  terms  in  series,  besides  certain 
detailed  resemblances  that  are  unmistakable. 
He  freely  coins  new  words  of  a  decidedly  Rabe- 
laisian sort,  and  at  the  same  time  ridicules  the 
pedantic  vocabulary  of  his  unwieldy  antagonist, 
as  Rabelais  did  that  of  the  Limousin  scholar, 
and  of  Master  Janotus  de  Bragmardo.  The 
tendency  to  intersperse  more  or  less  learned  cita- 
tions also  appears,  though  this  may  have  been 
easily  picked  up  from  the  Humanists  anywhere. 
Indeed,  it  must  be  remembered  that  many  of 
these  traits  from  Rabelais  should  have  aided 
Nash  greatly  in  constructing  his  parody  of 
Harvey's  cumbrous  style. 

Have  With  You  is  solemnly  dedicated  to  a 
barber,  with  a  wealth  of  rambling  phraseology 
of  which  this  is  a  fair  specimen:  ^^  .  .  .  para- 
phrasticall  gallant  Patron  Dick,  as  good  a  fellow 
as  ever  was  Heigh,  fill  the  pot,  hostesse :  courte- 
ous Dicke,  comicall  Dicke,  lively  Dicke,  lovely 
Dicke,  learned  Dicke,  olde  Dicke  of  Lichfield, 
Jubeo  te  plurimum  saluere,  which  is  by  interpre- 
tation, I  joy  to  heare  thou  hast  so  profited  in 
gibridge."  ^  Presenting  a  '^  grace  in  behalf  of 
the  Harveys,"  Nash  says:  ''for  anie  time  this 
foure  and  twentie  yeare  they  have  plaid  the 
fantasticall  gub-shites  and  goose-giblets  in  Print, 
and  kept  a  hatefull  scribling  and  a  pamphleting 

^  Ihid.,  iii.  5.     Noted  by  Whibley,  op.  cit.,  p.  8. 


234  RABELAIS 

about  earth-quakes,  coniunctions,  inundations, 
the  fear  full  blazing  Starre,  and  the  forsworne 
Flaxe-wife;  and  tooke  upon  them  to  be  false 
Prophets,  Weather-wizards,  Fortune-tellers, 
Poets,  Philosophers,  Orators,  Historiographers, 
Mountebankes,  Ballet-Makers,  and  left  no  Arte 
undefamed  with  their  filthie  dull-headed  prac- 
tise." ^  ^'I  have  handled  it,"  says  Nash  of 
Harvey's  picture,  ^^so  neatly,  and  so  sprightly, 
and  wit  hall  ouzled,  gidumbled,  muddled  and 
drizled  it  so  finely,  that  I  forbid  ever  a  Hauns 
Ball,  Hauns  Holbine,  or  Hauns  Mullier  of  them 
all  .  .  .  to  amend  it."  ^      • 

Nash's  derision  of  Harvey's  scholar's  vocabu- 
lary finds  expression  in  ^^An  Oration,  including 
most  of  the  miscreated  words  and  sentences  in 
the  Doctors  Booke."  ^  There  is  an  account  of 
the  birth  of  Harvey  and  a  letter  describing  the 
youth's  first  education,^  which  are  almost  cer- 
tainly modeled  on  similar  statements  concerning 
the  birth  of  Pantagruel,  and  on  Gargantua's  let- 
ter to  him  regarding  his  education.^  - 

One  typical  passage  contains  direct  reference 
to  Gargantua  and  his  gluttony:  '^but  when  I 
came  to  unrip  and  unbumbast  this  Gargantuan 
bag-pudding,  and  found  nothing  in  it  but  dogs- 
tripes,  swines  livers,  oxe  galls,  and  sheepes  gutts, 
I  was  in  a  bitterer  chafe  than  any  Cooke  at  a 
long  Sermon  when  his  meate  burnes."®      Cer- 

'  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  12.   2  ihid.,  p.  38.   ^  Ibid.,  p.  43  sq. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  60  sq.     Noted  by  Whibley,  op.  cit.,  p.  8. 
^  Bk.  ii,  chaps.  1--8. 
'  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  34. 


RABELAIS  235 

tainly  here  there  can  be  Httle  suspicion  of 
the  intervention  of  the  chap-book  giant.  A  few 
pages  later  there  appears  a  sentence  which  by 
itself  might  have  little  weight,  owing  to  the  pos- 
sibility of  various  other  sources.  ^'He  .  .  . 
will,"  says  Nash,  ^4ike  a  true  Millanoys,  sucke 
figges  out  of  an  asses  fundament  or  do  any- 
thing." This  is  evidently  based  on  the  story  of 
Frederick  Barbarossa's  unique  punishment  of 
the  citizens  of  conquered  Milan.  The  story  is 
repeated  in  the  Foui1;h  Book  of  Rabelais, 
chapter  45. 

Nash's  Lenten  Stuffe,  1599,  involving  the 
''Praise  of  Red  Herring,"  shows  the  influence  of 
Rabelais  extended  into  the  later  writings..  Nash 
acknowledges  the  frivolity  of  his  undertaking, 
with  an  apology  for  leaving  his  preferred  serious 
vein.  Again  there  is  a  mock-serious  dedication, 
with  a  rambling  style,  and  the  frequent  appear- 
ance of  large  words,  of  which  the  author  makes 
the  rather  vague  mention  ah'eady  quoted.^  The 
dedication  begins :  — 

''To  his  worthie  good  patron,  Lustie  Hiimfrey, 
according  as  the  townsmen  doo  christen  him,  little 
Numps,  as  the  Nobihtie  and  Courtiers  do  name  him, 
and  Honest  Humfrey,  as  all  his  friends  and  acquaint- 
ance esteeme  him,  King  of  the  Tobacconists  hie  et 
ubique,  and  a  singular  Maecsenas  to  the  Pipe  and  the 
Tabour  (as  his  patient  livery  attendant  can  witnesse) 
his  bounden  Orator  T.  N.  most  prostrately  offers  up 
this  tribute  of  inke  and  paper.  .  .  .  These  be  to 
notifie  your  diminutive  excelsitude  and  compendiate 
greatnesse,  what  my  zeale  is  towardes  you.  .  .  ."  ^ 

'  Suyra,  p.  228.  2  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  147. 


236  RABELAIS 

The  genial  burlesque  of  the  whole  work  is 
perhaps  its  most  clearly  Rabelaisian  feature. 
The  stories  of  the  origin  of  Herring  and  Ling 
from  Hero  and  Leander,  and  the  saint ing  of  the 
Herring  by  the  Pope  are  sport  of  the  imagina- 
tion that  would  have  been  dear  to  Rabelais's 
heart.  Yet  throughout  one  receives  the  im- 
pression that,  although  Nash  is  almost  certainly 
following  Rabelais,  it  is  at  a  considerable  dis- 
tance. The  burlesque  humor  seems  diluted,  the 
picturesque  realism  lacks  the  broad  frankness  of 
the  model,  and  even  the  new-coined  words  ap- 
pear forced  instead  of  spontaneous.  Nash's 
limit  in  this  matter  of  coinages  is  reached  in  the 
sentence,  '^Physitions  deafen  our  eares  with  the 
Honorificabilitudinitatibus  of  their  heavenly 
Panachsea,  their  soveraigne  Guiacum,  .  .  ."  ^ 
There  is  a  notix^eable  resemblance  to  Rabe- 
lais's  ^^Sorbonicohficabilitudinissement,"  used  in 
La  Ghreme  Philosophale  des  Questions  Encyclope- 
dicques  de  PantagrueU  There  is  another  allu- 
sion to  Gargantua  in  the  Lenten  Stuffe,  as  fol- 
lows: '^Nothing  behinde  in  number  with  the 
invincible  Spanish  Armada,  though  they  were 
not  such  Gargantuan  boysterous  gulliguts  as 
they,  though  ships  and  galeasses  they  would 
have  beene  reckoned  in  the  navy  of  K.  Edgar."  ^ 

^  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  176.  Note  that  the  ending  used 
is  correct  for  the  case  construction,  which  is  not  true 
in  John  Taylor's  use  of  the  same  word.  See  p.  252. 
The  employment  of  the  word  in  ridicule  of  Shakespeare's 
Holofernes  suggests  that  it  was  a  stock  jest  directed  at 
pedantic  phraseology.     See  p.  238. 

^(Euvres,  ed.   1741,  ii.  333. 

3  Wks.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  157. 


RABELAIS  237 

It  may  even  be  slightly  significant  that  in  this 
same  work  ^  Nash  protests  against  the  miscon- 
structions placed  upon  his  previous  writings, 
much  in  the  manner  of  Rabelais  in  the  Epistle 
Dedicatory  of  his  Fourth  Book. 

The  question  of  Rabelaisian  influence  in  the  ' 
Elizabethan  drama  is  necessarily  a  very  uncer- 
tain one.     Parallels  of  one  sort  and  another  are 
constantly  being  suggested ;  but  general  resem-  ^ 
blances  in  mood  must  usually  give  way  before' 
the  possibility  of  drawing  such  a  spirit  directly 
from  common  life;  while  the  recurrence  of  a 
striking  phrase  or  idea  too  often  proves  to  be 
only  the  reappearance    of    something  entirely 
conventional.     The  best  that  can  be  done  is  to 
indicate  the  parallels  that  are  less  strongly  open 
to  suspicion.     To  make  valid  the  resemblances^ 
in  Shakespeare,  we  must  either  accept  a  rea- 
sonable knowledge  of  French  on  his  part,  ^  or^ 
pre-suppose  the  earlier  English  translation  of   / 
Rabelais  already  discussed.^ 

The  pedantic  Holofernes  in  Lovers  Lahour^s  \ 
Lost,  though  a  stock  character  of  continental  ' 
comedy,  certainly  appears  to  have  a  direct 
prototype  in  Tubal  Holofernes,  the  pedant  tutor 
of  Gargantua,  who,  under  the  hospitable  treat- 
ment of  Grandgousier,  directed  the  young  giant's 
rudimentary  training  with  such  zeal  that  he 
learned  to  recite  his  A  B  C's  backwards.^    Shake- 


1  Ibid.,  iii.  214. 

2  Cf.  Anders,  Shakespeare's  Books,  pp.  50-51. 

3  Supra,  p.  224. 

^  (Euvres,  ed.  cit.,  i.  50. 


^ 


..^"^ 


238  RABELAIS 

speare's  Holofernes,  with  the  Latinate  vocabu- 
lary that  Rabelais  took  delight  in  ridiculing, 
was  employed  in  teaching  boys  the  horn-book, 
and  was  graciously  received  at  the  tables  of  his 
patrons.  It  is  probably  going  too  far  to  com- 
pare with  Gargantua's  achievement  above,  the 
question  of  Moth  to  Shakespeare's  pedant, 
''What  is  a,  b,  spelt  backward,  with  the  horn  on 
his  head?"  but  mention  should  be  made  of  the 
word  ''honorificabilitudinitatibus,"  which  Cos- 
tard repeats  as  among  the  best  of  Holofernes' 
pedantic  store. ^  Lovers  Lahoufs  Lost  was  prob- 
ably written  as  early  as  1591. 

As  You  Like  It  contains  one  reference  to 
Gargantua,  thought  of,  perhaps,  simply  as  a 
giant.  Rosalind  says  to  Celia  in  the  second  act, 
,  third  scene,  ''You  must  borrow  me  Gargantua's 
\  mouth  first ;  'tis  a  word  too  great  for  any  mouth 
of  this  age's  size."  Of  course  there  would  be 
no  need  for  Shakespeare  to  go  to  French  sources 
for  a  bit  of  "gracious  fooling"  like  the  conversa- 
tion of  Sir  Andrew  and  the  clown  in  Twelfth 
Night,  treating  "of  Pigrogromitus,  of  the. 
Vapians  passing  the  equinoctial  of  Quebus."  ^ 
Yet  he  might  have  found  an  admirable  sugges- 
tion in  the  eleventh  chapter  of  the  Second  Book 
of  Rabelais,  where  Baisecul  says,  "Mais  a 
propous,  passoit  entre  les  deux  Tropicques  six 
blancs  vers  le  zenith  &  maille,  par  aultant  que 

^  Act  iv,  sc.  2,  and  act  v,  sc.  1.  These  resem- 
blances are  mentioned  by  A.  F.  Bourgeois,  in  Rev.  des 
Etudes  rah.,  iii.  80-81. 

2  Act  ii,  sc.  3. 


l_ 


RABELAIS  239 


les  Monts  Rhiphees  avoient  eu  celle  annee  grand 
sterilite  de  happeloiu'des.  .  .  ."  ^ 

One  of  Hotspur's  retorts  to  Glendower,  in  the 
third  act,  first  scene,  of  Henry  IV.,  first  part,  is 
paralleled  in  Rabelais,  but  the  jest  must  cer-i^ 
tainly  have  been  a  common  one.  To  Glen- 
dower's  ^'I  can  call  spirits  from  the  vasty  deep," 
Hotspur  replies :  — 

"Why  so  can  I,  and  so  can  any  one : 
But  will  they  come  when  you  do  call  for  them  ?" 

The  corresponding  passage  in  Rabelais  reads: 
''ils  invoquent  les  Diables.  .  .  .  Vray  est  que 
ces  Diables  ne  viennent  tons  jours  a  souhait  sus 
I'instant."  ' 

In  the  first  scene  of  Othello,  lago  says  to  Bra- 
bantio:  '^I  am  one,  sir,  that  comes  to  tell  you 
yom'  daughter  and  the  Moor  are  now  making 
the  beast  with  two  backs."  This  expression, 
apparently  so  unusual  in  Elizabethan  literature,^ 
was  somewhat  of  a  favorite  with  Rabelais,  al- 
though it  was  by  no  means  original  with  him."* 
His  best-known  employment  of  it  is  in  the  third 

^  Noted  by  W.  F.  Smith  in  Rev.  des  Etudes  rah.,  i. 
220. 

2  (Euvres,  bk.  v,  chap.  10.  Noted  by  W.  F.  Smith, 
op.  cit.,  p.  219. 

^  Cf.  a  model  letter  in  Thos.  Blount's  Academy  of 
Compliments,  1654. 

*  W.  F.  Smith,  op.  cit.,  p.  218,  notes  its  occurrence 
in  Les  cent  nouvelles  nouvelles,  no.  20;  in  Coquillot, 
Monologues  des  Perruques  (Elzevir  ed.,  ii.  277;  in 
Les  anciennes  poesies  frangaises  (Elzevir  ed.,  i.  77,  and 
ii.  138);  in  Wie  Sermon  joy eux  desfoux;  and  inVAncien 
theatre  frangais  (Elzevir  ed.,  ii.  221).  He  traces  it 
originally  to  Plato,  Symposium,  190A. 


240  RABELAIS 

chapter  of  the  First  Book:  ^'Et  faisoient  tous 
deux  souvent  ensemble  la  beste  a  deux  dos 
joyeusement."  The  parallel  here  seems  to  be 
one  of  the  safest  indications  of  Shakespeare's 
indebtedness  to  Rabelais. 

The  thirtieth  chapter  of  Rabelais's  Second 
Book  gives  the  detailed  account  of  the  various 
absurd  punishments  of  heroes  in  Purgatory,  as 
told  by  Epistemon  when  he  was  restored  to  life. 
All  this  is  developed  from  the  suggestion  in 
Lucian's  dialogue  Menippos,  which  is  translated 
as  follows :  ^  — 

"  I  thinke  it  would  move  you  to  laugh  much,  if  you 
saw  those  that  were  Kings  and  Princes  amongst  us,  beg 
their  bread  there,  sell  salt  fish,  and  teach  the  ABC  for 
sustenance,  and  how  they  are  scorned  and  boxed  about 
the  eares  as  the  basest  slaves  in  the  world.  It  was  my 
fortune  to  have  a  sight  of  Philip,  King  of  Macedon,  and 
I  thought  I  should  have  burst  my  heart  with  laughing : 
hee  was  shewed  mee  sitting  in  a  little  corner,  cobbling 
old  shoes  to  get  somewhat  towards  his  living :  many 
other  were  to  be  seene  there  also,  begging  by  the  high 
waies  side,  such  as  Xerxes,  Darius,  and  Polycrates." 

When  Edgar  as  Poor  Tom  in  the  third 
act  of  King  Lear,  sixth  scene,  declares:  V 
^'Frataretto  calls  me  and  tells  me  Nero  is  an 
angler  in  the  lake  of  darkness,"  Shakespeare 
may  possibly  have  had  in  mind  one  of  Rabelais 's 
numerous  variations  on  Lucian's  theme:  ^^ Tra- 
jan etoit  pescheur  de  grenoilles,  .  .  .  Neron 
estoit   vielleux."  ^    Webster,   in  the   fifth  act, 

1  Tr.  Francis  Hickes,  Oxford,  1634,  p.  40. 

2  These    connections    are    suggested    by    Bourgeois, 
op.  cit.,  p.  81.     He  certainly  goes  too  far,  however,  in. 


RABELAIS  241 

sixth  scene,  of  The  White  Devil,  recognizes 
Lucian  as  the  source  of  the  general  conception, 
but  develops  his  details  in  a  thoroughly  Rabe- 
laisian manner,  when  he  makes  Flamineo  say: 
'^ Whither  shall  I  go  now?  0  Lucian,  thy 
ridiculous  purgatory !  To  find  Alexander  the 
Great  cobbling  shoes,  Pompey  tagging  points, 
and  Julius  Caesar  making  hair-buttons,  Hanni- 
bal selling  blacking  and  Augustus  selling  garlic, 
Charlemagne  selling  lists  by  the  dozen,  and 
King  Pepin  crying  apples  in  a  cart  drawn  with 
one  horse." 

It  is  only  natural  that  Panurge's  celebrated 
eulogy  of  debt,  in  the  third  chapter  of  Rabe- 
lais's  Third  Book,  should  appeal  to  parallel 
hunters.  Resemblances  have  been  noted  be- 
tween the  description  of  planetary  disturbances 
there,  and  the  figure  used  by  Ulysses  of  an  army 
without  a  supreme  commander,  in  the  first  act, 
third  scene,  of  Troilus  and  Cressida}  The  re- 
marks of  Carlo  Buffone  in  the  first  scene  of 
Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour,  beginning, 
^'  Debt  ?  Why,  that's  the  more  for  your  credit, 
sir,"  may  also,  with  considerable  plausibility, 
be  referred  to  this  chapter  in  Rabelais.^  One 
sentence  at  least  of  the  chapter  —  ^'Tesmoings 

making  the  same  chapter  of  Rabelais  the  source  of 
Falstaff's  "Ere  I  lead  this  life  long,  I'll  sew  nether- 
stocks  and  mend  them  and  foot  them  too"  (Henry  IV., 
ii.  4). 

^  W.  Konig,  "IJber  die  Entlehnungen  Shaksperes 
inbes.  aus  Rabelais  und  einigen  italien.  Dramatikern," 
in  Shak.  Jahrbuch,  ix.  (1874),  202  sq.  This  seems  to 
be  the  most  reasonable  of  Konig's  parallels. 

2  Noted  by  W.  F.  Smith,  op.  cit.,  p.  220. 


242  RABELAIS 

les  usuriers  de  Landerousse,  qui  n'a  gueres  se 
pendirent,  voyans  les  bleds  et  vins  ravaller  en 
pris,  et  bon  temps  retourner"  —  expresses  prac- 
tically the  same  thing  as  Shakespeare's  '^  Here's 
a  farmer  that  hanged  himself  on  the  expectation 
of  plenty,"  in  the  second  act,  third  scene,  of 
Macbeth. 

That  the  theater-going  public,  as  early  as 
1599,  had  come  to  accept  other  Rabelaisian 
characters  besides  Gargantua  as  conventional 
types,  and  to  understand  stage  references  to 
them,  is  shown  by  Jonson's  The  Case  is  Altered, 
which  was  certainly  in  existence  by  that  year. 
Juniper  says,  in  the  fourth  scene  of  the  fourth 
act,  '^What's  the  old  Panurgo  gone,  departed, 
cosmographied,  ha?"  —  in  a  context  where  the 
name  "  Panurgo  "  is  used  plainly  as  a  mere  term 
for  rascal. 

The  name  ^^Pantagruel"  is  used  without  par- 
ticular significance  in  Barnabe  Barnes's  The 
Divils  Charter,  1606-1607.  Indeed,  to  judge  by 
the  context,  the  principal  excuse  for  its  employ- 
ment was  its  mouth-filling  quality,  and  yet  the 
word  was  familiar  enough  to  tempt  the  author 
to  a  pun.  Baglioni  exclaims,  in  the  fourth  act, 
fourth  scene :  — 

"what  Mandragon  or  salvage  Ascapart, 
What  Pantaconger  or  Pantagruell 
Art  thou  that  fight  est  with  thy  fathers  soule  ..." 

A  number  of  references  to  Gargantua  are  now 
to  be  mentioned,  all  conceiving  of  him,  of 
course,  as  the  giant,  with  a  huge  capacity  for 


RABELAIS  243 

food  and  drink.  All  but  one  of  these  ^  may  very 
probably  refer  to  Rabelais 's  hero.  In  Every 
Man  in  his  Humour,  the  second  scene  of  the 
second  act,  Downright  says  to  Bobadil:  ''I'll 
go  near  to  fill  that  huge  tumbril  slop  of  yours 
with  somewhat  an  I  have  good  luck;  your 
Gargantua  breech  cannot  carry  it  away  so." 
From  John  Cook's  Green's  Tu  Quoque  comes  the 
remark:  ''Here's  a  bit  indeed  !  What's  this  to 
a  Gargantuan  stomach?"  In  The  Knight  of  the 
Burning  Pestle,  the  fourth  scene  of  the  third 
act,  the  valiant  Ralph  shouts,  "St.  George  for 
me  !"  and  from  the  barber  comes  the  answering 
cry,  "Gargantua  for  me!"  —  in  this  case  no 
doubt  a  tribute  to  the  chap-book  hero.  '^Thou 
shalt  be  fought  with,"  says  Hodge  to  Hans  in 
the  second  act  of  Shoemaker's  Holiday,  "wert 
thou  bigger  than  a  giant."  "Yea,"  adds  Firk, 
"and  drunk  with,  wert  thou  Gargantua."  In 
this  same  play  there  is  a  possibility  of  referring 
the  controversy  of  Roger  and  Colonel  Lacy  on 
the  right  to  enlist  a  recently-married  man,  to 
the  sixth  chapter  of  the  Fourth  Book  of  Rabe- 
lais,—  "Why  the  Newly-Married  were  exempt 
from  Going  to  War."  ^ 

On  the  strength  of  these  parallels  it  is  impos- 
sible to  establish  any  very  thorough  knowledge 
of  Rabelais  among  the  dramatists  of  this  period, 
and  consequently  any  important  influences. 
Accumulation  of  instances  strengthens  the  con- 
viction that  by  this  time  Gargantua,  however 

^  I.e.  The  Knight  of  the  Burning  Pestle. 
2  Cf.  Bourgeois,  op.  cit.,  p.  82. 


244  RABELAIS 

conventualized,  was  thought  of  as  Rabelais's 
giant.  Both  Rabelais  and  his  great  characters 
were  taking  clearer  outlines  in  men's  minds, 
though  it  is  hard  to  say  how  far  this  was  due 
to  first-hand  acquaintance.  A  later  group  of 
references  will  show  that  this  knowledge  of 
Rabelais  among  the  dramatists  did  not  die  out 
as  years  passed.  It  seems  rather  to  have  been 
revived  under  the  direct  French  influences  after 
1625,  as  a  spirit  of  cynical  gayety  and  burlesque 
appeared  among  the  higher  circles  of  society. 
In  either  period,  however,  the  im^^sejmparted 
to  the  dramatists  from  Rabelais  must  have  been 

V  chiefly  in  the  direndon  of  a  coaiia^-^nd  io_vial 
realism,  the  Falstaff  sort  of  thing  somewhat 
broadened ;  and  yet  it  is  a  question  if  the  drama- 
tists had  to  seek  far  to  find  such  impulses  direct 
from  their  fellow-men.  It  would  at  least  have 
seemed  worth  while  to  them  to  find  in  Rabelais 
a  confirmation  of  the  value  of  this  material  for 
literary  purposes, 

Francis  Bacon  probably  had,  like  most  of  the 
Elizabethans,  a  strain  in  his  character  which 
was  thoroughly  congenial  to  the  manner  of 
Rabelais's  jesting.  This  is  the  Bacon  of  the 
^^apophthegms."  In  one  of  these,  he  relates  of 
^Hhe  great  jester  of  France"  the  apocryphal 
anecdote  which  makes  him  say  on  his  death- 
bed, '^  (I  ain)  even  going  my  journey,  they  have 

^-  greased  my  boots  already."  ^  Another  apo- 
phthegm ^  repeats  in  much  condensed  form  the 

^  Bacon,    Works,   ed.    Spedding,    Ellis,    and   Heath, 
Boston,  1860,  xiii.  338.  ^  wks.,  ed.  cit.,  xiii.  394. 


RABELAIS  245 

forty-first  chapter  of  Rabelais's  Third  Book, 
concerning  Judge  Bridoye.  The  catalogue  of 
the  Library  of  Sainct-Victor  ^  seems  to  have 
made  a  deep  impression  on  Bacon.  In  his  De 
Augmentis  Scientiarum,  he  mentions  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth  book  ^  the  entry  of  a 
volume  entitled  "  Formicarium  Artium  "  in  this 
same  catalogue ;  and  in  his  essay,  "  Of  Unity  in 
Religion/'^  he  says:  ''There  is  a  Master  of 
Scoffing  that  in  his  Catalogue  of  Books  of  a 
faigned  Library  sets  downe  this  Title  of  a 
Booke,  The  Morris  Daunce  of  Heretickes."  At 
the  beginning  of  the  Advancement  of  Learning  * 
appears  the  comparison  of  Socrates  to  the 
''Silenes"  or  apothecaries'  boxes,  with  their 
grotesque  exterior  and  precious  contents.  This 
figure  originated  in  Plato's  Symposium,^  and 
was  used  after  him  by  both  Erasmus  ^  and 
Rabelais,  the  latter  making  it  a  prominent 
feature  of  the  prologue  of  his  First  Book.  Bacon, 
of  course,  knew  it  in  the  original  form,  and  may 
have  drawn  it  directly  from  there,  except  for 
the  fact  that  his  phraseology,  unlike  Plato's, 
is  almost  exactly  that  of  Rabelais.  These  few 
references  are  sufficient  to  establish  Bacon's 
acquaintance  with  Rabelais,  whose  doctrines  of 
life,  despite  their  grotesque  exterior,  doubtless 
revealed  to  the  English  thinker  the  real  value 
of  their  content,  and  served  their  purpose  in 

*  (Euvres,  bk.  ii,  chap.  7. 

2  Ed.  cit.,  ii.  409.  3  /^^-^^  xii.  87. 

*  Ibid.,  vi.  115.     This,  like  all  the  other  parallels  of 
Bacon  and  Rabelais,  is  noted  by  W.  F.  Smith,  op.  cit. 

^  215A  sq.  ^  Adagia,  in.  i.  "Sileni  Alcibiadis." 


246  RABELAIS 

the  development  of  Bacon's  philosophy.^  Their 
influence  in  this  case  was  of  thought  rather  than 
of  style. 

A,  reference  to  Rabelais  in  Joseph  Hall's 
Vergidemiarum  (1597)  has  already  been  men- 
tioned.^. In  1605  there  was  first  published  a 
Latin  tract  by  the  same  author,  which  is  gen- 
erally supposed  to  have  been  written  soon  after 
the  Vergidemiarum.^  This  tract,  entitled  Mun- 
dus  Alter  et  Idem,  is  satirical  in  purpose,  and 
descriptive  of  another  no-man's-land,  in  the 
Terra  Australis.  The  region  in  question  is 
divided  into  four  parts:  Crapulia,  the  land  of 
inebriate  excess;  Viraginia,  the  land  of  the 
Viragoes;  Moronia,  the  country  of  fools;  and 
Lavernia,  the  land  of  thieves  and  cheats.  There 
is  no  particular  resemblance  in  plan  or  style  to 
Rabelais,  but  there  is  a  blunt  freedom  of  ex- 
pression throughout,  and  there  are  a  number 
of  ideas  woven  into  the  first  part  especially, 
that  indicate  Hall's  thorough  familiarity  with 
^^  wicked  Rablais  dronken  revellings,"  at  the 
time  he  composed  this  satire. 

Crapulia  is  divided  into  two  districts,  — 
Pamphagonia,  the  province  of  gluttony,  and 
Yvronia,  the  province  of  drunkenness.  In  the 
description  of  these  regions,  the  kind  of  detail 

^  H,  Rigault,  Histoire  de  la  querelle  des  anciens  et  des 
modernes,  p.  43,  calls  attention  to  the  idea  that  Rabelais, 
finding  in  the  revival  of  the  classics  an  inspiration  to  all 
future  greatness,  was  a  forerunner  of  Bacon,  with  his 
thought  of  antiquity  as  the  youth  of  the  world,  the 
present  as  its  maturity. 

2  Supra,  p.  226.   ^  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  s.  v.  "Joseph  Hall." 


RABELAIS  247 

which  Rahda.is  .intro(iujCfis^_to.  express  the  joy 

dHacti^jDur^psei  As  one  reads  the  account, 
several  of  the  lands  visited  by  Pantagruel  on 
his  journey  suggest  themselves,  especially  I'lsle 
Farouche  and  the  land  of  Messere  Gaster. 
Ucalegon,  the  free  city  of  Pamphagonia,  is 
situated  on  a  rocky  height,  very  difficult  of 
access,^  as  is  Gaster's  country  in  Rabelais.^ 
The  Pamphagonians  go  to  war  armed  with  spits, 
two-pronged  forks,  and  huge  ribs  of  beef,^ — 
an  equipment  that  at  once  suggests  Friar 
John's  attack  upon  the  Andouilles/  The  epi- 
taph of  the  Grand  Duke  Omasius  is  in  the 
spirit  that  concludes  Rabelais's  prologues: 
"Nemo  me  nominet  famelicus,  pr^tereat 
jejunus,  salutet  sobrius i  h^res  mihi  esto 
qui  potest,  subditus  qui  vult,  qui.  audet 
hostis.  vivite  ventres  et  valete."  ^  the 
prologue  of  the  Fourth  Book  of  Rabelais  closes^ 
with  the  words:  "Or  en  bonne  sante  toussez 
ung  bon  coup,  beuvez  en  trois,  secouez  dehait 
vos  oreilles,  &  vous  oirez  dire  merveilles  du 
noble  &  bon  Pantagruel."  Many  other  paral- 
lels might  be  suggested  in  the  two  works,  such 
as  the  significance  in  all  proper  names  used, 
and  the  list  of  words  given  by  Hall  from  the 
Moronian  vocabulary.^ 

1  Hall,  Works,  ed.  Wynter,  Oxford,  1863,  x.  425. 

^  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  bk.  iv,  chap.  57. 

3  Hall,  Wks.,  ed.  cit,  x.  424. 

*  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  bk.  iv,  chap.  41. 

5  Hall,  Whs.,  X.  429. 

« Ihid.,  pp.  461-462. 


248  RABELAIS 

There  is  no  English  poetry  of  the  period  that 
shows  more  resemblances  to  the  work  of  Rabe- 
lais than  do  the  heterogeneous  compositions  of 
y'  John  Taylor,  the  Water  Poet.  The  difficulty 
lies  in  establishing  the  connection.  The  exis- 
tence of  an  early  translation  of  anything  from 
Rabelais  except  the  Prognostication  has  not  yet 
been  established,  however  probable  it  is;  and, 
to  supplement  this,  there  is  the  emphatic  declara- 
tion of  Taylor  himself,  several  times  repeated, 
that  he  knew  no  French.  In  the  introduction 
,to  his  "  Flagellum  Superbise,"  after  condemning 
the  practice  of  those  poets  who  borrow  the  best 
things  from  foreign  languages,  he  says :  — 

"  Unto  such  robbery  I  could  never  reach 
Because  I  understand  no  forreigne  speach. 
To  proove  that  I  am  from  such  filching  free, 
Latin  and  French  are  heathen-Greeke  to  me.''  ^ 

In  his  '^  Description  of  a  Poet  and  Poesie/'  he 
speaks  of  himself  as  one  — 

"whose  Artlesse  studies  are  but  weake, 
Who  never  could,  nor  will  but  English  speake."  ^ 

However  correct  these  statements  may  be,  the 
numerous  parallels  in  the  two  authors  deserve 
consideration. 

Taylor  is  in  the  full  sense  an  occasional 
writer,  anticipating  in  many  ways  the  demands 
and  standards  of  modern  journalism.  He  wrote 
everything,  from  a  Urania,  with  its  attendant 
religious  poems,  to  the  accounts  of  his  own 

1  Taylor,  Works,  foho  of  1630,  p.  37.      ^  ji^id,^  p.  386. 


RABELAIS  249 

peculiar  voyages,  made  that  they  might  be 
described.  He  had  an  easy,  fluent  style,  kept 
his  finger  on  the  literary  pulse  of  the  day,  and 
was  always  ready  with  the  thing  in  fashion, 
drifting  naturally  into  parody  and  burlesque 
satire  on  various  occasions. 

Taylor  was  an  open  admirer  of  Nash,^  and  }r^ 
might  have  found  encouragement  in  him  for    j 
some   of  the  things  that   appear  Rabelaisian.    ' 
But  he  follows  Rabelais  in  a  number  of  places 
where  Nash  does  not.     In  the  employment  of 
long  lists  of  parallel  terms,   for  instance,   he 
would  have  found  only  a  few  models  in  Nash's 
work.     But  under  some  other  influence  or  in- 
fluences he  extends  such  lists  beyond  all  the 
bounds  of  reason,  thus  paralleling,  at  any  rate, 
one  of  the  characteristic  vagaries  of  Rabelais. 
In '^ The  Travels  of  a  Twelve-pence  "there  is  a  list 
of  trades  extending  through  more  than  sixty 
lines ;  ^    besides  a  shorter  series  of  participial 
nouns,  of  which  the  following  is  an  example :  — 

"  Such  shoving,  sholdring,  thrusting,  thronging,  setting, 
Such  striving,  crowding,  justHng,  and  such  betting, 
Such    storming,    fretting,    fuming,    chafing,    sweat- 
ing, .  .  ."^ 

In  ^'  A  Navy  of  Land-Ships, "a  list  of  diseases  of 
horses  requires  nearly  half  a  page ;  *  and  a  long 

^  Cf .  reference  to  Nash  in  "Praise  of  Hempseed/' 
foKo,  p.  62;  and  "Crop-Eare  Curried  or  Tom  Nash's 
Ghost,"  Tracts,  ed.  Spenser  Society,  vol.  ii. 

^FoUo,  pp.  80-81. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  83.  Here  again,  as  in  Nash,  is  a  reminder  of 
Skelton.  *  Ibid.,  p.  100. 


250  RABELAIS 

list  of  birds  is  given  in  Taylor's  ^^  Goose." ^  The 
former  of  these  two  works,  indeed,  is  built  en- 
tirely on  a  whimsical  variation  of  this  list 
method.  The  ''ships"  in  his  didactic  navy  are 
simply  abstract  terms  having  that  word  as  a 
final  syllable,  as  ''lord-ship,"  "scholler-ship," 
"lady-ship."  The  navy  is  victualled,  according 
to  Taylor,  with  a  supply  of  various  kinds  of 
"ling,"  such  as  "change-ling,"  "dar-ling," 
"shave-ling,"  and  others.  This  usage  closely 
corresponds  to  a  method  of  Rabelais,  in  which 
the  same  noun  is  repeated  or  understood  with 
each  one  of  a  long  list  of  adjectives.^  In 
Taylor's  "  Praise  of  Hempseed,"  there  are  lists  of 
writers  and  of  rivers,^  but  these  are  more  in 
the  compass  of  the  medieval  catalogue  method. 
A  list  of  diseases  appears  in  Taylor's  "Travels,"^ 
of  the  post-stations  of  France  and  Spain,  in 
"  Prince  Charles  his  Welcome  from  Spain,"  ^  and 
of  needlework  and  stitches,  in  "  The  Praise  of 
the  Needle."' 

It  is  in  his  dedications  especially  that  Taylor 
gives  himself  up  to  a  peculiarly  Rabelaisian 
style  of  rambling  whimsicality,  with  extrava- 
gant phraseology,  mock  erudition,  word-play, 
and  alliteration.  Taylor's  "  Goose,"  for  example, 
is  dedicated  — 

''To  the  Mightie  Monarch  of  Montzago,  the  Model! 
of  Magnanimity,  the  map  of   man-darring  Monster- 

1  Folio,  p.  116. 

2  Cf .  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  bk.  iii,  chap.  27. 

3  Folio,  pp.  556  and  558. 

*  Ihid.,  p.  569.        5  i^ifji ^  p   588.        e  Tracts,  vol.  i. 


RABELAIS  251 

quellers,  the  thrice  three  times  treble  triple  renouned 
Alphebo,  ornamented  honorable  Knight  of  Standsalio 
.  .  . ;  The  unconquer'd  all  conquering  Mayden  Knight, 
by  revelation,  by  creation,  procreation,  and  contenta- 
tion;  the  unmatched  Phoenix,  and  fourefold  Com- 
mander of  the  Inchanted  Hands,  by  nomination,  by 
Banner,  by  warlike  atchievements,  by  relativity,  by  de- 
scent and  processe,  matchlesse  and  unparalleled  Sir 
Thomas  Parsons,  Knight  of  the  Sunne,  great  cousin 
Vermin  to  the  seldome  scene  Queene  of  Fayries,  and 
hopeful!  heire  apparant  to  her  invisible  Kingdome."^ 

There  is  also  a  distinct  suggestion  of  Rabelais 
in  a  sentence  some  few  lines  later:  '^Thirdly, 
the  Cookes  in  squadrons,  armed  with  Dripping- 
pannes  and  spits,  instead  of  speares,  before  they 
will  lose  their  Fees  (and  the  licking  of  their 
fingers  to  boote)  will  fight  hotly  for  the  Goose 
till  all  smoke  again."  Here  is  again  recalled 
the  picture  of  Friar  John's  strategic  attack  on 
the  Andouilles.^ 

In  similar  vein  to  the  one  quoted  above  are  the 
dedication  of  "  The  Praise  of  Cleane  Linnen  " 
to  the  laundress  of  the  Inns  of  Court, ^  and 
that  of  Taylor's  '^  Travels  "  to  the  special  butt  of 
his  ridicule,  Thomas  Coryat/  The  former  in- 
troduces mock  erudition,  quoting  solemnly  — 
from  the  treatise  of  Dragmatus,  the  Diagotian 
Stigmatist,  on  the  Antiquity  of  Shapparoones 
and  careless  Bands  —  these  words:  ^^Rushtoy 
ton  tumeron  smolensco  whish  wherlibumque." 
The  epilogue  of  ^^Cleane  Linnen/' — ''Why  this 

1  Folio,  p.  112. 

2  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  ed.  cit.,  bk.  iv,  chap.  41.  See 
p.  247,  su-pra.  ^  Folio,  p.  326.  *  Ibid.,  p.  560. 


252  RABELAIS 

merry  Poeme  was  written  "  —  is  largely  made  up 
of  coarse  word-play,  in  the  manner  of  Rabelais. 
Coryat,  in  the  dedication  of  the  '' Travels,"  is  ad- 
dressed as  ''  the  Cosmographicall,  Geographicall 
describer,  Geometricall  measurer;  Historio- 
graphicall  Calligraphicall  Relater  and  Writer; 
Enigmaticall  Ingrosser,  Surveyor  and  Eloquent 
Brittish  Grsecian  Latinist  or  Latine  Grsecian 
orator,  the  Odcumbian  Deambulator,  Ambler, 
Trotter,  or  untyred  Traveller,  Sir  Tho :  Coriat." 
In  this,  too,  a  learned  quotation  is  invented. 
Also  worthy  of  note  is  the  fact  that  the  '^  Travels  " 
themselves  are  the  observations  of  '^  Three 
Weeks,  Three  Days,  and  Three  Hours,"  a  kind 
of  concreteness  in  detail  that  Taylor  would  have 
found  either  in  Rabelais 's  acknowledged  work, 
or  indeed  in  Les  Grands  Chroniques. 

This  extravagant  style  of  dedication,  carried 
somewhat  farther,  passes  into  the  absolute  ab- 
surdity found  in  '^Sir  Gregory  Nonsence  His 
News  from  No  Place."  ^  The  dedication  of  this 
to  Mr.  Trim  Tram  Senceless  still  shows  the 
general  form  of  those  quoted  above,  though  the 
address  ^' To  Nobody,"  and  the  '^Newes"  proper 
that  follow,  are  mere  collections  of  grotesque 
contradictions.  Rabelais  parallels  this  sort  of 
thing  in  the  poem  "  Les  Fanfreluches  Antidotees  " 
in  the  second  chapter  of  the  First  Book.  Taylor 
addresses  '^Mr.  Senceless"  as  '^  honorificicabili- 
tudinitatibus,"  substantiating  his  own  ignorance 
of  Latin  by  making  this  ending,  used  correctly 

*  Folio,  p.  159  sg. 


RABELAIS  253 

by  Nash,  serve  for  a  case  of  direct  address.  Sig- 
nificant too  is  the  list  of  '^Authors  mentioned/' 
which  is  built  up  much  in  the  manner  of  the 
Library  of  Sainct-Victor.  The  list  begins  with 
''Amadis  de  Gaul,  Archy  Arms,  Be  vis  of  Hamp- 
ton, Boe  to  a  Goose" ;  while  a  section  extracted 
farther  down  reads:  '^Knight  of  the  Sunne, 
Knave  of  Diamonds,  Lanum,  Long  Meg,  Mad 
Mawlin,  Nobody." 

Taylor  shows  at  times  an  unusual  interest  in  \ 
the  delights  of  eating  and  drinking.  ^'Jack-a-  ^ 
Lent"  ^  considers  its  subject  almost  entirely 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  appetite.  The 
personification  of  Shrove  Tuesday  here  recalls 
the  similar  personification  of  Quaresmeprenant 
in  the  Fourth  Book  of  Rabelais,^  though  the 
two  are  considered  in  different  attitudes.  The 
chief  interest  of  "  The  Great  Eater  of  Kent  "Ms 
obvious  in  the  title.  There  is  a  real  pleasure 
evident  in  the  details  of  the  hero's  exploits. 
Incidentally,  there  is  a  long  rambling  introduc- 
tion, much  in  Rabelais's  manner,  recounting 
the  difTerent  things  by  which  men  have  become 
distinctive  or  famous.  ''The  Praise  of  Ale,"^  a 
later  product,  is  in  two  parts,  —  a  prose  address 
opening  with  a  mock-learned  discussion  of  the 
antiquity  of  ale,  and  a  lighter,  gayer  poem, 
celebrating  its  benefits. 

There  are  numerous  mentions  of  Gargantua  \ 
in  Taylor's  works;  not  one  of  them,  however,  / 
carrying  any  particular  suggestion  of  an  asso-  ^ 

1  Ibid.,  p.  123  sq.  ^  Folio,  p.  152  sq. 

2  Chaps.  29-32.  *  Tracts,  vol.  ii. 


254  RABELAIS 

(     elation  with  Rabelais.     In  the  '^  Goose"  are  the 
Hnes :  — 

"At  Hunnibourne,  a  Towne  in  Warwickeshire, 
.   -    What  Gogmagog  Gargantua  Geese  are  there  .  .  ."  ^ 

From  ^^Sir  Gregory  Nonsence's  Newes:"  — 

"And  that  three  salt  Ennigmates  well  applied, 
With  fourescoure  Pipers  and  Arions  Harpe, 
Might  catch  Gargantua  through  an  augor  hole."  ^ 

In  both  these  places  the  word  Gargantua  is 
merely  synonymous  with  giant.  Gargantua 
also  appears  among  the  ^'Authors  mentioned" 
in  connection  with  ''Sir  Gregory's  Newes."  In 
the  argument  to  ''Captain  O'Toole,"  he  is  men- 
tioned in  a  list  of  great  romance  heroes,  as  one 
having  almost  no  habitation,^  while  in  the 
poem  proper  he  is  used  as  a  standard  by  which 
to  estimate  the  Captain's  valor. 

"Upon  the  maine  land  and  the  raging  Ocean, 
Thy  courage  hath  attained  thee  high  promotion : 
Thou  never  fear'dst  to  combate  with  Garganto."  * 

In   a   nonsense   sonnet   directed   at   Coryat, 
Taylor  says :  — 

"Conglomerating  Aiax,  in  a  fogge 
Constalted  with  Ixion  for  a  tripe. 
At  which  Gargantua  took  an  Irish  bogge. 
And  with  the  same  gave  Sisiphus  a  stripe."  ^ 

In  another  place,  taunting  Coryat  about  his 
work,  Taylor  uses  the  expression :  — 

1  Folio,  p.  120.       2  ijjid^  p    162.         3  iijifi^  p   176^ 
^Ibid.,  p.  177.        ^  Ibid.,  p.  222. 


RABELAIS  255 

*'And  at  my  back  returne  to  write  a  volume, 
In  memory  of  my  wits  Gargantua  colume/' 

Taylor's  Laugh  and  Be  Fat  is  a  clever  bur- 
lesque on  Coryat's  Odcuvihian  Banquet.  Among 
other  things  parodied  are  the  orations  which 
Coryat  represented  himself  as  having  delivered 
in  foreign  countries.  Here  Taylor  takes  a  posi- 
tion closely  analogous  to  that  of  Nash  with 
Harvey  or  of  Rabelais  with  the  Limousin  or 
with  Master  Janotus  de  Bragmardo.^  The 
language  attributed  to  Coryat  is  extravagant 
in  the  extreme,  and  absolutely  meaningless, 
such  as:  ^^Contaminous,  pestiferous,  pre- 
posterous, stygmaticall,  Slavonians,  slubberde- 
gullions;  since  not  the  externall  unvalued 
trappings,  caparisons  or  accoutrements.  .  .  ."  ^ 

There  are  still  two  parallels  of  marked  sig- 
nificance, but  too  much  extended  for  quotation. 
One  deals  with  Taylor's  apparently  serious  dis- 
cussion of  the  value  and  necessity  of  ''hang- 
ing," ^  as  compared  with  Panurge's  similar  argu- 
ments on  the  necessity  of  ''debt."  ^  In  the 
development  of  their  thought,  Taylor  and 
Rabelais  treat  "hanging"  and  "debt"  as  if 
they  were  synonymous  terms,  each  being  equiva- 

1  (Euvres,  bk.  ii,  chap.  6,  and  bk.  i,  chap.  19. 

^  Folio,  p.  238  sq.  In  parodying  Coryat's  introduction 
of  fragments  of  foreign  language,  Taylor  introduces  an 
epitaph  in  the  Bermudan  and  the  Utopian  tongues, 
with  a  translation  by  ''Caleb  Quishquash,  an  Utopian 
borne"  (p.  222).  Of  course  it  was  by  no  means  necessary 
to  go  to  Rabelais  for  this  word. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  294. 

^  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  bk.  iii,  chaps,  3  and  4. 


256  RABELAIS 

lent  to  the  more  general  word  'dependence." 
What  each  man  does  is  to  present  the  necessity 
of  interdependent  relations  in  the  scheme  of 
things ;  and  this  idea  is  supported  by  each  with 
practically  the  same  series  of  illustrations. 
Each  calls  attention  to  the  relations  of  the 
planets,  and  then  turns  to  the  similar  situation 
in  the  microcosm  —  the  body  of  man.  Each 
notes  the  dependence  of  man  upon  man  in  the 
social  system  and  the  similar  situation  in  inani- 
mate life,  and  so  the  apparent  paradox  is 
completed. 

Much  is  said  in  Rabelais  of  the  virtues  of  the 
herb  ^^pantagruelion,"  which  he  explaitis  and 
discusses  in  detail  at  the  end  of  the  Third 
Book.  The  ''herb"  proves  to  "be  flax.  Its 
appearance,  growth,  and  preparation  for  service 
are  described,  and  then  follows  a  long  account  of 
its  various  forms  of  usefulness,  beginning,  char- 
acteristically enough,  with  the  making  of  hang- 
man's ropes.  '  Special  note  is  made  of  its  value 
for  sails,  linen  fabrics  in  their  numerous  em- 
ployments, paper,  ropes  in  general,  and  the 
like.  Taylor,  after  an  apologetic  introduction 
calling  attention  to  the  writers  who  have  dealt 
with  light  subjects,  seriously  undertakes  a 
poem  in  the  praise  of  hemp-seed.^  He  declares 
emphatically  that  no  one  has  ever  treated  of 
this  subject  before;  although  Rabelais  had 
definitely  included  hemp  under  pantagruelion, 
agreeing  with  Taylor  in  relating  flax  to  hemp 
as  male  to  female.     Taylor  gives  little  atten- 

^  Folio,  p.  544  sq. 


RABELAIS  257 

tion  to  anything  but  the  usefulness  of  his  plant, 
making  its  employment  for  paper  the  most  im- 
portant, and  branching  out  from  this  to  lists  of 
great  writers  in  various  lines.  He  takes  up  the 
value  of  the  plant  for  linen  and  for  cordage, 
giving  the  hangman's  rope  only  a  passing  men- 
tion. The  importance  of  sails  he  makes  much 
of,  perhaps  because  this  gives  him  an  oppor- 
tunity to  introduce  a  description  of  a  storm  at 
sea,  which  by  his  own  confession  he  has  had 
ready  for  about  five  years.  The  parallel  through- 
out is  close  enough  to  establish  a  belief  in  in- 
debtedness, if  one  is  willing  to  waive  Taylor's 
explicit  declaration  that  no  writer  had  previously 
treated  the  subject. 

In  fact,  the  whole  question  of  Taylor  and    \ 
Rabelais  is  a  puzzle.     In  addition  to  parallel      \ 
expression  of  certain  similar  ideas,  Taylor  has 
Rabelais's  employment  of  almost  interminable 
lists,  his  whimsical  rambling  extravagances,  his 
fondness   for  the  details   of  good  eating  and 
drinking,  and  a  constant  tendency  to  introduce      ^ 
the  name  of  Gargantua.     If  one  could   fully      \ 
establish  the   fact  of  an  early  translation  of       /' 
Rabelais,  or  might  dispute  the  statements  of      \ 
Taylor  regarding  his  own  linguistic  accomplish- 
ments, the  case  would  be  simple  enough.     The 
probability  of  so  extensive  a  chain  of  mere 
coincidences  is  not  a  strong  one,  and  it  is  not 
likely    that    Taylor's    better-equipped   literary 
associates  could  impart  to  him  all  these  in- 
fluences, without  some  knowledge  and  mention 
by  him   of  the   author   Rabelais.     Perhaps   a 
s 


< 


s 


) 


258  RABELAIS 

combination  of  the  last  two  suggestions  is 
enough  to  cover  the  situation,  but  repeated 
reading  of  Taylor  only  serves  to  strengthen  the 
belief  that  there  is  Rabelais  there/ 

Coryat;  whose  exploits  with  foot  and  pen 
afforded  so  much  amusement  to  Taylor,  was 
compared  by  supposedly  admiring  friends  both 
to  Rabelais  and  to  Rabelais's  hero  Pantagruel. 
This  in  itself  indicates  a  fairly  general  knowl- 
edge of  the  Pantagruel  story  by  1611,  the  date 
when  these  solicited  testimonials  were  pub- 
lished. Lawrence  Whittaker  suggests  the  rela- 
tion in  a  prose  introduction  and  emphasizes  it 
in  the  sonnet  that  follows :  — 

"Sonnet  .  .  .  faict  en  loiiange  de  cet  Heroique 
Geant  Odcombien,  nomme  non  Pantagruel,  mais 
Pantagrue,  c'est  a  dire,  ny  Oye,  ny  Oison,  ains  tout 
Grue,  accoustre  icy  en  Hochepot,  Hachis,  ou  Cabirotade, 
pour  tenir  son  rang  en  la  Librairie  de  I'Abbaye  St. 
Victor  a  Paris,  entre  le  livre  de  Marmoretus  de  baboinis 
&  cingis,  &  celuy  de  Tirepetanus  de  optimitate  tri- 
parum;  &  pour  porter  le  nom  de  la  Cabirotade  de 
Coryat,  ou,  de  rApbdemistichopezologie  de  TOdcom- 
beuili  Somerseti   (Soti)   en,   .  .  ."  ^ 

The  sonnet,  itself  suggestive   of  Rabelais^  in- 
cludes these  lines :  — 


t( 


Tay  toy  Rabelais,  rabbaisse  soit  I'orgueil 
De  tes  Endouilles,  qui  d'un  bel  accueil 

^  Richard  Braithwaite,  whose  work  has  much  in  com- 
mon with  Taylor's,  appears  also  to  have  been  somewhat 
influenced  by  the  spirit  of  Rabelais,  particularly  in  such 
a  piece  as  Braithwaite's  Solemne  Joviall  Disputation, 
Theoreticke  and  Practicke,  Briefly  Shadowing  the  Law  of 
Drinking,  1617. 

^  Coryat,  Crudities,  ed.  1776,  i.  (/). 


RABELAIS  239 

Receutont  ton  Geant  en  la  Farouche, 
A  ce  Geant  d'Odcombe  pierre  &  fouche 
Parla  fournit  des  comptes  Tentretint 
Le  muguetta,  voire  &  son  sens  maintint 
En  ce  travail:" 

John  Donne,  in  his  commendatory  verses, 
parallels  Coryat  directly  to  Rabelais :  — 

''It's  not  that  French  which  made  his  Gyant  see 
Those  uncouth  Hands  where  words  frozen  bee, 
Till  by  the  thaw  next  yeare  they'r  voic't  againe; 
Whose  Papagauts,  Andouilets,  and  that  traine 
Should  be  such  matter  for  a  Pope  to  curse 
As  he  would  make ;  make  !  makes  ten  times  worse."  * 

In  both  these  comparisons,  the  fact  that  Coryat 
has  traveled  widely  and  told  vast  tales  of  these 
travels  is  the  central  thought.  There  is  no 
intimation  of  any  influence  upon  him  from 
Rabelais,  unless  it  might  be  the  tendency  to 
exaggerate.  In  fact,  the  moods  of  the  two  men 
were  totally  different,  although  Coryat  was  fa- 
miliar enough  with  the  other's  work  to  make 
reference  to  it.^ 

Sir  Thomas  Browne,  in  Religio  Medici,  1635, 
makes  definite  allusion  to  the  work  of  Rabelais; 
being  impressed,  like  Bacon,  with  the  remark- 
able catalogue  of  the  Library  of  Sainct-Victor. 
'^ There  are  a  bundle  of  curiosities,"  he  says  at 

1  Ibid.,  i. 

2  The  reference,  in  Crudities,  ed.  cit.,  i.  41  (57), 
reads :  "  Which  Codpiece,  because  it  is  by  that  merrie 
French  writer  Rabelais  stiled  the  first  and  principall 
piece  of  Armour,  the  Switzers  do  weare  it  as  a  significant 
Symbole  of  the  assured  service  they  are  to  doe  to  the 
French  King  in  his  Warres  .  .  ." 


\ 


260  RABELAIS 

one  point,  ''not  only  in  philosophy  but  in 
divinity  .  .  .  ;  pieces  only  fit  to  be  placed  in 
Pantagruel's  library,  or  bound  up  with  Tartare- 
tus,  De  Modo  Cacandi."  ^  Only  two  pages  before, 
the  author  had  expressed  himself  thus:  ''I  con- 
fess there  are  in  Scripture  stories  that  do  exceed 
the  fable  of  poets,  and  to  a  captious  reader, 
sound  like  Gargantua  or  Be  vis."  This  remark 
affords  a  clear  instance  of  Gargantua  in  ap- 
parent romance  associations,  when  the  writer 
must  really  have  had  in  mind  the  work  of 
Rabelais. 

Somewhat  similar  complications  occur  amid 
the  later  group  of  drama  references,  now  to  be 
mentioned.  In  the  first  act  of  Ben  Jonson's 
\  The  New  Inn,  acted  1629,  Lovel  is  explaining 
•  how  the  studies  of  his  master.  Lord  Beaufort, 
had  been  in  the  classics  rather  than  in  romantic 
material.     He  declares :  — 

''He  had  no  Arthurs,  nor  no  Rosicleers, 
No  knights  o'  the  Sun,  nor  Amadis  de  Gauls, 
PrimaUons,  Pantagruels,  pubhc  nothings." 

This  time  the  name  of  the  character  that  was 
distinctly  a  creation  of  Rabelais,  has  been  made 
to  serve  for  the  romance  giant.  In  Ford's  The 
Lady's  Trial,  acted  in  1638,  Futelli  says  of 
Fulgoso,  an  upstart  gallant :  — 

''We  have  resolv'd  him 
He  is  descended  from  Pantagruel 
Of  famous  memory  by  the  father's  side, 
And  by  the  mother  from  Dame  Fusti-Bunga."  ' 

1  Ed.  D.  L.  Roberts,  London,  1898,  p.  33. 
^  Act  i,  sc.  2. 


RABELAIS  261 

Near  the  beginning  of  William  Habington's 
Queen  of  Arragon,  written  by  1640,  San  Martino 
addresses  his  page,  who  is  a  dwarf,  with  the 
words:  '^Gargantua!  boy!"  A  reference  of, 
about  equal  value  is  that  from  Lady  Alimony, 
probably  WTitten  almost  as  early,  in  which 
Timon  says  of  Haxter:  ''How  this  Gargantua's 
spirit  begins  to  thaw."  ^ 

It  has  been  suggested  that  some  time  after 
1625  there  was  a  renewed  interest  in  Rabelais 
in  England,  corresponding  to  the  taste  for 
satire  and  raillery  gradually  imparted  to  the 
higher  ranks  of  society  by  France.  The  refer- 
ences just  noted  would  of  themselves  do  little 
to  substantiate  this.  Other  evidence  is  avail- 
able, however.  Thus  in  1628  appeared  Quod- 
lihets  lately  come  over  from  New  Britaniola,  Old 
Newfoundland,  by  Robert  Hayman.  This  work 
included,  according  to  the  title-page,  'Hwo 
epistles  of  that  excellently  wittie  Doctor, 
Francis  Rabelais,  translated  out  of  French." 
More  important  still  is  an  item  in  the  mock 
will  of  James  Howell,  included  in  a  letter  which  - 
he  dates  March  26,  1643.  His  knowledge  of 
French  he  bequeaths  "io  my  most  honour 'd 
Lady,  the  Lady  Core,  and  it  may  help  her  some- 
thing to  understand  Rabelais."  ^  That  the  de- 
sire 'Ho  understand  Rabelais"  soon  became 
very  general  in  England,  is  indicated  by  the 
appearance,  in  1653,  of  Thomas  Urquhart's 
translation  of  the  first  two  books.     His  version 

*  Act  i,  sc.  3. 

"^Familiar  Letters,  ed.  Jacobs,  London,  1892,  ii.  422. 


262  RABELAIS 

of  the  Third  Book  was  printed  posthumously 
in  1693;  and  interest  then  was  still  strong 
enough  to  justify  Pierre  Motteux  in  publishing 
an  English  version  of  the  Fourth  and  Fifth 
Books  a  year  later. 

Although  this  renewed  interest  in  Rabelais 
was  a  part  of  the  taste  for  a  literature  of  polite 
raillery,  his  work  was  admired  for  its  power 
and  condemned  for  its  manner.  The  matter 
was  summed  up,  near  the  close  of  the  century,^ 
by  Sir  William  Temple,  in  his  Essay  on  Poetry, 
where  he  definitely  recognized  Rabelais  as 
^'father  of  ridicule":  — 

"  Rabelais  seems  to  have  been  father  of  the  ridicule ; 
a  man  of  excellent  and  universal  learning,  as  well  as 
wit:  and,  though  he  had  too  much  game  given  him 
for  satire  in  that  age,  by  the  customs  of  courts  and  of 
convents,  of  processes  and  of  wars,  of  schools  and  of 
camps,  of  romances  and  legends;  yet  he  must  be 
confessed  to  have  kept  up  his  vein  of  ridicule,  by  saying 
many  things  so  mahcious,  so  smutty,  and  so  profane, 
that  either  a  prudent,  a  modest,  or  a  pious  man, 
could  not  have  afforded,  though  he  had  never  so  much 
of  that  coin  about  him :  and  it  were  to  be  wished, 
that  the  wits  who  have  followed  his  vein  had  not  put 
too  much  value  upon  a  dress,  that  better  understand- 
ings would  not  wear  (at  least  in  public)  and  upon 
a  compass  they  gave  themselves,  which  other  men 
would  not  take."  ^ 

Thus  closes  the  account  of  the  influence  of 
Rabelais  in  England  to  the  period  of  the  Resto- 
ration.    Even    since    then    this    influence    has 

*  The  Essay  on  Poetry  was  first  published  in  1692, 
2  Sir  Wm.    Temple,    Works,   ed.   London,     1757,    iii. 
422. 


RABELAIS  263 

cropped  out  from  time  to  time,  adding  to  the 
literary  equipment  of  many  of  the  virile, 
strong-spoken  chroniclers  of  English  life,  and 
making  the  story  one  of  the  recognized  models 
for  the  burlesque  and  satiric  modes  in  prose. 
The  service  of  Rabelais  to  pre-Restoration  litera- 
ture was  not  a  vast  one,  nor  one  in  its  day  con- 
sidered particularly  worthy  of  honor.  The 
author  wa,s  thought  to  stand  for  drunkenness 
and  low  revelry;  his  first  great  hero  came  to 
England  with  a  horde  of  broken  creatures  of  ro- 
mance, to  be  the  plaything  of  a  wide-eyed  popu- 
lace. The  Rabelais  influence  almost  sneaked  its 
way  about  London,  skulking  in  the  shadows  of 
the  playhouse  and  loitering  along  the  Thames. 
But  with  all  its  vagaries  and  strange  whimsi- 
calities, it  loosed  the  tongue  and  colored  the 
phrasing  of  a  great  Elizabethan  controversialist, 
helped  —  in  all  probability  —  the  miscellaneous 
efforts  of  an  almost  accomplished  hack-writer, 
and  gave  some  inspiration,  it  seems,  to  the  rich 
expressiveness  of  the  drama.  The  points  in 
which  this  influence  displayed  itself  have  been 
noted  carefully  in  passing.  In  every  instance, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  Bacon,  they 
have  been  those  of  mood  and  style.  There  was 
so  much  in  Rabelais's  rich,  ringing  laughter  in 
the  face  of  the  world,  that  should  have  appealed 
to  Elizabethan  England  and  have  been  absorbed 
there,  that  a  student  is  tempted  to  accept  every 
reference  —  Gargantua  and  all  —  as  a  genuine 
evidence  of  a  wholesome,  deep-rooted  admira- 
tion for  the  Frenchman.     But  even  with  all 


264  RABELAIS 

necessary  restrictions,  it  is  still  highly  probable 
that  through  his  own  channels,  and  in  the 
more  popular  if  less  fashionable  ways,  Rabelais 
made  himself  distinctly  felt  in  the  England  of 
this  period. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Montaigne 

In  1580  and  1582  Montaigne  gave  the  first   ^ 
two  books  of  his  Essais  to  the  world.     Being 
without  plan  or  system,  and  having  a  shifting 
^    Pyi'rhonistic    skepticism    that    forestalled    any 
charge  of  inconsistency,  they  were  admirably 
adapted  to  the  method  of  desultory  expansion 
by  which  their  author  augmented  them  for  the  \ 
subsequent  editions  of  1588  and  1595,  where  ( 
they  were  accompanied  by  a  third  book  in  the 
same  fashion. 

In  these  essays  were  certain  peculiarities 
which  gave  them  great  value  for  the  purposes 
of  other  literary  men.  In  the  wide  scope  of 
material  with  which  they  dealt  there  was  sug- 
gested for  the  later  writer  a  fund  of  thought 
on  almost  any  subject  of  interest;  and  in  most 
instances  the  borrower  might  be  sure  of  a  de- 
signedly unbiased  and  carefully  noncommittal 
statement  in  his  source.  Strangely  coupled  with 
the  zeal  of  an  innovating  skeptic,  there  was  an 
undisturbed  regard  for  the  authoritative  say- 
ings of  the  ancients,  a  regard  which  made  the 
books  almost  a  catalogue  of  classic  anecdote 
and  maxim.  The  style  was  worthy  of  emula- 
tion in  its  richness  and  clearness;   the  personal 

265 


^ 


'\ 


266  MONTAIGNE 

element  was  introduced  to  a  degree  unknown 
before;  and  so  successful  an  exploitation  of  the 
rambling  essay  as  a  literary  form  was  enough 
in  itself  to  call  forth  imitators. 
^  '     The  Essais  in  their  original  form  were  cer- 
^    tainly  not  long  in  reaching  England.     Within 
I    two  decades  they  were  being  translated.     The 
<    first  reference  to  them  in  the  Stationers^  Regis- 
ter is  vague  enough.     On  October  20,   1595, 
'^Edward  Aggas  entred  for  his  copie  under  the 
handes  of  the  Wardenes :  The  Essais  of  Michaell 
Lord  Mountene."     Presumably,  from  the  lan- 
guage of  the  title,  this  was  to  be  an  English 
version;    and  we  may,  indeed,  have  here  an 
early   entry   of   the   translation   projected   by 
Florio.     With  equal  probability,  this  may  re- 
cord the  intentions  of  one  of  the  ^' seven  or 
eight  of  great  wit  and  worth,"  whose  attempts 
at  the  translation  of  the  Essais  are   noted  in 
Florio's  '^  To  the  Courteous  Reader,"  prefixed  to 
i  his  first  edition.     The  Florio  translation  is  defi- 
nitely mentioned  in  an  entry  of  June  4,  1600,* 
and  first  appeared  in  1603.     That  there  were 
manuscript  translations  from  the  Essais  in  cir- 
culation prior  to  1600,  is  attested  by  Sir  William 
\  j  Cornwallis,   the   first   part   of   whose   Essayes, 
\\  entered  on  the  same  day  as  Florio's  Montaigne, 
was  published  during  that  year.     He  makes  no 
attempt   to    conceal   his   obligations   to    Mon- 

^  June  4,  1600,  "Edward  Blount  entred  for  his  copie 
under  the  handes  of  master  Hart  well  and  master  man 
warden:  The  essaies  of  Michell  Lord  of  Montaigne 
translated  into  English  by  John  Florio." 


MONTAIGNE  267 

taigne,  declaring  him  ^^for  profitable  Recreation 
.  .  .  most  excellent/'  and  adding,  '^  whom  though 
I  have  not  bene  so  much  beholding  to  the 
French  as  to  see  in  his  Originall,  yet  divers  of 
his  peeces  I  have  seen  translated."  ^  The  ap- 
parent excellence  of  these  manuscript  versions 
calls  for  further  comment:  'Hhey  that  under- 
stand both  languages  say  very  well  done,  and  I 
am  able  to  say  (if  you  will  take  the  word  of 
ignorance)  translated  into  a  stile,  admitting  as 
few  idle  words  as  our  language  will  endure:  It 
is  well  fitted  in  this  new  garment,  and  Mon- 
taigne speaks  now  good  English;  It  is  done  by 
a  fellow  less  beholding  to  nature  for  his  fortune 
then  witte,  yet  lesser  for  his  face  then  fortune: 
the  truth  is  he  looks  more  like  a  good  fellow, 
then  a  wise  man,  and  yet  hee  is  wise,  beyond 
either  his  fortune  or  education."  There  seems 
to  be  no  real  reason  for  applying  this  descrip- 
tion to  Florio  and  his  work,  and  regarding  it 
as  evidence  that  this  particular  version  was  in 
manuscript  some  time  before  the  close  of  the 
century ;  ^  though  of  course  such  may  well  have 
been  the  case.  At  any  rate  Cornwallis  corrobo- 
rates the  view  that  the  vogue  of  Montaigne 
translation  was  well  under  way  and  had  found 
able  exponents  before  1600. 

*  Essay  12,  "Of  Censuring."  Cornwallis's  Essayes 
also  were  probably  in  manuscript  circulation  for  some 
time  before  appearing  in  print,  thus  throwing  the  date  of 
the  Montaigne  translations  still  earlier. 

2Cf.  Ehzabeth  R.  Hooker,  "The  Relation  of  Shake- 
speare to  Montaigne,"  Publ.  Mod.  Lang.  Assn.,  x. 
(U.S.)  349-350. 


268  MONTAIGNE 

Florio  was  in  position  to  advance  materially 
the  popularity  of  Montaigne  in  England.     He 
had  previously  published  various  Italian-Eng- 
lish exercise  books,  and  a  somewhat  pretentious 
Italian-English  dictionary,  The  World  of  Words, 
which  had  appeared  in  1598.     He  had  served 
as  Italian  tutor  for  several  of  the  nobility,  espe- 
cially for  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  whom  he 
recognized  as  his  patron  in  the  dedication  of 
the  dictionary,  and  whose  friendship  and  favor 
had  no  doubt  thrown  him  into  closer  acquaint- 
ance   with    a    large  circle  of  literary  people.* 
V.    Samuel  Daniel,  for  example,  attests  at  the  same 
time  his  admiration  for  Montaigne  and  his  re- 
V     gard  for  Florio,  in  complimentary  verses  at- 
tached to  the  first  English  edition  of  the  Essays. 
(  Florio's  work  as  a  translator  scarcely  seems  to- 
■  day  worthy  of    high  commendation.     For   an 
original  that  was  clear  and  limpid  and  unpre- 
tentious, he  substituted  the  awkward,  lumber- 
ing   movement    that    characterized    so    much 
Elizabethan  prose,  without  much  of  the  pictu- 
resque vitality  that  often  made  it  great.     He  is 
too  often  the  bombastic  pedant  rather  than  the 
garrulous  skeptic.     But  his  translation  was  the 
first  that  found  its  way  into  print,  and  its  op- 
portune appearance  made  it  the  standard  for 
the  English  people. 
The  essay  appears  to  have  been  an  immensely 
\    popular  literary  form  just  at  this  time.   Bacon's 
V^  \\  Essays  —  ten  of  them,  at  least  —  appeared  in 
U  print  in  1597,  and  were  republished  in  1598. 

'  Infra,  p.  281. 


MONTAIGNE  269 

Augmented   editions   were   published   in    1612 
and    1625.     Throughout   this    work   there    are    ( 
numerous  indications  of  Montaigne's  influence.*    ) 
Besides  the  edition  of  Cornwalhs's  Essayes  in  ^' 

1600,  already  noted,  a  second  part  appeared  in 

1601,  and  reprints  were  published  in  1609,  1623, 
1638,  and  1639.  The  Stationers^  Register  adds 
further  testimony,  supplying  the  names  and 
authorship  of  some  works  otherwise  entirely 
unknown.^  On  March  7,  1598,  are  entered  ^'Di- 
verse sermons  and  tractes  uppon  severall  textes 
wrytten  by  master  Greeneham."  Twenty-three 
titles  are  appended,  several  of  them  significant 
when  compared  with  Montaigne :  namely, 
1,  Of  Anger;  6,  Of  the  Education  of  Children; 
9,  Of  Persevereance ;  10,  Of  the  Meditacon  of 
Deathe;  11,  Of  Justice  and  Just  men;  13,  Of 
Lyinge;  14,  Of  Foolishness;  15,  Of  Humilatie 
and  Honour;  18,  Of  Zeale.  Other  entries  ap- 
pear as  follows :  — 

Oct.  9,  1601 — Essayes  by  Master  Robert  Johnson. 

Apr.  19,  1608  —  Essayes  politique  and  morall  to 
the  right  honorable  the  Lady  Anne  Harrington. 

Oct.  17,  1608  —  Aphorismes  Civil  and  militarie 
amplified  with  authorities  and  exemplified  with  history 
out  of  the  first  Quarterne  of  Ffraunciss  Guichiardini.^ 

^  Infra,  p.  276  sq. 

2  This  list  of  Essays  is  compiled  by  F.  Dieckow,  John 
Florio's  englishe  Uebersetzung  der  Essais  Montaigne's 
und  Lord  Bacon's,  Ben  Jonson's  und  Robert  Burton's 
Verhdltniss  zu  Montaigne,  Strassburg,   1903. 

^  Guicciardini  is  mentioned  as  a  favorite  historian  of 
Montaigne  (Essais,  bk.  ii,  essay  10),  and  Cornwallis 
(essay  45,  "Of  Essais  and  Bookes")- 


270  MONTAIGNE 

Dec.  23,  1614  —  An  Essay  or  rather  an  Encomium 
for  sadnes  written  by  Sir  William  Cornewallis  Knight 
with  his  observations  upon  the  life  of  Julian  the 
Apostate. 

June    10,    1616  —  Essayes   of   certaine  Paradoxes. 

Sept.  13,  1619  —  Essaies  upon  the  five  sences  by 
Richard  Brathwaite. 

Mar.  29,  1620  —  A  discourse  against  flattery  and 
of  Rome  with  Essaies. 

May  31,  1621  —  A  handful!  of  Essaies  or  Imperfect 
offers  by  William  Mason. 

In  the  absence  of  complete  data,  a  somewhat 
detailed  consideration  of  the  work  of  Corn- 
wallis  and  Bacon  appears  to  be  the  only  avail- 
able means  of  estimating  how  far  the  influence 
of  Montaigne  may  have  operated  in  this  literary 
fashion.  This  involves  the  supposition  that 
what  was  true  of  such  permanent  and  influen- 
tial products  might  also  be  the  case,  in  more 
mechanical  fashion,  among  the  lesser  attempts. 

Cornwallis,  apart  from  the  tribute  paid  Mon- 
taigne in  the  dedication  of  his  Essayes,  and  the 
adulatory  mention  of  the  French  work  and  its 
translation  in  Essay  12,  "  Of  Censuring,"  has  no 
less  than  six  other  direct  references  to  this 
source  of  his,  scattered  through  the  Essayes. 
Of  them  all,  however,  the  one  already  partly 
quoted  offers  the  most  explicit  estimate  of 
Montaigne's  work,  as  Cornwallis  viewed  it 
through  the  medium  of  translation.  ''But  his 
Authour,"  he  says  further  of  the  unknown 
translator,  ''speakes  nobly,  honestly,  and  wisely, 
with  little  method,  but  with  much  judgement: 
Learned  hee  was,  and  often  showes  it,  but  with 


MONTAIGNE  271 

such  a  happinesse,  as  his  owne  following  is  not 
disgraced  by  his  own  reading:  He  speakes 
freely,  and  yet  wisely;  Censures,  and  deter- 
mines many  things  ludicially,  and  yet  forces 
you  not  to  attention  with  a  hem,  and  a  spitting 
Exordium;  In  a  word  he  hath  made  Morrall 
Philosophy  speake  couragiously,  and  in  steede  of 
her  gowne,  given  her  an  Armour;  hee  hath  put 
Pedanticall  Schollerisme  out  of  countenance, 
and  made  manifest,  that  learning  mingled  with 
Nobilitie,  shines  most  clearly."  In  Essay  45, 
^'  Of  Essaies  and  Bookes,"  Cornwallis  goes  even  / 
farther  in  acknowledging  himself  a  literary  dis-  \ 
ciple  of  Montaigne  as  well  as  of  some  of  the 
ancients,  with  the  difference  naturally  arising 
from  his  own  inferior  ability.  He  says:  '^I 
Hold  neither  Plutarches,  nor  none  of  these 
ancient  short  manner  of  writings,  nor  Mon- 
taignes,  nor  such  of  this  latter  time  to  be  rightly 
tearmed  Essayes,  for  though  they  be  short, 
yet  they  are  strong,  and  able  to  endure  the 
sharpest  triall:  but  mine  are  Essayes,  who  am 
but  newly  bound  Prentise  to  the  Inquisition  of 
Knowledge,  and  use  these  papers  as  a  Painters 
boy  a  board,  that  is  trying  to  bring  his  hand 
and  his  fancy  acquainted." 

The  other  direct  references  in  the  Essayes, 
while  they  show  high  regard  and  familiar  ac- 
quaintance, modify  slavish  adulation  consid- 
erably by  independent  thinking.  Cornwallis 
expresses  agreement  with  Montaigne  in  three 
essays.  In  Essay  33,  "  Of  Silence  and  Secrecy," 
he  says:  ^'Montaignia  likes  not  the  protesting 


272  MONTAIGNE 

this,  nor  I  to  say  so,  for  I  would  not  have 
uttered  so  much,  but  for  the  thing  it  is  a  safe 
and  an  honest  principle." 

At  the  close  of  Essay  35,  ''  Of  Traps  for 
Fame,"  Cornwallis  classes  himself  with  Mon- 
taigne in  the  use  of  personal  experience  and 
mention,  —  another  evidence  of  discipleship. 

"And  even  for  Montania  and  myselfe  (whom  in 
these  matters  of  excuse  I  may  safely  ioyne  with  mee) 
though  wee  doe  sometimes  mention  ourselves,  yet  are 
we  not  to  be  suspected  of  intrapping  Fame :  we  allow 
men  in  their  lives  to  build  their  Tombes,  and  wee 
allow  charity  to  set  the  first  Letters  of  their  names 
upon  the  Gownes  and  Coates  they  give  in  almes, 
shall  it  not  be  lawfull  then  for  us  to  build  our  Tombes 
in  our  Papers  ?  and  to  weare  our  names  in  our  labours  ? 
Yes  surely,  it  cannot  be  denied  us,  they  are  our  children, 
which  if  they  resemble  us,  it  is  not  a  thing  monstrous, 
but  pleasing  and  naturall." 

A  minor  commendation  appears  in  Essay  46, 
'^The  Instruments  of  a  Statesman":  ^^I  like 
nothing  better  in  Montaigne,  then  his  desire  of 
knowing  Brutus  private  actions,  wishing  more 
to' know  what  he  did  in  his  tent,  .  .  ." 

In  two  instances  Cornwallis  sets  forth  his 
opinion  in  opposition  to  that  expressed  by 
Montaigne.  In  Essay  26,  "  Of  Affection,"  he 
says:  ^'Yet  I  go  not  with  Montangnia,  who  in 
Essay  of  cruelty,  bribes  wit  to  take  part  with 
commiseration  so  extreamely  and  so  womanish, 
as  not  to  indurethe  death  of  birdes  and  beasts." 
Essay  35,  "  Of  Traps  for  Fame,"  offers  this 
criticism:  '^ Montania,  in  his  observations  upon 


MONTAIGNE  273 

Caesar/  deales  somewhat  too  indifferently  with 
.  his  taxers,  for  this  alleadging  a  proverbe,  .  .  .'' 
In  addition  to  these  references  to  Montaigne  f 
by  name,  the  Essayes  fairly  teem  with  echoes  ^ 
of  the  Frenchman's  thought.     It  is  true  that 
both  men  express  devotion  to  the  same  classic 
authors,   and,   being  both  well  read   in   such 
material,  may  easily  have  drawn  from  it  similar 
thought  and  suggestion.     It  is  further  true  that 
specific  •  parallels  in  phrasing  are  very  rare,  and   \ 
that  the  philosophical  point  of  view  of  the  two     1 
men   is   radically   different.     Yet,    with   Corn- 
walhs's  enthusiastic   confession  of   admiration  . 
'  before  us,  there  need  be  no  hesitation  in  attrib-  \ 
uting  much  of  the  parallelism  to  the  immediate 
influence  of  Montaigne.     There  is  scarcely  an  <^. 
essay  that  does  not  suggest  him.     For  example,  ? 
in  Essay  1,  "  Of  Resolution, '^  Cornw^allis  con- 
,  demns  men's  changeable  opinions,  declares  him- 
self affected  chiefly  by  Seneca  and  Plato, ^  con- 
fesses that  he  talks  most  of  himself,  states  that 
he  has  few  friends  and  holds  few  worthy  of  that 
nearness,  advises  against  dependence  on  out- 
ward luster,   and  expresses  his  contempt   for 
death.     In  Essay  2,  "  Of  Advise,"  he  urges  men 
to  accept  the  advice  drawn  from  experience, 
commends  an  education  that  prepares  men  for 

*  Cf.  Montaigne,  bk.  iij_essay  34,  —  "  Observations 
concerning  the  means  to  warre  after  the  manner  of  Juhus 
Caesar." 

2  Montaigne  acknowledges  chief  indebtedness  to 
Seneca  and  Plutarch.  Plutarch's  Lives  are  discussed 
at  length  and  warmly  praised  by  Cornwallis  in  Essay  15, 
"  Of  the  Observation  and  Use  of  Things." 

T 


274  MONTAIGNE 

an  active  life,  and  enjoins  moderation  upon  all, 
especially  the  young.  Essay  4,  "  Of  Suspition," 
notes  that  the  dependents  of  princes  are  not 
to  be  trusted.  Essay  5,  ^^  Of  Love,"  exalts  the 
choicest  affection  of  man  for  man  (Montaigne's 
'^ friendship")  above  man's  love  for  woman. 

Similar  reflections  of  the  characteristic 
thoughts  of  Montaigne  continue  throughout  the 
book.  Thus  Essay  32,  ^^  Of  Feare,"  discusses 
the  common  effects  of  fear  on  the  imagination, 
notes  that  the  acts  of  other  creatures  are  bound 
by  nature,  while  those  of  man  are  free,  parallels 
Montaigne's  famous  discussions  of  death  in  insist- 
ing that  the  fear  is  more  terrible  than  the  fact, 
and  includes  a  discussion  of  oracles  and  prognos- 
tications. Essay  43,  "  Of  Vanitie,"  makes  light 
of  rhetoric  for  its  own  sake,  condemning  over- 
much speaking  and  advising  a  happy  mean 
between  speech  and  silence;  reminds  us  that 
naked  men  are  much  alike,  hence  it  is  wrong 
to  judge  a  man  by  his  clothes  and  foolish  to  try 
to  keep  up  with  the  fashions ;  notes  the  hypoc- 
risy of  good  deeds  done  for  glory,  and  declares 
that  the  rewards  of  fame  are  lean. 

The  similarity  of  illustrations  used  by  the 
two  essayists  would  be  especially  striking, 
except  for  the  fact  that  these  are  usually  com- 
monplaces, available  to  any  one  who  cared 
to  use  them.  Of  this  type,  perhaps,  is  the  story 
of  the  man  about  to  be  hanged,  who  feared 
^  that  the  rope  would  tickle  his  neck.^ 

^  Cornwallis,  essay  39,  "Of  Concert";  Montaigne, 
bk.  i,  essay  40. 


MONTAIGNE  275 

The  mental  attitude  of  the  two  essayists  is 
essentially  different.  Even  in  the  discussions 
of  more  practical  matters,  Cornwallis  takes 
positive  opinions  and  usually  presents  but  one 
side  of  the  question.  In  the  higher  considera- 
tions of  philosophy  he  is  still  less  a  Pyrrhonist, 
appearing  often  as  the  ardent  champion  of 
what  seems  to  him  the  better  view.  Thus,  in 
Essay  26,  "  Of  Affection,"  and  Essay  36,  ''  Of 
Knowledge,"  discussing  the  relation  of  reason 
and  affection,  — a  subject  treated  at  length  in 
Montaigne's  "  Apology  for  Raymond  Sebond,"  — 
Cornwallis  writes  as  the  confirmed  Platonist, 
and  disposes  of  all  skepticism  from  that  point 
of  view.  Another  distinction  in  views  is  often 
manifest.  The  Puritanical  bent  of  his  day 
often  operates  in  Cornwallis  to  set  up  a  greater 
seriousness  and  stricter  moral  standard  in  his 
treatment.  Thus  in  Essav  45,  '^  Of  Essaies  and 
Bookes,"  he  goes  farther  than  Montaigne  in 
condemning  the  fictions  of  poetry,  and  estimates 
various  pieces  of  literature  almost  solely  for 
the  lessons  they  teach.  In  the  discussions  of 
Reason  and  Affection  already  mentioned,  he 
exalts  man  much  more  than  Montaigne  does; 
and  in  Essay  43,  '^  Of  Vanitie,"  he  vigorously 
opposes  suicide  as  a  cowardly  thing. 

With  all  his  independence  of  attitude,  how- 
ever, and  despite  the  fact  that  he  developed 
many  ideas  entirely  without  suggestion  from 
Montaigne,  Cornwallis  bears  every  indication 
of  having  depended  much  on  the  fragmentary 
translations  that  he  praises.     Titles,  it  is  true, 


276  MONTAIGNE 

are  not  often  significant  in  this  type  of  litera- 
ture,   but    the    following   list    from   Cornwallis 
may   add   a  trifle   in   substantiating  his   vital 
relation  to   Montaigne:    6,  Of    Friendship  and 
Factions;    8,    Of  Praise    and    Glorie;    18,    Of 
"  -Sleepe;    32,  Of  Feare;    41,  Of  Sorrow;   42,  Of 
Solitarinesse   and   Company;     43,    Of  Vanitie; 
44,  Of  Vaine  Glory ;  45,  Of  Essaies  and  Bookes ; 
47,  Of  Words;    49,  Of  Flattery,  Dissimulation, 
and  Lying.     All  these  subjects  had  been  utilized 
by  Montaigne. 
j       For  the  indebtedness  of  Bacon's  Essays  to 
^1   Montaigne  the  case  is  not  quite  so  clear.     There 
♦  was  so  much  difference  in  the  personality  of 
I    the  two  men,  so  diverse  an  aim  and  style  in 
their  development  of  the  same  literary  form, 
that  such  influences  as  do  appear  are  not  likely 
to  be  very  patent.     Both  men,  indeed,  repre- 
sented the  breakdown  of  scholasticism.^     But 
in  one  the  result  was  an  introspective  sort  of 
doubt ;    in  the  other  arose  a  new  system  of 
K  dogmatism    in    practical    affairs.     Montaigne 
!    looks  deep  and  only  wonders ;   Bacon  keeps  his 
'    eye   on   the   surface   and   advises.     Montaigne 
uses  the  essay  as  an  ever  shifting,  ever  growing 
medium  for  the  expression  of  his  vagrant  skep- 
ticism ;  Bacon  treats  it  as  a  refined  and  polished 
commonplace  book,   full  of  pithy  phrasing  of 
practical    advice.     Under    such    circumstances, 

^  Cf .  the  discussion  and  comparison  of  these  two  men 
in  F.  Dieckow,  op.  cit.,  pp.  79-80;  and  in  an  article, 
"Montaigne  und  Bacon,"  in  Archiv  fiir  das  Stud,  der 
neueren  Sprachen  und  Litt.,  xxxi.  (1862). 


MONTAIGNE  277 

influence  must  be  sought  chiefly  in  similarity 
of  vfews,  with  such  similarity  of  phrasing  as 
"the  difference  in  manner  permits.  One  must 
always  remember,  of  course,  that  both  men 
were  well  read  in  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients 
and  might  at  any  time  draw  from  a  common 
source. 

There  is  but  one  place  in  Bacon's  Essays 
where  Montaigne  is  mentioned  by  name,  — 
the  first  essay,  on  ^'  Truth."  Here  he  is  quoted 
as  saying,  ^'If  it  be  well  weighed,  to  say  that 
a  man  lieth,  is  as  much  to  say  as  that  he  is 
brave  towards  God  and- a  coward  tow^arcls  men. 
For  a  lie  faces  God,  and  shrinks  from  man."  ^ 
In  the  same  essay,  however,  there  occurs  a 
reference  which  seems  most  probably  to  have 
pointed  at  Montaigne.  Bacon  has  been  speak- 
ing of  certain  of  the  ancient  philosophers,  who, 
as  he  puts  it,  delighted  in  ^'giddiness  and  un- 
fixed belief."  Then  he  adds,  '^And  though  the 
sects  of  philosophers  of  that  kind  ^  be  gone, 
yet  there  remain  certain  discoursing  wits, 
which  ^are  of  the  same  veins,  though  there  be 
not  so  much  blood  in  them  as  was  in  those  of 
the  ancients."  ^  A  few  minor  parallels  have 
been  suggested  between  this  first  essay  of 
*  Bacon's  and  certain  statements  in  'Montaigne, 
but  they  are  without  significance. 

In  Bacon's  eighth  essay,  "  Of  Marriage  and 

^  Bacon's  Essays,  ed.  Reynolds,  p.  8.  The  quotation 
is  derived  from  Montaigne,  bk.  ii,  essay  18.  These, 
and  other  parallels  from  Bacon  are  cited  by  Dieckow, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  60-80. 

2  Essays,  ed.  cit.,  p.  5. 


\ 


278 


MONTAIGNE 


Single  Life,"  there  is  possibly  another  thrust, 
mildly  satirical  in  spirit,  at  Montaigne  and  his 
doctrine.  ^^The  most  ordinary  cause  of  a 
single  life,"  says  Bacon,  ^'is  liberty,  especially 
in  certain  self-pleasing  and  humorous  minds, 
which  are  so  sensible  of  every  restraint  as  they 
will  go  near  to  think  their  girdles  and  garters 
to  be  bonds  and  shackles."  ^  Bacon  may  well 
have  had  in  mind  Montaigne's  statement  con- 
cerning marriage  in  the  fifth  essay  of  the  Third 
Book.     The  passage  is  rendered  by  Florio:  — 

"It  ^  is  now  a  dayes  found  most  fit  or  commodious 
for  simple  mindes  and  popular  spirits  whom  dainties, 
curiosity,  and  idlenes  do  not  so  much  trouble.  Li- 
centious humours,  debaushed  conceits  (as  are  mine) 
who  hate  all  manner  of  duties,  bondes,  or  observances 
are  not  so  fit,  so  proper,  and  so  suitable  for  it. 

"  Et  mihi  dulce  magis  resoluto  vivere  collo. 

"  Sweeter  it  is  to  me,  with  loose  necke  to  live  free."' 

In  approaching  the  vaguer  consideration  of 
thought-resemblance,  it  is  worth  while  to  list 
the  more  striking  similarities  in  titles.  They 
are  as  follows :  — 


BACON 


27,  Of  Friendship 
48,  Of      Followers 
Friends. 


and 


39,  Of  Custome  and  Edu- 
cation. 


^Ed.  cit.,  p.  52. 


MONTAIGNE 

1-27,  De  TAmitie. 

1-22,  De  la  coustume  et 
de  ne  changer  aise- 
ment  une  loy  receue. 

1-49,  Des  coustumes  an- 
ciennes. 


2  Marriage. 
'  Florio's  Montaigne,  Tudor  Trans.,  iii.  75 


MONTAIGNE  279 

BACON  MONTAIGNE 

42,  Of  Youth  and  Age.  1-57,  De  Taage. 

52,  Of    Ceremonies    and      1-13,  Ceremonie  de  Ten- 
Respects,  treveue  des  Rois. 

{11-37,  De  la  ressemblance 
des  enfans  aux  peres. 
II-8,   De  Taffection    des 
Peres  aux  enfants. 
{1-9,   Des  menteurs. 
11-18,  Du  desmentir. 
i)4,  ut  vain  uiory.  III-9,  De  la  vanite. 

58,  Of      Vicissitude      of      II-l,  De  Tinconstance  de 
Things.  nos  actions. 

The  list  of  passages  where  Bacon  parallels 
the  thought  of  Montaigne,  and  uses  decidedly 
similar  phraseology,  is  a  very  large  one.  Most 
important  among  them  are  those  in  which 
a  train  of  thought,  pursued  by  Bacon  in  some 
one  essay,  may  be  traced  back,  point  by  point, 
to  various  parts  of  Montaigne's  work.  Ex- 
cellent examples  of  this  are  found  in  Bacon's 
treatment  of  the  fear  of  death  in  Essay  2,  ^'  Of 
Death";  and  in  his  discussion  of  the  mastery 
of  habit,  in  Essay  39,  '^Of  Custom  and  Educa- 
tion." ^  Other  instances  of  parallel  thought  with 
reasonably  close  parallel  in  language  occur  in 
discussion  of  points  like  these:  1,  The  good- 
ness we  have  made  a  habit  as  compared  with 
that  which  is  natural  in  us;  2,  Whatever  is 
somewhere  won  is  somewhere  lost;  3,  Civil 
war  is  the  heat  of  fever;  foreign  war,  the  heat 
of   healthful   exercise;     4,    The    imposture    of 

*  See  parallels  in  appendix  G. 


280  MONTAIGNE 

prophecies.  If  similarity  of  expression  should 
1  not  be  insisted  upon,  a  host  of  similar  ideas 
might  be  collected  from  the  two  authors,  some 
of  them  from  among  their  favorite  contentions. 
I  For  example:  Be  liberal  to  children  lest  you 
force  them  into  crime;  State  advancement 
removes  a  man  from  personal  freedom;  Travel 
early  and  learn  foreign  languages;  Kings  have 
little  food  for  ambition,  but  much  for  fear; 
It  is  spirit  rather  than  numbers  that  counts  in 
an  army.  That  the  two  men  often  use  the 
same  citations  from  the  ancients,  or  illustrate 
with  similar  examples,  is  much  less  significant. 
V  The  conclusion  of  it  all  would  be  that  Bacon 
knew  the  work  of  Montaigne,  found  it  a  fruitful 
source  for  ideas,  and  followed  the  views  it 
expresses  only  so  far  as  the  innate  differences 
of  the  two  men  permitted. 

In   his   connection   with  Shakespeare,   Mon- 
taigne has  become  the  prey  of  the  confirmed 
source-hunters  who  are  always  enrolled  in  the 
service  of  that  poet.     So  ardent  has  been  the 
search  for  parallels,  as  to  call  forth  what  seems 
to  be  a  clever  literary  forgery.     In  the  British 
I  Museum   is   preserved   a  volume  of  the   1603 
I  edition  of  Florio's  Montaigne,  containing  what 
';  has  often  been  pronounced  a  genuine  autograph 
of  William  Shakespeare,  together  with  certain 
references  which  correspond  to  Shakespearean 
passages.^    Modern    scholarship,    however,    re- 
fuses to  take  this  seriously,  and  no  inferences 
]  can  be  drawn  from  it.     The  identification  of 

*  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  s.  v.  "John  Florio." 


MONTAIGNE  281 

Hamlet  with  Montaigne,  whether  as  a  plain  ' 
attack  on  the  Frenchman's  skepticism,'  or  as 
a  criticism  of  him  because  he  '' preached  the 
rights  of  nature  whilst  yet  clinging  to  dogmatic 
tenets,"  ^  has  given  occupation  to  several  . 
theorists;  while  others  go  farther  and  hold 
Shakespeare  indebted  to  Montaigne  for  prac- 
tically all  the  excellence  of  the  dramas.  Lately, 
a  more  reasonable  attitude  has  been  taken, 
sifting  the  data  gathered  by  these  enthusiasts 
and  giving  it  a  fair  interpretation.'  For  the 
present  study  it  remains  only  to  draw  from 
the  material  offered  the  most  striking  evidences 
of  indebtedness,  and  the  general  lines  of  prob- 
ability attending  them. 

The  externals  are  soon  disposed  of.     Shake-   ,/ 
speare,  like  Florio,  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  the 
Earl  of  Southampton,  having  dedicated  to  him    ^. 
both  the  Venus  and  Adonis,  in  1593,  and  the 
Lucrece,   in    1594.     Florio   entered   Southamp- 
ton's employ  as  early  as  1589,  and  might  in  all 
probability  have  been  on  familiar  terms  with 
Shakespeare  by  the  end  of  the  century.     Thus  '. 
the  first  drafts  of  his  translations  would  fall    i 
into    the    dramatist's    hands,    or,    earlier    still, 
Florio  might  have  directed  Shakespeare's  notice 
to  other  men's  attempts  at  translating  Mon- 
taigne, —  attempts  which  were  inspiring  Florio 
himself  to  make  a  similar  effort. 

^  Cf .  G.  F.  Stedefeld,  Hamlet :  ein  Tendenzdrama  Shake- 
speare's gegen  die  skeptische  und  kosmopolitische  Weltan- 
schauung des  Mirhd  de  Montaigne.     Berlin,  1871. 

'■^  Cf.  Jacob  Feis,  Shakspere  and  Montaigne.  London, 
1884.  3  Cf .  Elizabeth  R.  Hooker,  op.  cit. 


282  MONTAIGNE 

j       There  is  one  parallel   between  Shakespeare 
'  and  Montaigne  of  which  there  is  entire  cer- 
tainty, and   it    is    Florio's  translation  that  is 
followed.     The  resemblance  in  question,  pointed 
out  within  two  centuries  after  its  appearance,^ 
,   is   between  Gonzalo's   description  of  an  ideal 
|(  commonwealth,  in  the  second  act  of  The  Tempest^  \ 
■  and  a  portion  of  the  essay,  ''Of  the  Caniballes.''   \ 
Gonzalo  says :  — 

''I'  the  commonwealth  I  would  by  contraries 
Execute  all  things ;  for  no  kind  of  traffic 
Would  I  admit ;  no  name  of  magistrate ; 
Letters  should  not  be  known ;  riches,  poverty, 
And  use  of  service,  none ;  contract,  succession, 
Bourn,  bound  of  land,  tilth,  vineyard,  none ; 
No  use  of  metal,  corn,  or  wine,  or  oil ; 
No  occupation  :  all  men  idle,  all ; 
And  women  too,  but  innocent  and  pure; 
No  sovereignty." 

The  version  of  Florio,  which  Shakespeare  has 
followed  faithfully,  reads:  ''It  is  a  nation, 
would  I  answer  Plato,  that  hath  no  kinde  of 
traffike,  no  knowledge  of  Letters,  no  intelligence 
of  numbers,  no  name  of  magistrate,  nor  of 
politike  superioritie ;  no  use  of  service,  of  riches 
or  of  povertie;  no  contracts,  no  successions, 
no  partitions,  no  occupation  but  idle;  no 
respect  of  kindred,  but  common,  no  apparell 
but  naturall,  no  manuring  of  lands;  no  use 
of  wine,  corne,  or  mettle."  ^     Shakespeare,  in 

^  Cf.  Capell,  Notes  and  Various  Readings,  London, 
1781,  pt.  iv,  p.  63. 

2  Florio's  Montaigne,  bk.  i,  essay  30;  Tudor  Transla- 
tions, i.  222. 


MONTAIGNE  283 

his  "all  men  idle,  all,"  has  obviously  followed 
and  misinterpreted  Florio's  ambiguous  render- 
ing, "no  occupation  but  idle,"  for  the  original 
"nulles  occupations  qu'oysifves." 

The  works  of  the  two  men  offer  no  other  par- 
allel so  nearly  perfect  as  this.  Parallelism  of 
thought  is  of  course  frequent,  but  usually 
occurs  when  one  of  Shakespeare's  characters 
is  uttering  some  of  the  commonplaces  about 
death  and  Stoicism,  or  the  mysterious  and 
unsatisfactory  nature  of  life.  Only  occasionally 
is  there  a  resemblance  of  phraseology  so  strik- 
ing as  to  catch  one's  attention.  On  these 
occasional  instances  and  on  some  groupings 
of  parallels,  much  of  the  further  argument  for 
indebtedness  rests.  For  instance,  in  a  very 
few  pages  of  Florio's  version  of  the  nineteenth 
essay  of  the  First  Book,  "That  to  Philosophize  . 
is  to  learn  how  to  die,"  there  are  at  least  five 
passages  ^  expressive  of  Stoicism,  which  are 
fairly  well  paralleled  in  Shakespeare;  one  in 
Lear,  one  in  Hamlet,  and  three  in  Julius 
CoBsar,  Two  other  Stoic  passages  in  this  last 
play,  as  well  as  one  in  Much  Ado  About 
Nothing,  show  considerable  similarity  to  other 
passages  in  Florio.  In  the  Hamlet  passage,  1 
the  parallel  from  Montaigne  goes  a  long  way 
toward  clearing  up  a  doubtful  line  in  the  folio : 
"since  no  man  has  aught  of  what  he  leaves, 
what  is't  to  leave  betimes?"^  The  corre- 
sponding sentences,  as  rendered  by  Florio,  read: 
"Moreover,    no    man    dies    before    his    houre. 

^  See  appendix  C.  ^  Hamlet,  act  v,  sc.  2. 


284  MONTAIGNE 

The  time  you  leave  behind  was  no  more  yours 
than  that  which  was  before  your  birth,  and 
concerneth  you  no  more." 

More  characteristically  Montaigne's  are  the 
ideas  concerning  the  unsatisfactory  nature  of 
,  life,  assembled  in  the  speech  of  consolation  by 
1  the  disguised  Duke  to  Claudio  in  Measure 
j  for  Measure.  Every  turn  of  his  remarks  may 
be  paralleled  reasonably  well  with  passages  in 
Florio,  though  some  of  the  thoughts  are  far 
too  commonplace  to  afTord  valuable  evidence. 
Of  the  others,  eight  in  number,  one  shows 
resemblance  to  another  passage  in  the  nine- 
teenth essay  of  the  First  Book,  already  men- 
tioned ;  while  six  find  parallels  within  the  limits 
of  one  essay,  ''The  Apology  for  Raymond 
Sebond,"^  and  the  other  in  the  essay  imme- 
diately following  this.  In  this  same  ''Apology," 
moreover,  appear  possible  sources  for  other 
Shakespearean  passages,  — one  in  Lear,  one 
the  familiar  "such  stuff  as  dreams  are  made  on" 
in  the  already  obligated  Tempest,  and  another 
even  the  famous  soliloquy  of  Hamlet.^  Not 
indeed  in  the  particular  passage  of  Florio  noted 
in  the  last  connection,  but  only  two  or  three 
pages  before  it,  there  are  two  sentences  which 
may  go  far  to  explain  the  much  talked-of  mixed 
metaphor  in  the  soliloquy:  — 


"  —  take  up  arms  against  a  sea  of  troubles, 
And  by  opposing  end  them.'" 


>> 


^  Bk.  ii,  essay  12. 

2  These  parallels  are  given  in  detail  in  appendix  C. 


MONTAIGNE  285 

The  passage  from  Montaigne  reads :  — 

"Yet  I  sometimes  suffer  my  selfe  by  starts  to  be 
surprised  with  the  pinchings  of  these  unpleasant 
conceits,  which  whilst  I  arm  my  selfe  to  expell  or 
wrestle  against  them  assaile  and  beate  mee.  Loe 
here  another  huddle  or  tide  of  mischiefe  that  upon 
the  neck  of  the  former  came  rushing  upon  me." 

It  is  not  without  reason  that  so  many  men 
have  been  impressed  by  the  resemblance  between 
Hamlet  and  Montaigne.  The  wavering,  in- 
conclusive operations  of  the  Dane's  mind  are 
strikingly  similar  to  the  Pyrrhonistic  specu- 
lations of  the  French  essayist,  and  the  objects 
of  their  consideration  are  often  identical.  Both, 
for  instance,  concerned  themselves  with  the 
conflict  of  the  reason  and  the  will,  discussing 
it  under  similar  subdivisions  and  with  notably 
similar  phraseology.  A  number  of  good  paral- 
lels have  been  cited  in  this  connection,  two  in 
praise  of  reason,  one  going  to  the  opposite 
extreme  and  praising  rashness,  and  a  fourth 
advising  against  the  delay  that  comes  from 
balancing  reasons  against  each  other. ^ 

These  are  only  a  few  most  probable  specimens 
from  the  numerous  supposed  parallels  that  have 
been "  suggested.  In  a  case  like  this,  accumu- 
lation is  itself  a  kind  of  proof,  and  the  peculiar 
facility  for  grouping  which  these  examples  show, 
further  heightens  their  value.  Moreover,  the 
plays  concerned  are  in  every  case  those  which 
Shakespeare  criticism  is  now  agreed  in  placing 
at  such  times  that  they  might  well  be  influ- 

^  See  appendix  C. 


286  MONTAIGNE 

enced  by  the  preliminary  manuscripts  or  final 
printed  version  of  the  translation  of  Montaigne. 
At  the  best,  they  show  us  Shakespeare  only  as 
the  dramatist,  always  seeking  material,  and 
adapting,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  from 
a  great  storehouse  like  the  Essais,  views  and 
expressions  which  seem  consistent  with  his 
characters.  The  expressions  are  revitalized 
with  a  new  conciseness  and  poetic  quality,  but 
the  opinions  of  the  real  Shakespeare  remain,  as 
usual,  in  the  background. 
^  The  indebtedness  of  Jonson  to  Montaigne  is 
]  apparently  to  be  sought  in  the  Timber  rather 
1  than  in  his  dramas.  In  these  casual  thoughts 
of  his,  concerned  usually  with  the  life  of  man 
on  its  literary  or  artistic  side,  and  largely  free 
from  all  idea  of  dictation  to  men,  there  is  much 
more  resemblance  to  the  general  manner  of 
Montaigne  than  the  Essays  of  Bacon  afford. 
Jonson  confessed  himself  a  devoted  admirer 
of  Bacon's  style,  and  was  greatly  influenced  by 
it.  His  knowledge  and  recognition  of  Mon- 
taigne seem  no  less  certain.  The  British 
Museum  possesses  two  valuable  books  in  this 
connection,  one  a  copy  of  the  1603  edition  of 
Florio's  Montaigne,  Gontsimmg  what  is  regarded 
as  a  genuine  signature  of  Jonson;  the  other  an 
autograph  copy  of  Jonson's  Volpone,  presented 
to  John  Florio,  whom  he  salutes  as  ^'the  ayde 
of  his  Muses."  In  this  same  play,  Volpone^ 
acted  in  1605  and  printed  two  years  later,  there 
is  a  striking  bit  of  evidence  regarding  the 
tendency   then  prevailing  in   England   to   ap- 


MONTAIGNE  287 

propriate  the  material  of  Montaigne's  Essais, 
as  found  in  Florio.  In  the  third  act,  second 
scene,  Lady  Politick  Would-be,  speaking  of 
Guarini's  Pastor  Fido,  says:  — 

''All  our  English  writers, 
I  mean  such  as  are  happy  in  the  Italian, 
Will  deign  to  steal  out  of  this  author,  mainly; 
Almost  as  much  as  from  Montaignie." 

The  idea  Jonson  had  of  Montaigne's  relation 
to  other  essayists  is  indicated  in  a  passage  of 

the  Timber,  or  Discoveries :  ^  — 

''Some  that  turn  over  all  books,  and  are  equally 
searching  in  all  papers,  that  write  out  of  what  they 
presently  find  or  meet,  without  choice ;  by  which  means 
it  happens,  that  what  they  have  discredited  and  im- 
pugned in  one  week,  they  have  before  or  after  extolled 
the  same  in  another.  Such  are  all  the  essayists,  even 
their  master  Montaigne." 

Jonson's  debt  to  Montaigne  is  similar  to  that 
of  Bacon.  There  was  no  discipleship,  no  iden- 
tity of  philosophical  position.  If  he  borrowed, 
it  was  merely  chance  suggestions,  occasional 
ideas,  with  or  without  an  attendant  similarity 
in  phrasing.  Only  a  few  of  the  titles  of  sub- 
divisions in  the  Timber  correspond  to  the  elu- 
sive essay  subjects  of  Montaigne;  for  instance: 
1,  Fortune;  4,  Fame;  15,  Reputation  in  Coun- 
sel; 38,  Difference  of  Scholar  and  Pedant; 
57,  Eloquence;  62,  Memory;  74,  Knowledge; 
84,  The  Place  of  Princes.  Nearly  all  the  ap- 
parent borrowings  of  thought,  attended  by 
similarity  of  language,  are  of  the  type  of  com- 

^  Jonson,  Works,  ed.  G iff ord -Cunningham,  ix.  158. 


288  MONTAIGNE 

monplaces,  which  an  omnivorous  reader  like  Jon- 
son  might  have  picked  up  from  many  sources. 
One  of  them  alone  would  carry  no  weight;  in 
the  accumulation  there  is  considerable  prob- 
ability. Thus  Jonson  speaks  of  the  soul,  Florio 
of  the  mind,  as  entangling  herself  in  her  own 
works,  like  the  silkworm.^  Both  tell  how 
princes  learn  one  art  well ;  namely,  that  of  horse- 
manship, because  horses  are  no  flatterers  and 
would  as  soon  throw  prince  as  groom.  Mon- 
taigne gives  this  on  the  authority  of  Carneades. 
Both  tell  the  same  story  of  the  musician's 
answer  to  the  king,  but  the  chance  of  indebted- 
ness is  lessened,  since  Jonson  names  Alexander 
as  the  monarch,  and  Montaigne  mentions 
Philip.  They  have  the  same  account  of  men 
whose  eloquence  increases  with  their  anger, 
but  again  Jonson  mentions  no  names,  while 
Montaigne  states  what  is  reported  of  Severus 
Cassius.  Other  parallels  worthy  of  note  are 
those  regarding  the  relation  of  monarchs  to 
their  counsellors,  and  the  easy  roads  that  should 
be  provided  to  education.  Indeed,  half  a  score 
of  commonplaces  may  be  collected,^  in  which 

^  See  appendix  C  for  this  and  other  parallels. 

2  Dieckow,  op.  cit.,  p.  87  sq.  notes  the  following: 
(1)  undue  eagerness  for  results  only  hinders  us;  (2)  it  is 
wrong  to  elevate  one's  self  by  decrying  others;  (3)  old 
age  is  a  disease;  (4)  eloquence  of  the  pulpit  differs  from 
that  of  the  bar ;  (5)  the  condemnation  of  lying;  (6)  men 
turn  to  learning  only  for  material  gain;  (7)  riches  bring 
only  care  and  anxiety;  (8)  do  not  assume  virtue  only 
to  be  seen  of  men;  (9)  distance  seems  to  lend  enchant- 
ment to  the  view  of  men  and  things ;  (10)  the  relation  of 
poetry  and  philosophy. 


MONTAIGNE  289 

Jonson  takes  a  view  mentioned  by  Montaigne; 
but  these  were  equally  accessible  to  both  men 
in  the  classics,  or,  for  that  matter,  from  experi- 
ence. 

A    year    after    Jonson's    Volpone,    another  - 
dramatist,   John   Marston,   perhaps   makes   al-  j 
lusion   to    one    of   the    most    striking   notions 
expressed   by   Montaigne.     In  the   first   scene  . 
of  the  fourth  act  of  Parasitaster  (1606),  Zucconi 
exclaims:    '^0  Heaven!   that  God  made  for  a 
man  no  other  means  of  procreation  and  main- 
taining  the    world    peopled    but    by    women ! 
0 !  that  we  could  increase  like  roses,  by  being 
slipp'd  one  from  another,  —  or  like  flies,  pro- 
create with  blowing,  or  any  other  way  than  by 
a  woman."     This  attitude  of  mind  is  expressed 
at  great  length  in  the  fifth  essay  of  Montaigne's 
Third  Book. 

To  a  man  of  such  varied  interests  and  broad 
culture  as  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Montaigne's 
Essais  must  have  afforded  intense  delight, 
especially  because  of  their  message  of  individ- 
uality and  free  thought.  Raleigh  may  well 
have  known  these  essays  in  the  original;  but  [ 
the  translation  of  Florio,  with  its  attendant 
wave  of  popularity,  appeared  in  England  almost 
contemporary  with  the  beginning  of  his  long 
imprisonment,  thus  providing,  in  his  enforced 
idleness,  fresh  impetus  along  some  of  Mon- 
taigne's favorite  lines  of  thought.  Of  this 
result  we  can  be  positive;  for  Raleigh's  little  '■■ 
treatise.  The  Skeptick,  written  sometime  dur- 
ing his  incarceration,  is  merely  an  exposition  of  . 
u 


290  MONTAIGNE 

Pyrrhonism  along  the  same  lines,  with  the 
same  illustrations,  and  almost  in  the  same 
phraseology  as  that  of  Montaigne  in  his  ' 'Apology 
for  Raymond  Sebond."  Raleigh's  explanation 
of  the  Skeptick's  position  is  almost  identical 
with  the  definition  of  Pyrrhonism  given  and 
apparently  approved  by  the  essayist.  ''The 
Skeptick,"  says  Raleigh,  "doth  neither  affirm, 
neither  deny  any  Position,  but  doubteth  of  it, 
and  opposeth  his  Reasons  against  that  which 
is  affirmed  or  denied,  to  justify  his  not  consent- 
ing." ^  Montaigne  had  said:  "That  ignorance, 
which  knoweth,  judgeth,  and  condemneth  it 
selfe,  is  not  an  absolute  ignorance:  For,  to 
be  so,  she  must  altogether  be  ignorant  of  her 
selfe.  So  that  the  profession  of  the  Pyrrhonians 
is  ever  to  waver,  to  doubt  and  to  enquire ;  never 
to  be  assured  of  anything,  nor  to  take  any 
warrant  of  himself."  ^ 

In  supporting  his  approval  of  skepticism, 
Raleigh  makes  much  of  two  lines  of  argument: 
—  one,  that  sense  impressions  vary  with  the 
individual  and  are  therefore  unreliable;  the 
other,  that  the  belief  in  man's  great  mental 
superiority  over  beasts  is  unfounded.  There 
are  abundant  parallels  to  show  that  in  both  of 
these  he  is  closely  following  Montaigne.^  Under 
the  first  consideration,  both  men,  in  very  similar 
terms,  note  that  objects  assume  new  shades  of 
color  in  the  sight  of  men  variously  afflicted; 
that  the  shape   of  eyes   affects  the  apparent 

1  Raleigh,  Works,  ed.  Birch,  1751,  ii.  331. 

2  Florio,  op.  cit.,  ii.  207.  ^  g^e  appendix  C. 


MONTAIGNE  291 

shape  of  objects ;  that  the  size  and  form  of  the 
ear-passages  affect  conceptions  of  sound.  Both 
call  attention  to  conflicting  impressions  trans- 
mitted by  different  senses,  illustrating  this  by- 
perspective  in  paintings  and  by  our  impressions 
of  honey  and  ointment.  Summing  up,  Raleigh 
says:  ''These  great  Differences  cannot  but 
cause  a  divers  and  contrary  Temperament, 
and  Quality  in  those  Creatures;  and  conse- 
quently, a  great  Diversity  in  their  Fancy  and 
Conceit;  so  that  tho'  they  apprehend  one  and 
the  same  Object,  yet  they  must  do  it  after  a  di- 
verse Manner :  .  .  .  But  this  will  more  plainly 
appear,  if  the  Instruments  of  Sense  in  the 
Body  be  observed;  for  we  shall  find,  that  as 
these  Instruments  are  affected  and  disposed, 
so  doth  the  Imagination  conceit  that  which  by 
them  is  connexed  unto  it."  ^  Montaigne's  ex- 
pression is  as  follows:  ''Those  Sects  which 
combate  mans  science,  doe  principally  combate 
the  same  by  the  uncertainety  and  feeblenesse 
of  our  senses:  For  since  by  their  meane  and  in- 
termission all  knowledge  comes  unto  us,  .  .  . 
if  either  they  corrupt  or  alter  that,  which  from 
abroad  they  bring  unto  us,  if  the  light  which 
by  them  is  transported  into  our  soule  be  ob- 
scured in  the  passage,  we  have  nothing  else 
to  hold  by."  ^ 

On  the  second  consideration  Montaigne  has 
much  to  say  in  the  "Raymond  Sebond"  essay. 
Raleigh's    position    is    introduced    thus:     "If 

^  Raleigh,  Works,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  332. 
^  Florio,  op.  cit.,  ii.  316. 


292  MONTAIGNE 

it  be  said,  that  the  Imagination  of  Man  judgeth 
truer  of  the  outward  Object,  than  the  Imagi- 
nation of  other  living  Creatures  doth,  and  there- 
fore to  be  credited  above  others,  (besides  that 
which  is  already  said)  this  is  easily  refuted  by 
comparing  of  man  with  other  Creatures."  ^ 
Raleigh  then  follows  Montaigne  in  quoting 
from  Chrysippus  an  argument  for  the  dog's 
logic,  parallels  Montaigne's  statements  regard- 
ing the  dog's  change  of  voice  to  convey  dif- 
ferent ideas,  draws  further  suggestion  from 
Montaigne  concerning  the  language  of  birds, 
and  so  elaborates  his  instances  of  animal 
sagacity.  There  is  no  trouble  about  the  group- 
ing of  these  parallels,  for  both  discussions  are 
limited  in  space. 

Raleigh's  Instructions  to  his  Son  also  show 
some  possible  parallels  to  Montaigne.  For 
instance:  ''The  next  and  greatest  Care  ought 
to  be  in  the  Choice  of  a  Wife,  and  the  only 
Danger  therein,  is  Beauty,  by  which  all  Men 
in  all  Ages,  wise  and  foolish,  have  been  betrayed. 
And  though  I  know  it  vain  to  use  Reasons  or 
Arguments,  to  diss  wade  thee  from  being  cap- 
tivated therewith,  there  being  few  or  none  that 
ever  resisted  that  Witchery;  yet  I  cannot  omit 
to  warn  thee,  as  of  other  Things,  which  may 
be  thy  Ruin  and  Destruction."  ^  Montaigne 
had  said:^  ''I  see  no  marriages  faile  sooner, 
or  more  troubled,  then  such  as  are  concluded 
for  beauties  sake,  and  hudled  up  for  amorous 

1  Works,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  335.  ^  /^^^^  n  343^ 

^  Florio,  op.  cit.,  iii.  72. 


MONTAIGNE  293 

desires.  There  are  required  more  solide  foun- 
dations, and  more  constant  grounds,  and  a 
more  warie  marching  to  it :  this  earnest  youthly 
heate  serveth  to  no  purpose."  Both  agree 
further  in  their  discussion  of  drunkenness, 
taking  the  position  that  drinking  is  dangerous 
for  young  men,  but  may  be  excusable  for  old 
ones,  as  necessary  to  augment  their  declining 
'^natural  heat." 

An  interesting  and  somewhat  complicated  ] 
line  of  parallels  is  afforded  by  the  work  of  I 
William  Drummond  of  Ha\\i:hornden.  His  ' 
sojourn  in  France  from  1606  to  1609,  and  his 
extensive  reading  in  the  language  during  those 
and  subsequent  years  have  already  been  noted.* 
Though  his  sonnets,  written  between  1613  and 
1616,  seem  chiefly  to  have  gone  direct  to  Italian 
models,  a  certain  ''Song,"  ^  published  in  the 
collection  of  1616,  almost  certainly  draws  a  part 
of  its  inspiration,  at  least,  from  an  essay  of 
Montaigne.  This  is  the  same  essay  already 
considered  ^  as  having  inspired  much  of  the 
Stoicism  of  Shakespeare,  the  nineteenth  essay 
of  the  First  Book,  —  ''That  to  Philosophize  is 
to  learn  how  to  die."  Drummond's  "Song'^ 
deals  with  the  return  of  a  dead  mistress,  and 
proceeds  according  to  the  established  tenets 
of  Platonism,  with  which  it  blends  easily  the 

*  Supra,  pp.  7-8. 

2  Drummond,  Works,  folio  edition,  Edin.,  1711, 
p.  12  sq.  Drummond's  possible  dependence  on  Mon- 
taigne is  suggested  by  Jos.  Texte,  J^tudes  de  litter ature 
europeenne,  Paris,  1898,  p.  53. 

3  Supra,  p.  283. 


294  MONTAIGNE 

expressions  of  Stoicism.  This  combination  was 
apparently  a  pleasing  one  to  Drummond,  for 
j  in  his  dignified  and  beautiful  prose  treatise, 
^  A  Cypress  Grove,  appended  to  his  Flowers  of 
Sion,  published  in  1623,  the  same  material 
is  worked  over  and  expanded.  The  Platonism 
is  retained,  but  given  a  decided  Christian 
coloring  and  wrought  into  a  fervent  religious 
conclusion.  The  Stoic  ideas  receive  a  far 
greater  relative  prominence,  the  additions  and 
expansions  being  obviously  derived  from  a 
fresh  consideration  of  the  essays  of  Montaigne. 
The  conception  of  death,  which  most  of  Drum- 
.  mond's  treatise  is  occupied  with  developing, 
is  a  decidedly  familiar  one  to  the  reader  of 
Montaigne.  Speaking  of  death,  Drummond 
'  says:  ^^  To  a  mind  by  Nature  only  resolved 
and  prepared,  it  is  more  terrible  in  Conceit 
than  in  Verity;  and  at  the  First  Glance,  than 
when  well  pryed  into;  and  that  rather  by  the 
Weakness  of  our  Fantasy,  than  by  what  is  in 
it;  and  that  the  marble  Colours  of  Obsequies, 
Weeping,  and  funeral  Pomp  (which  we  our 
selves  paint  it  with)  did  add  much  more  Ghast- 
liness  unto  it  than  otherwise  it  hath."  Mon- 
taigne's statement  is:  '^Je  crois  a  la  verite  que 
ce  sont  ces  mines  et  appareils  effroyables, 
dequoy  nous  Tentournons,  qui  nous  font  plus 
de  peur  qu'elle:  une  toute  nouvelle  forme  de 
vivre;  les  cris  des  meres,  des  femmes  et  cles 
enfans;  la  visitation  de  personnes  estonnees  et 
transies;  I'assistance  d'un  nombre  de  valets 
pasles   et   esplorez;    une   chambre   sans   jour; 


MONTAIGNE  295 

des  cierges  allumez;  nostre  chevet  assiege  de 
medecins  et  de  prescheui's :  somme,  tout  horreur, 
et  tout  effroy  autour  de  nous.'' 

There  follows  a  series  of  unusually  convincing 
parallels.^  Millions  have  preceded  us  on  the 
highway  of  mortality,  and  millions  are  to  follow : 
this  idea  passes  from  Montaigne  to  The  Cypress 
Grove  through  the  medium  of  the  ^^Song." 
We  must  leave  room  for  others  as  others  have 
for  us:  this  is  borrowed  directly  from  Mon- 
taigne. Through  the  ^'Song"  comes  the  idea 
that,  whatever  our  will,  nature  forces  us  out  of 
life  as  she  forced  us  into  it ;  as  also  the  thought 
that  we  might  as  well  deplore  not  having  lived 
in  the  ages  past  as  that  we  shall  not  live  in  the 
age  to  come.  Both  these  ideas,  as  phrased  in 
The  Cypress  Grove,  seem  to  have  received  a 
fresh  impetus  from  Montaigne. 

Drummond  notes  the  real  weakness  of  man. 
^'When  he  is  in  the  brightest  Meridian  of  his 
Glory,  there  needeth  nothing  to  destroy  him, 
but  to  let  him  fall  his  own  Height:  a  Reflex 
of  the  Sun,  a  blast  of  Wind,  nay,  the  Glance  of 
an  Eye,  is  sufficient  to  undo  him."  ^  These 
remarks  at  once  suggest  Montaigne's  list  of 
small  but  mortal  accidents  in  the  twentieth 
essay  of  the  First  Book.  The  first  essay  of  the 
Second  Book,  "  De  Flnconstance  de  nos  actions," 
affords  a  basis  for  the  next  thought.  '^What 
Chameleon,"  says  Drummond,  ^'what  Euripe, 
what   Rainbow,   what   Moon   doth   change   so 

^  See  appendix. 

'Drummond,  Works,  ed.  cit.,  p.  119. 


296  MONTAIGNE 

often  as  Man?  He  seemeth  not  the  same 
Person  in  One  and  the  same  Day;  what  pleas- 
eth  him  in  the  Morning  is  in  the  Evening  unto 
him  distasteful."  ^ 

In  the  next  few  pages  of  The  Cypress  Grove, 
appears  an  argument  for  the  worthlessness  of 
those  things  in  which  men  glory,  —  greatness, 
knowledge,  cunning,  riches,  pleasures,  and  fame. 
Contempt  for  all  these  things  is  expressed  in 
various  places  in  Montaigne,  —  for  example, 
in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  essays  of 
the  Second  Book,  ''  De  la  Gloire  "  and  ''  De  la 
Presumption."  On  the  other  hand,  this  posi- 
tion is  thoroughly  in  line  with  all  Drummond's 
philosophy,  as  expressed  for  instance  in  the 
Flowers  of  Sion,  and  therefore  this  resemblance 
may  have  less  significance.  In  the  midst  of  his 
reasoning,  Drummond  takes  occasion  to  picture 
the  sad  condition  of  man  if  he  were  not  mortal.^ 
This  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  a  passage  in 
Montaigne's  ^^To  Philosophize  is  to  learn  how 
to  die";  ^  although  Drummond's  accompanying 
arguments  as  to  why  death  should  not  be  pain- 
ful seem  to  find  no  parallel  in  Montaigne. 

In  developing  the  idea  that  the  fear  of  death 
was  given  us  as  a  preventive  of  suicide,  Drum- 
mond seems  again  to  get  his  suggestion  from 
Montaigne's  Essais.  He  adds  to  it,  though, 
a  strangely  familiar  expression:  ''if  Man, 
for  Relief  of  Miseries  and  present  Evils,  should 
have  unto  it  Recourse,  it  being  apparently  a 

^  Drummond,  Works,  ed.  cit.,  p.  119.      ^  jjjid,^  p.  121. 
3  See  appendix. 


MONTAIGNE  297 

worse,  he  should  rather  constantly  endure  what 
he  knows,  than  have  Refuge  unto  that  which  he 
feareth,  and  knoweth  not."  ^  Whether  this  is 
mere  coincidence,  or  Drummond  phrased  his 
notion  with  a  recollection  of  the  familiar  ''  so- 
liloquy," is  an  open  question.  In  any  case  the 
Montaigne  passage  in  this  connection  would 
have  little  value  as  a  source  for  Hamlet's 
words.  A  considerable  number  of  really  strik- 
ing parallels  follow,^  some  with  and  some  with- 
out the  intervention  of  Drummond's  ^^Song." 
The  source  in  almost  every  case  is  the  same 
nineteenth  essay  of  Montaigne's  First  Book. 

Toward  the  end  of  Drummond's  treatise, 
his  religious  attitude  becomes  prominent,  to 
the  exclusion  of  both  Stoicism  and  Platonism. 
This  attitude  is  seen,  for  instance,  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  relations  of  soul  and  body,  and 
the  part  played  by  each  in  death  and  the 
resurrection:  questions  merely  opened  in  a 
noncommittal  fashion  in  Montaigne's  '^  Apology 
for  Raymond  Sebond."  The  '^Apology  "  is  hke- 
wise  noncommittal  in  stating  the  questions  con- 
cerning God's  power  over  the  laws  of  nature, 
and  the  ability  of  man  to  comprehend  it,  but 
there  is  no  hesitation  about  Drummond's 
views.  Drummond's  climax  —  that  man  is 
put  on  earth  as  steward  of  God's  possessions 
here,  and  is  destined  for  the  greater  glory  of 
heaven  —  is  not  developed  by  Montaigne  at  all. 
The  closer  the  comparison  of  these  two  works, 

^  Works,  ed.  cit.,  p.  121.         ^  ggg  appendix. 


298  MONTAIGNE 

however,  the  more  convincing  becomes  the 
evidence  that  Drummond  was  greatly  obligated 
to  Montaigne.  The  changes  he  introduced  are 
obvious.  He  enlarged  upon  the  thoughts  and 
introduced  new  and  connecting  ideas,  thereby 
producing  a  more  systematic  scheme  of  thought. 
He  gave  to  the  material  a  more  impressive 
and  poetically  beautiful  style.  Finally,  he 
suppressed  the  skepticism  and  substituted  a 
devoutly  religious  attitude. 

As  a  further  instance  of  the  impression  made 
upon  Drummond  by  this  whole  line  of  thought, 
attention  must  be  called  to  a  sonnet  of  his, 
first  published  in  1630,  with  the  second  edition 
of  Flowers  of  Sion.  It  is  entitled  "  Death's 
Last  Will,"  and  the  significant  lines  read:  — 

"This,  not  believed,  experience  true  thee  told, 
By  danger  late  when  I  to  thee  came  near. 
As  bugbear  then  my  visage  I  did  show, 
That  of  my  horrors  thou  right  use  might 'st  make, 
And  a  more  sacred  path  of  living  take : 
Now  still  walk  armed  for  my  ruthless  blow, 
Trust  flattering  life  no  more,  redeem  time  past, 
And  live  each  day  as  if  it  were  thy  last." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Burton's  Anatomy 
(J\  of  Melancholy  should  show  numerous  indications 
of  an  acquaintance  with  Montaigne.  The  book 
appeared  at  a  time  when  the  vogue  of  the  French 
essayist  must  have  become  widespread.^  It 
was  full  of  digressions,  and  so  pervaded  by 
the  academic  temperament  that  it  fairly  reeked 

^  The  first  edition  of  the  "  Anatomy  "  appeared  in  1621 ; 
others  in  1624,  1628,  1632,  1651,  1652,  1660,  and  1676. 


/ 


MONTAIGNE  299 

with  references  to  classic  ^'authorities/'  even 
as  did  the  advanced  skepticism  of  Montaigne. 
Between  the  authors  there  was  much  in  com- 
mon, both  leading  fairly  quiet,  introspective 
lives,  with  a  touch  of  morbidness  about  them; 
both  given  to  contemplating  man  as  they 
found  him  mirrored  in  themselves;  and  both, 
amid  constant  protestations  of  cheerfulness, 
turning  by  nature  toward  melancholy.  Both, 
indeed,  profess  themselves  followers  of  Democ- 
ritus. 

Added  to  these  things  is  the  fact  that  Burton 
definitely  names  Montaigne  no  less  than  seven 
times,  always  with  an  air  of  discipleship.  Thus : 
''To  have  an  oar  in  every  mans  boat,  to  taste 
of  every  dish,  and  sip  of  every  cup,  which  saith 
Montaigne,  was  well  performed  by  Aristotle 
and  his  learned  countryman  Adrian  Turnebus."  * 
Again,  in  a  footnote,  Burton  says:  "Montaigne, 
in  his  Essays,  speaks  of  certain  Indians  in 
France,  that  being  asked  how  they  liked  the 
country,  wondered  how  a  few  rich  men  could 
keep  so  many  poor  men  in  subjection,  that  they 
did  not  cut  their  throats."  ^  A  marked  simi- 
larity of  phrasing  attends  a  third  mention  of 
Montaigne.     Burton    declares:     "If    I    make 


^  Burton,  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  ed.  A.  R.  Shilleto, 
London,  1893,  i.  14.  Cf.  Florio's  Montaigne,  ed.  cit.,  i.  23; 
ii.  213;  i.  141;  ii.  129;  ii.  397.  The  figure  opening  this 
quotation  is  found  in  Florio,  but  not  in  the  French  origi- 
nal, showing  that  Burton  used  this  version.  This,  with 
the  references  to  follow,  is  noted  by  Dieckow,  op.  cit,, 
p.  96  sq. 

■  Burton,  ed.  cit.,  i.  406.     Cf.  Florio,  ed.  cit.,  i.  231. 


300  MONTAIGNE 

nothing,  as  Montaigne  said  in  like  case,  I  will 
mar  nothing ;  'tis  not  my  doctrine  but  my  study. 
I  hope  I  shall  do  nobody  wrong  to  speak  what 
I  think,  and  deserve  not  blame  in  imparting 
my  mind."  ^  Montaigne  had  said,  as  rendered 
by  Florio:  ''Now  as  Plinie  saith,  every  man  is 
a  good  discipline  unto  himself e,  alwayes  pro- 
vided he  be  able  to  prie  into  himself e.  This 
is  not  my  doctrine,  it  is  but  my  study :  And  not 
another  mans  lesson,  but  mine  owne;  Yet 
ought  no  man  to  blame  me  if  I  impart  the  same. 
What  serves  my  turne,  may  haply  serve  another 
mans;   otherwise  I  marre  nothing."  ^ 

In  another  place  ^  Burton  says :  '^  His  country- 
man Montaigne,  in  his  Essays,  is  of  the  same 
opinion,  and  so  are  many  others;  out  of  whose 
assertions  thus  much  in  brief  we  may  con- 
clude :  that  beauty  is  more  beholding  to  Art  than 
Nature,  and  stronger  provocations  proceed  from 
outward  ornaments,  than  such  as  nature  hath 
provided."  This  is  apparently  drawn  from  a  dis- 
cussion in  Montaigne's  ''Apology  for  Raymond 
Sebond,"  ^  a  discussion  which  is  also  the  basis  for 
another  acknowledged  borrowing,  later  in  the 
Anatomy,^  referring  to  the  sight  of  the  nude 
body  as  an  antidote  for  extreme  passion.  In 
this  instance  a  Latin  quotation  is  repeated,  with 
practically  the  same  English  translation  as  given 
by  Florio.  Still  farther  on^  Burton  says  of 
jealousy:  "Some  make  a  question  whether  this 

^  Burton,  ii.  147.      ^  Florio,  ii.  58.      ^  Burton,  iii.  100. 
*  Florio,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  184-185.     Cf.  also  ii.  343-344. 
«  Burton,  iii.  240.  « Ibid.,  iii.  305. 


MONTAIGNE  301 

headstrong  passion  rage  more  in  women  than 
men,  as  Montaigne.  But  sure  it  is  more  out- 
rageous in  women,  as  all  other  melancholy  is, 
by  reason  of  the  weakness  of  their  sex."  Mon- 
taigne had  said:  ^  ''After  we  have  knowen,  that 
without  comparison  they  ^  are  much  more  ca- 
pable and  violent  in  Love-effects  than  we,  as 
was  testified  by  that  ancient  Priest,  who  had 
beene  both  man  and  woman,  and  tried  the  pas- 
sions of  both  sexes."  Finally  Burton  quotes 
at  length,  ^  with  acknowledgment,  certain  of 
Montaigne's  statements  regarding  Julius  Csesar, 
Mahomet  the  Turk,  and  Ladislaus,  king  of 
Naples. 

In  the  intricate  scheme  of  the  Anatomy, 
Subsection  II  of  Member  III  of  Section  II  of 
Part  I  bears  the  title,  ''Of  the  Force  of  Imagi- 
nation." This  is  the  exact  title  of  the  twentieth 
essay  of  Montaigne's  First  Book,  which  Burton, 
if  at  all  under  the  influence  of  Montaigne,  might 
be  supposed  to  have  used.  That  he  did  so 
freely  is  amply  indicated  by  the  interesting  set 
of  parallels  that  may  be  produced.^  Burton's 
discussion  of  suicide  ^  brings  him  again  into  a 
territory  dear  to  the  Frenchman,  and  again 
we  may  expect  parallels.  The  material  this 
time  is  drawn  from  the  essay,  "  A  Custome  of 
the  He  of  Cea,"  ^  and  includes  among  other  things 
the  incident  of  the  Lacedaemonian  child  who 


^  Florio,  iii.  77.  '  I.e.  women. 

3  Burton,  iii.  314.  Cf.  Florio,  ii.  469-470. 

*  See  appendix.  *  Burton,  ed.  cit.,  1.  500. 

'  Bk.  ii,  essay  3. 


302  MONTAIGNE 

leaped  from  the  housetops,  Diogenes'  taunt 
to  the  dropsied  Speucippus,  the  opinion  of 
Seneca,  and  the  case  of  Vibius  Virius.  It  is  of 
course  the  association  of  these  last  references 
that  makes  them  significant.  The  fact  is, 
however,  that  so  often  the  same  illustrations  ^ 
and  quotations  ^  are  used  by  the  two  men  that 
one  is  strongly  tempted  to  override  natural 
suspicion  toward  such  evidence  and  offer  these 
as  added  proof  of  Burton's  indebtedness.  The 
frequent  resemblance  in  ideas  ^  adds  further 
weight  to  the  contention.  On  the-  whole,  the 
case  seems  an  especially  strong  one  for  the 
influence  of  Montaigne  in  the  Anatomy  of  Mel- 
ancholy, 

The  tendency  to  read  Montaigne  seems  to 
have  extended  to  John  Taylor,  the  Water  Poet, 
although  his  work  shows  no  such  probabilities 
of  indebtedness  as  it  does  in  relation  to  Rabe- 

^  (1)  The  Goths  save  the  libraries  of  Rome,  Burton, 
i.  39,  Flor.  i.  134;  (2)  Wives  and  Concubines,  Burton, 
iii.  339,  Flor.  i.  230;  (3)  John  Zisca's  drum.  Burton,  i. 
38,  Flor.  i.  25;  (4)  Niobe,  Burton  i.,  62,  300,  414,  Flor. 
i.  18;  (5)  Alexander  seeing  his  wounds  bleed.  Burton,  i. 
152,  Flor.  i.  303;  (6)  The  mule  and  the  salt,  Burton,  ii. 
22,  Flor.  ii.  169.     All  cited  by  Dieckow,  op.  cit.,  p.  102  sq. 

2Cf.  Dieckow,  op.  cit.,  pp.  108-110. 

3  E.g.  (1)  One  man  profits  by  the  losses  of  others; 
(2)  each  day  and  hour  brings  its  new  interests ;  (3)  man's 
variable  judgment;  (4)  it  is  foolish  to  estimate  one's 
self  too  high;  (5)  we  should  relieve  congested  popula- 
tion by  colonies  as  did  the  Romans;  (6)  the  cares  and 
anxieties  of  kings;  (7)  contempt  for  the  tricks  of  ora- 
tors; (8)  men  are  slaves  to  fashion,  —  Alexander's 
followers  stooped  because  he  did;  (9)  madness  as  an 
effect  of  fear;  (10)  physical  value  of  occasional  intoxi- 
cation.    Dieckow,  pp.   111-115. 


MONTAIGNE  303 

lais.  At  one  point  in  his  Folio,  published  in 
1630,  Taylor  includes  Montaigne  among  the 
list  of  histories  he  has  read.^  In  another  place  ^ 
he  quotes  a  statement  from  '^  Montaigne,  a 
learned  and  a  noble  French  Writer." 

There  are  certain  indications  of  indebtedness 
to  Montaigne  in  the  writings  of  Sir  Thomas 
Browne,  particularly  in  the  Religio  Medici.^ 
These  indications  are  chiefly  of  a  general  rather 
than  a  particular  nature,  however,  and  are 
materially  lessened  in  value  by  Browne's  own 
declaration  of  independence.  In  Browne's  life- 
time, men  w^re  already  suggesting  resemblances 
between  his  work  and  Montaigne's.  The  first 
appearance  of  the  Religio  Medici  was  in  the 
shape  of  a  pirated  edition  in  1639;  while  the 
first  authorized  edition  was  published  in  1643. 
In  this  edition  the  annotator.  Keck,  points  out 
two  parallels.  One  is  based  on  the  following 
statement  by  Browne:  ^'I  could  never  divide 
myself  from  any  man  upon  the  difference  of 
an  opinion,  or  be  angry  with  his  judgment  for 
not  agreeing  with  me  in  that  from  which, 
perhaps,  within  a  few  days,  I  should  dissent 
myself."  *  Keck  compares  this  with  a  passage 
in  "  The  Apology  for  Raymond  Sebond  " :  — 

"Combien  diversement  jugeons-nous  de  choses? 
Combien  de  fois  changeons-nous  nos  fantasies?    Ce 

1  John  Taylor,  Works,  folio  of  1630,  p.  217. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  381. 

^  Browne's  indebtedness  to  Montaigne  is  suggested  in 
Jos.  Texte,  Etudes  de  litterature  europeenne,  p.  61  sq. 

*  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  Works,  ed.  Wilkins,  London, 
1835,  ii.  8. 


304  MONTAIGNE 

que  je  tiens  aujourd'hui,  et  ce  que  je  crois,  je  le  tiens 
et  le  crois  de  toute  ma  croyance,  mais  n'est-il  pas 
advenu,  non  une  fois,  mais  cent,  mais  mille,  et  tous 
les  jours,  d 'avoir  embrasse  quelque  autre  chose?'' 

The  other  parallel  noted  by  Keck  is  concerned 
with  this  passage  from  Browne:  ^^For,  indeed, 
heresies  perish  not  with  their  authors ;  but,  like 
the  river  Arethusa,  though  they  lose  their 
currents  in  one  place,  they  rise  up  again  in 
another."  ^  He  compares  from  the  same  es- 
say of  Montaigne:  '^Nature  enserre  dans  les 
termes  de  son  progres  ordinaire,  comme  toutes 
autres  choses,  aussi  les  creances,  les  jugements 
et  opinions  des  hommes;  elles  ont  leur  revo- 
lutions." 

Browne  himself,  resenting  the  implication 
in  these  or  similar  comparisons,  took  occasion 
some  years  later  to  write  down  a  specific  denial 
of  indebtedness  to  Montaigne's  Essais.  The 
statements,  appearing  in  Browne's  miscellane- 
ous papers,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum, 
read  thus:  — 

"Some  conceits  and  expressions  are  common  unto 
divers  authors  of  different  countries  and  ages;  and 
that  not  by  imitation,  but  coincidence,  and  concurrence 
of  imagination,  fancy,  and  invention,  upon  harmony 
and  production.  Divers  plants  have  been  thought 
to  be  peculiar  unto  some  one  country;  yet,  upon 
better  discovery,  the  same  have  been  found  in  distant 
regions,  and  under  all  community  of  parts.  ...  In 
a  piece  of  mine,  published  long  ago,  the  learned  an- 
notator  hath  paralleled  many  passages  with  others  in 
Montaigne's  Essays:    whereas,  to  deal  clearly,  when 

^  Works,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  10. 


MONTAIGNE  305 

I  penned  that  piece  I  had  never  read  these  leaves  in 
that  author,  and  scarce  any  more  ever  since."  ^ 

Even  in  the  face  of  this  assertion,  there  are 
some  interesting  general  resemblances  between 
Browne's  work  and  Montaigne's  which  at  least 
deserve  mention.^  First  it  is  important  to  note 
that  the  Religio  Medici,  which  is  most  con- 
cerned in  this  discussion,  was  probably  written 
in  1635,  only  two  years  after  Browne  had  re- 
turned from  a  sojourn  in  France  and  Italy. 
Browne,  like  Montaigne,  presents  the  combina- 
tion of  advanced  skepticism  with  antiquated 
methods  and  time-worn  citations.  He  is  as 
old-fashioned  as  Burton;  as  widely  read  and  as 
credulous.  Like  Montaigne's,  his  work  is  lack- 
ing in  system,  and  makes  much  of  the  personal 
element.  Browne  is  another  who  studies  man 
through  the  medium  of  himself.  In  the  ad- 
dress ^'To  the  Reader"  prefixed  to  Religio 
Medici,  he  declares  the  work  to  have  been  "a, 
private  exercise  directed  to  myself,"  so  that 
''what  is  delivered  therein  was  rather  a  memo- 
rial unto  me,  than  an  example  or  rule  unto 
any  other." 

In  his  skepticism  Browne  is  more  given  to 
railing,  and  not  so  profoundly  serious  as  Mon- 
taigne. He  has  no  hesitation  in  approaching 
religious  questions ;  but,  like  Montaigne  in  "  Ray- 
mond Sebond,"  he  prefers  to  leave  the  clouds 
massed  about  the  Infinite.     Instead  of  stopping 

^  Quoted,  ibid.,  ii.  10. 

2  Many  of  these  comparisons  are  made  in  Texte,  op. 
cit.,  p.  61  sq. 

X 


306  MONTAIGNE 

with  Montaigne  at  the  merely  human  point 
of  view,  however,  Browne  passes  through  the 
region  of  uncertainty  to  a  degree  of  faith  that 
falls  down  and  worships.  There  are  two  other 
details  of  resemblance.  Browne,  too,  scorns 
the  thought  of  fearing  death;  but  in  his  case 
one  recognizes  sincerity,  while  regarding  Mon- 
taigne's excessive  protestation  there  is  always 
suspicion.  The  Religio  Medici  also  reexpresses 
Montaigne's  regret  that  man  is  not  able  to 
procreate  alone,  without  conjunction.  Like 
the  Frenchman,  Browne  affected  to  despise 
women,  and  like  him  again,  he  married  and 
lived  happily  with  his  spouse. 

This  carries  the  influence  of  Montaigne  through 
our  period.  He  appears  to  have  been  in  great 
part  the  inspiration  of  the  essay  vogue  in  Eng- 
land at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. Various  of  his  characteristic  peculiarities 
—  his  desire  for  freedom  of  thought,  his  personal 
point  of  view,  his  fondness  for  citations  — were 
repeated,  in  great  part  through  his  influence, 
in  numerous  English  writers.  Actual  disciple- 
ship  in  the  matter  of  his  essential  doctrine  of 
Pyrrhonism  finds  expression  in  only  one  im- 
portant document.  The  Skeptick  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh.  The  real  service  of  Montaigne  to  the 
English  writers  seems  to  have  consisted  in 
affording  them  a  veritable  storehouse  of  sug- 
gestions and  citations,  on  every  side  of  every 
desirable  subject,  so  arranged  that  they  were 
comparatively  easy  of  access.  The  evidence 
of  this   chapter  shows  that  Englishmen  were 


MONTAIGNE  307 

by  no  means  slow  to  take  advantage  of  the  / 
opportunity.     After  the  Restoration,   as   Eng-  I 
land   acquired   the   new   taste   for   speculative  / 
thought,    and    began    the    zealous    reading    of 
Pascal  and  Descartes,  interest  in  Montaigne's 
Essais    was    renewed,    and    they    acquired    an 
influence  much  more  vital  than  before.     One 
feature  of  their  popularity  was  the  new  English 
translation,  in  1685,  from  the  pen  of  Charles 
Cotton. 


CHAPTER  VII 
Seventeenth  Century  Precieuses  and  Pla- 

TONISTS 

It  is  true  that  the  characteristics  represented 
by  the  terms  ^^precieuse"  and  ^^Platonist" 
have  fundamentally  nothing  to  do  with  each 
other.  During  the  progress  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  however,  circumstances  of  environ- 
ment brought  these  characteristics  into  intimate 
^  contact,  as  they  were  cherished  and  exploited 
together  in  the  same  circles  of  French  and  Eng- 
lish society.  Both  terms,  employed  in  such 
connections,  must  be  given  rather  broad  con- 
notations, for  the  precieuses  of  this  time  were 
a  brilliant  and  mobile  group  of  social  leaders, 
and  their  Platonism  was  incidental  to  their 
relations  with  the  coteries. 

Neither  preciosite  nor  ^'Platonism"  came  with 
any  degree  of  novelty  to  the  threshold  of  the 
century.  The  reconstructed  tenets  of  Platonic 
doctrine  had  long  before  found  a  naturally 
sympathetic  medium  in  the  Petrarchan  sonnet 
tradition  of  Italy;  and  with  its  help  had  been 
taken  up  by  the  refined  society  there,  to  be 
spread  abroad,  either  through  poetic  borrowing 
or  through  the  more  direct  influence  of  II  Cor-u 
tegiano  and  its  kindred,   until  Platonism  had 

308 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  309 

flowered  and  well-nigh  decayed  in  France  and 
England  both,  — a  poet's  dream  and  a  lover's 
fancy.  The  ^'precious"  tendency,  manifest 
wherever  emphasis  is  placed  upon  the  luxurious 
refinement  of  expression,  rather  than  upon 
lucidity  of  thought  and  depth  of  emotion,  had 
appeared  freely  throughout  Europe  in  the  train 
of  the  Renaissance,  as  men  reveled  in  the  fair 
and  subtle  possibilities  of  their  own  vernacular. 

Both  these  tendencies,  for  a  time,  seemed 
in  a  fair  way  to  decay  before  the  conditions  of 
society  were  favorable  to  their  departure; 
then  suddenly  they  were  rehabilitated.^  The 
story  of  their  revival  is  a  familiar  one.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
court  of  France  was  coarse,  licentious,  given  up 
to  intrigue.  Catherine  cle  Vivonne,  of  Italian 
birth  and  training,  entered  this  court  at  this 
time  as  the  bride  of  the  Marquis  de  Rambouillet. 
Being  at  once  beautiful,  refined,  talented,  and 
virtuous,  she  found  nothing  to  her  liking  there, 
and  by  1608  had  withdrawn  to  her  own  dwelling 
and  begun  to  exercise  her  remarkable  powers 
of  hospitality.  Soon  there  grew  up  about  her 
a  circle  of  intimates,  spirits  more  or  less  kindred, 
who  gladly  congregated  at  this  attractive  home, 
where  refined  amusement  was  dispensed  and 
polished  expression  encouraged. 

Almost  contemporary  with  the  beginning  of 

^  It  should  be  noted  that  in  this  rehabilitation  the  use 
of  the  name  ''  Platonism,"  or  rather  of  the  adjective 
"  Platonic,"  is  characteristic  of  the  English  courtiers, 
to  whose  minds  it  seerns  to  have  indicated  much  that 
was  involved  in  French  preciosite. 


1 


310  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

the  Hdtel  de  Ramhouillet,  there  was  published 
in  France  the  first  part  of  D'Urfe's  long-winded 
pastoral  romance,  the  Astree.  The  first  two 
books  were  printed  in  1610,  though  the  work 
was  somewhat  known  to  the  public  before  that 
time.^  It  came  as  the  most  comprehensive 
specimen  of  its  kind  yet  devised,  displaying  in 
its  interminable  career  all  the  recognized  con- 
ventions of  the  Greek  and  Spanish  romances, 
together  with  those  of  the  Italian  pastoral. 
There  was  the  ever  submissive,  ever  faithful 
lover,  bowing  to  adverse  fate  and  to  his  lady's 
interpretation  of  proprieties,  the  long  train  of 
heroic  adventure,  the  psychological  analysis, 
the  surfeit  of  polite  manners  and  courtly  con- 
versation, the  frequent  device  of  disguises, 
the  employment  of  subsidiary  pairs  of  lovers, 
the  intervention  of  oracles,  the  extravagance  of 
an  over-ripe  rhetoric,  the  tendency  to  present 
contemporary  people  as  characters  in  the  story. 
Familiar  situations  and  incidents  would  meet 
the  reader  at  every  turn.  But,  for  some  reason, 
what  appeared  as  the  final  resultant  of  centuries 
of  development  suddenly  found  itself  seized 
upon  with  fresh  zeal  by  the  public,  and  thus 
became  the  impetus  of  an  entirely  new  line  of 
activity.  The  Astree  became  immensely  popu- 
lar, and  in  its  cultured  polish  appealed  primarily 
to  the  very  class  of  people  who  were  gathering 
into  the  circle  of  Madame  de  Rambouillet. 
The  story  was  refinement  itself,  with  a  becom- 
ing observance  of  all  the  proprieties.     Conver- 

^  Cf.  Drummond's  letter,  infra,  p.  366. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  311 

sation,  naturally  the  chief  resource  of  the  Hdtel 
de  Rambouillet,  was  a  prominent  feature  of 
the  book;  and  one  of  the  favorite  topics  of  the 
circle's  discussions  was  the  moving  passion  of 
the  whole  story  — love.  The  one  new  thing, 
indeed,  which  the  Astree  seems  to  have  added 
to  the  mass  of  conventions  which  it  assembled, 
is  an  element  especially  significant  in  seven- 
teenth century  France,  and  already  manifest 
in  the  first  principles  of  the  Hotel ;  namely,  \ 
conformity  to  reason  and  recognized  standards. 
In  the  Astree  more  than  the  manners  of  knights 
and  ladies  conformed  to  the  proprieties.  There 
was  a  fairly  obvious  attempt  to  give  a  historic 
basis  to  the  whole  narrative,  to  fix  it  somewhere 
in  the  realm  of  time  and  space;  a  drifting,  in 
other  words,  tow^ard  what  men  have  since 
characterized  as  the  mondaine  spirit. 

From  this  time  on,  for  half  a  century,  there  \ 
was  a  constant  relation  between  romances  and  ^ 
social   circles.     Specimens   of  the   former  were 
read  and  discussed  freely  by  the  latter,  and  went 
far    to    encourage    and    emphasize    tendencies 
already  prevalent  there.     Thus  the  ultra-Pla- 
tonic  spirit   of  the  romance  wooings   gave  its   \ 
color  to  the  fashionable  love-making  of  society; 
and   the   growing   custom   of   concealing   well- 
known  personages  under  the  guise  of  romance 
characters  lent  approval  to  the  high-sounding 
anagrammatic  pseudonyms  of  the  coterie  leaders. 
These  leaders  in  turn  gave  their  attention  to 
the  composition  of  now  romances,  working  into 
them  the  tone  and  spirit  of  their  social  gather- 


312  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

ings,  in  the  various  modifications  resulting 
from  the  passage  of  years.  For  these  reasons 
there  will  be  some  confusion  in  the  attempt 
that  seems  most  desirable  for  these  chapters, 
to  treat  separately  the  social  effects  of  France 
on  England,  and  the  more  direct  borrowings 
from  French  romance  in  the  interest  of  English 
romance  and  drama. 

This  development  of  the  coterie  in  France  dur- 
ing the  first  half  of  the  century  being  an  emi- 
nently vital  and  constantly  changing  thing,  it 
seems  best  for  our  purposes  to  attempt  a  general 
definition  of  it  in  its  flower  —  prior,  perhaps,  to 
1625  or  1630;  and  again  in  its  extravagantly 
pedantic  decadence,  as  it  appeared  toward  the 
middle  of  the  century. 

In  its  essentials,  the  Hdtel  de  Rambouillet, 
the  first  great  representative  of  this  movement, 
was  more  closely  akin  to  the  earlier  circles  of 
the  Italian  nobility,  as  they  are  mirrored  4n 
II  Cortegiano,  than  to  'the  later  household 
gatherings  in  France  and  England,  where  the 
patronage  extended  by  a  wealthy  and  accom- 
plished lady  to  a  circle  of  dependent  authors 
played  so  prominent  a  part.^  The  spirit  of 
the  Hotel  was  at  least  dual  in  its  origin,  com- 
n  bining  the  delicacy  and  gallantry  of  the  Italian 
/'   tradition   with   the   gravity   and   nobility   dis- 

^  Supra,   p.    58   sq.      The  manners  of  these   French 
precieuses  were   probably  modeled  on  those  of   Italian 
/  circles    of   the    later    sixteenth   century,    especially    in 

Ferrara  and  Sienna.  Annibale  Romei's  Discorsi  (1581, 
Engl,  trans.  1598),  for  instance,  would  represent  the 
tone  of  such  society  better  than  II  Cortegiano. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  313 

played  in  the  adventurous  narratives  of  Spanish 
romance.  This  Spanish  tendency  to  magnify 
the  gallantly  heroic  was  perhaps  heightened 
at  this  time  by  the  contrasting  roughness  of 
the  French  court.  As  in  the  Italian  coteries, 
the  influence  of  woman  was  dominant,  but  this 
time  to  such  a  degree  that  it  gave  a  peculiarly 
distinctive  tone  to  all  the  proceedings,  — the 
amusements,  the  intellectual  and  literary  ex- 
ercises, the  utmost  vagaries  of  conversation. 
In  this  new  coterie,  the  man  of  letters,  no  matter 
what  his  rank,  might  stand  practically  on  an 
equality  with  the  highest  representative  of  the 
nobility.  The  prime  requisite  was  the  posses- 
sion of  sufficient  esprit,  accompanied  by  emi- 
nently proper  manners.  The  regard  for  the 
convenances  was  developed  to  an  unprecedented 
degree,  to  correspond  to  the  advancing  critical 
spirit  of  the  country.  The  all-important  place 
given  to  conversation  was  regarded  later,  at 
any  rate,  as  in  itself  an  outgrowth  of  feminine 
domination.  Skill  in  discussion,  sparkle  in 
the  give-and-take  of  repartee,  was  an  end  in 
itself;  and  anything,  however  trivial,  served 
as  a  pretext  for  conversational  exercise.  The 
efforts  at  poetry  were  little  more  than  embel- 
lishments to  this  conversation,  — improptu, 
ephemeral  trifles,  which  lost  their  charm  when 
taken  from  their  surroundings  or  thrown  into 
collected  form.  As  might  be  expected,  a  large 
measure  of  attention  was  given  to  the  passing 
of  courtly  compliment  and  to  the  devious 
processes     of     formal     love-making,     at     first 


314  PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS 

treated  apparently  with  a  half-playful  serious- 
ness. 

The  second  period  of  this  precieuse  movement 
displayed  a  natural  outgrowth  of  decadent 
absurdities.  Imitations  of  the  Hotel  de  Ram- 
houillet  sprang  up  generally  throughout  France, 
and  in  many  instances  extended  their  hospi- 
tality freely  to  the  ambitious  bourgeoisie.  The 
way  had  been  prepared  for  this  in  the  circle 
of  Madame  de  Rambouillet,  when  esprit  was 
accepted  as  a  fundamental  standard  of  ex- 
cellence. Naturalness  to  a  great  degree  gave 
waj^  to  affectation.  Women  became  strong- 
minded  pedants,  claiming  a  pretentious  part 
in  public  affairs  and  parading  their  supposed 
learning.  Platonic  wooing  became  an  exag- 
gerated prudery  combined  with  coquetry,  a 
love  relation  not  always  pure,  a  series  of  intri- 
cate maneuvers  according  to  false  standards,  one 
of  which  proclaimed  marriage  a  mere  slavery. 
Assumed  names,  as  well  as  periphrases  for  all 
simple  statements,  became  a  necessity,  and  the 
language  of  the  elect  grew  into  a  strange  jargon. 
From  the  tendency  to  represent  people  of  the 
day  as  romance  characters  came  the  vogue 
of  portraits,  sometimes  in  stories,  sometimes 
for  their  own  sakes. 

Both  these  stages  of  preciosite  appear  to  have 
found  a  place  across  the  Channel  prior  to  the 
Restoration :  the  first  as  a  concerted  movement 
inspired  by  the  presence  in  England  of  Henri- 
etta Maria,  the  French  queen  of  Charles  I. ;  the 
second  through  the  natural  decadence  of  this 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  315 

movement,  assisted  by  various  fresh  lines  of 
impulse  direct  from  France.     When  Henrietta  \^ 
came  as  a  bride  to  England,  in  1625,  conditions  ^ 
were  peculiarly  ripe  for  any  formal  activity  that  j 
made  for  refinement.     The   rough    freedom  of 
the  court  of  James  I.  ^  had  encountered  a  check 
in  the  somewhat  finer  nature  of  Charles,  who  - 
was  more  romantic  in  his  attitude  to  women, 
and  never  even  cynical  in  his  gallantries.     His 
quest  of  the  Spanish  Infanta,  indeed,  was  in 
the  true  vein  of  the  popular  romances;   and  to 
Henrietta,  who  was  later  won  for  him,  he  was 
affectionate    and    faithful.     The    influence    of  ^ 
the    queen,    Anne    of    Denmark,    had    been    a 
slightly  redeeming  one  in  James's  reign;    and 
various  literary  women,  fond  of  extending  pat- 
ronage somewhat  in  the  fashion  of  the  earlier 
coterie,  had  offered  a  refuge  for  real  sincerity  ' 
of   refinement.     Most   significant   among   these 
appears  Lucy  Harrington,  Countess  of  Bedford, 
whose  position  resembled  that  of  the  Countess 
of  Pembroke,  except  that  she  made  less  of  her 
household  as  the  center  of  a  coterie.     Donne, 
Jonson,   Daniel,  Chapman,  Drayton,  and  John 
Davies  of  Hereford  all  pay  tribute  to  her  in  one  ' 
form  or  another,^  the  last-mentioned,   for  in- 
stance, dedicating  his  Muses  Sacrifice  to  her 

^  Cf .  the  description  of  an  entertainment  at  Theobald's 
to  Christian  of  Denmark,  1606,  in  Nugce  Antiquce, 
London,  1804,  i.  348  sq.  This  reference,  and  much  of 
the  material  in  the  next  few  pages,  is  drawn  from  J.  B. 
Fletcher,  "Precieuses  at  the  Com"t  of  Charles  I.,"  in 
Jour,  of  Comp.  Lit.,  i.  141  sq. 

2  Cf.  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 


316  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

in  1612,  as  ^'darling  as  well  as  patroness  of  the 
Muses." 

Platonism  in  England,  as  already  noted,  had 
become  in  this  period  a  poet's  dream,  finding  an 
expression  of  its  mystic  speculation  in  the  work 
of  Drummond  and  Donne.  Occasionally"  it 
found  a  place  in  court  shows  during  the  time 
of  the  chivalrous  Prince  Henry,  where  '^  ques- 
tions of  love"  were  sometimes  submitted  to 
the  decision  of  combat.^  In  one  of  these, 
Jonson's  A  Challenge  at  Tilt  at  a  Marriage, 
1613,  the  question  is  as  to  which  is  the  superior 
love,  that  of  Man,  ^Hhe  nobler  creature,"  or 
of  Woman,  ^'ihe  purer."  Anteros,  who  sustains 
the  Woman's  cause,  is  in  another  masque.  Love 
Restored,  called  by  Jonson  ^^Anti-cupid,  the 
Love  of  Virtue,"  and  is  therefore  identical  with 
Platonic  love,  as  understood  by  the  precieuses.^ 
An  important  expression  of  the  ideals  of  Platonic 
love  during  this  period  was  of  course  Fletcher's 
pastoral  drama  of  chastity.  The  Faithful  Shep- 
herdess. This  was  produced  as  early  as  1608- 
1609,  and  was  at  that  time  a  complete  failure, 
in  part,  no  doubt,  because  the  people  were  not 
then  in  a  mood  to  take  it  seriously.  In  fact, 
Fletcher  himself  was  antagonistic  to  such  views, 
and  thus  perhaps  arose  the  cynically  artificial 
tone  of  the  performance.^ 

Politeness  at  this  time  often  found  expression 

^  Cf.  Nichols,  Progresses  of  James  /.,  ii.  49,  51,  716,  727. 
2  Noted  by  J.  B.  Fletcher,  op.  cit.,  p.  144,  note. 
2  Cf .  W.  W.  Greg,  Pastoral  Poetry  and  Pastoral  Drama, 
London,  1906. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  317 

in  the  fantastic  observances  developed  from  the  ( 
flood  of  Courtesy  Books,  which  France  had  been 
largely  responsible  for  scattering  broadcast,  and 
blending  with  the  late  effects  of  Euphues  and 
Arcadia}  Thus  in  Jonson's  Cynthia's  Revels, 
1600,  Amorphus  is  a  master  of  courtly  compli-' 
ment  and  wooing,  with  Asotus  as  his  pupil. 
The  latter,  after  a  burlesque  series  of  instruc- 
tions, issues  a  challenge  to  combat  with  the 
four  weapons,  —  ''  the  bare  accost,"  "  the  better 
regard,"  "  the  solemn  address,"  and  "  the  perfect 
close."  Mercury,  disguised  as  a  French  stranger, 
enters  the  contest  against  master  instead  of 
pupil,  and  wins.  In  Shirley's  Love,  Tricks, 
or  The  School  of  Compliment,  acted  1625,  the 
disguised  Gasparo  organizes  a  '^  Compliment 
School,"  which  purports  to  give  instruction  in 
good  manners  and  eminently  fine  expression. 
As  indicated,  the  influence  of  Sidney's  Arcadia 
was  still  pervasive.  Sir  William  Alexander 
added  to  Sidney's  romance  in  1621,  and  Richard 
Beling  appended  a  sixth  book  in  1627.  Nine 
editions  appeared  between  1600  and  1642,  and 
numerous  plays  were  based  on  both  the  main 
story  and  minor  episodes.^  The  medieval  court- 
of-love  machinery  is  employed  in  certain  plays, 

*  As  examples  of  Courtesy  Books  translated  into 
English  maybe  noted  :  E.  de  Refuge,  Traite  des  cours,  1617, 
translated  by  John  Reynolds,  A  Treatise  of  the  Court, 
1642;  L.  Ducci,  Ars  Aidica,  or  the  Courtiers  Arte,  trans- 
lated by  E.  Blount,  1607;  Gracian  Dantisco,  Galateo  Es- 
panol,  translated  into  English  in  1640. 

^  On  the  main  story:  (1)  Day,  The  Isle  of  Gulls, 
acted  1605;  (2)  Love's  Changelings'  Change  (Ms.); 
(3)  The  Arcadian  Lovers,  or  the  Metamorphosis  of  Princes 


318  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

where  love  courts  or  parliaments  are  held  to 
try  cases  arising  out  of  distinctly  contemporary 
conditions,  but  there  is  nothing  of  the  Platonic 
about  them.^  The  Astree  had  been  early 
translated,  but  had  apparently  been  regarded 
as  merely  one  more  conventional  romance. 

The  young  queen  Henrietta,  though  not 
submitted  directly  to  the  influence  of  the  Hdtel 
de  Ramhouillet,  had  no  doubt  grown  up  in 
sympathy  with  much  of  its  significance,  and 
had  become  well  acquainted  with  its  tenets, 
as  court  and  coterie  continued  to  grow  closer 
together.  She  was  born  in  1609,  and  brought 
up  under  the  care  of  Madame  de  Monglat,  and 
her  daughter  Madame  St.  George.  From  ear- 
liest childhood  her  inclination  was  toward 
accomplishments  and  the  fine  arts,  rather  than 
toward  more  solid  learning.  As  a  child  she 
found  particular  amusement  in  private  theatri- 
cals, and  soon  learned  to  dance  and  sing  with 
unusual  ability.  She  frequently  took  part 
in  court  ballets  and  state  pageants,  and  after 
1620  shared  joyously  in  all  social  activities. 
Her  future  husband,  indeed,  first  saw  her  as 
she  was  dancing  in  a  masque  with  the  young 
French  queen  and  the  court  ladies.^    A  little 

(Ms.);     (4)    Shirley,   Arcadia,   acted   about    1632.      On 
episodes:    (1)  Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  Cupid's  Revenge,-^ 
printed-1615;     (2)  Glapthorne,   Argalus  and  Parthenia, 
printed  1639;  (3)  J.  S.,  Andromania,  printed  1660. 

^  Cf.  Marston,  Parasitaster,  or  The  Fawn,  1606,  and 
Massinger,  The  Parliament  of  Love,  1624. 

2  Cf .  Letters  of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  ed.  Mary  A.  E. 
Green,  London,  1857,  pp.  3-4;  and  Agnes  Strickland, 
Lives  of  the  Queens  of  England,  vol.  v. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  319 

later,  during  the  first  negotiations  for  Hen- 
rietta's hand,  Lord  Kensington  wrote  of  her 
to  Charles:  '^She  dances  —  the  which  I  am 
witness  of  —  as  well  as  ever  I  saw  any  one :  they 
say  she  sings  most  sweetly ;  I  am  sure  she  looks 
as  if  she  did."  ^  Through  one  circumstance, 
at  least,  Henrietta  was  brought  into  almost 
direct  contact  with  the  Hdtel  de  Ramhouillet, 
only  a  little  while  before  her  departure  for 
England.  Gombauld,  a  young  poet  of  the 
Hdtel,  conceived  an  ambitious  passion  for 
Marie  de  Medicis,  the  mother  of  Henrietta, 
and  gave  expression  to  this  in  his  romance 
Endyynion.  He  received  the  advice  and  encour- 
agement of  Madame  de  Rambouillet  in  this 
venture,  and  when  at  last  he  was  bidden  to 
read  his  composition  at  court,  held  a  complete 
dress  rehearsal  under  Madame  de  Rambouillet's 
criticism.  Endymion  was  graciously  received 
by  Marie  de  Medicis  and  the  queen,  and  was 
printed  at  their  request  in  1624,  after  circu- 
lating for  some  time  in  manuscript. 

It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  go  into  detail 
concerning  Henrietta's  arrival  in  England  with 
her  French  Catholic  retinue,  and  the  troublous 
times  immediately  ensuing  there. ^  The  feeling 
between  the  two  countries  was  intense;  the 
retinue  of  the  girl  queen  was  tactless  and  highly/ 
partisan,  doing  much  by  its  advice  to  arouse 

^  Strickland,  op.  cit.,  v.  198. 

^  Cf.    James    Howell,    Familiar   Letters,    ed.    Jacobs,    ^ 
London,    1892,    pp.    238,    242.     The    Calendar   of  State 
Papers  for  tliis  period  affords  abundant  details. 


320  PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS 

hostility  between  husband  and  wife.  At  length 
the  king  summarily  dismissed  the  entire  house- 
hold; and  not  until  the  embassy  of  the  broad- 
minded  Bassompierre,  at  the  close  of  1626, 
was  the  disturbance  really  calmed.  Then  fol- 
lowed a  period  of  comparative  peace,  growing 
better  daily,  and  court  and  queen  began  to 
meet  on  a  friendly  footing  and  get  really  ac- 
quainted. 

In  1627  a  certain  W.  D.  translated  from  the 
French  a  romance  by  Vital  d'Audiguier,  with 
the  title,  A  Tragi-Comicall  History  of  Our 
Times,  Under  the  Borrowed  Names  of  Lisander 
and  Calista.  The  translator  dedicated  this 
to  ^'Mistris  Francis  Fortescu  and  Mistris  Eliza- 
beth Duncomb,"  with  these  words:  '^This 
French  Knight  and  his  Lady  being  importuned, 
contrary  to  their  design,  and  the  fashion  of 
this  time  (which  is  almost  all  French)  to  appear 
to  publick  view  in  this  their  English  habit; 
and  knowing  how  subject  strangers  are  to 
malignant  humours  (a  disposition  grown  so 
common,  that  like  a  contagious  disease  it  hath 
infected  the  whole  world)  they  have  made  bold 
to  expose  themselves  abroad  under  your  aus- 
picious and  candid  names  ..."  This  would 
indicate  that,  as  early  as  1627,  people  felt 
strongly  the  effect  of  French  influence.  It 
would  not  be  impossible  to  read  into  the  line 
concerning  strangers  and  ^'mahgnant  humours" 
a  reference  to  the  unfortunate  experiences  of 
the  queen  upon  her  first  coming. 

Certainly  by  1631  she  was  in  the  best  of 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  321 

spirits  and  perfectly  at  home  in  her  EngUsh 
court ;  while  even  before  this  she  was  gratifying 
her  fondness  for  dramatic  pieces,  and  the  kind 
she  had  enjoyed  at  home,  at  that.  Records  ^ 
show  that  the  Christmas  of  1625,  even,  was 
celebrated  by  plays  at  court,  one  of  them  being 
a  French  pastoral.  In  the  following  March  it 
is  noted  that  the  queen  has  acted  in  a  masque, 
^' which  once  would  have  been  thought  a  strange 
sight."  The  queen  appears  to  have  prepared 
a  masque  for  the  Christmas  season  of  1626  also. 
Amusement  is  emphatically  the  key-note  of 
a  letter  sent  by  her  to  Madame  St.  George  in 

1631.  ^'Send  me,"  she  says,  "a.  dozen  pairs 
of  sweet  chamois  gloves,  and  also  I  beg  you 
to  send  me  one  of  doeskin ;  a  game  of  joucheries, 
one  of  poule  and  the  rules  of  any  species  of 
games  now  in  vogue."  ^  "  The  following  spring," 
adds  the  English  editor  of  Henrietta's  letters, 
referring  to  the  Gazettes  de  France,  for  June  4, 

1632,  '^we  find  her  heading  a  train  of  lords  and 
ladies,  filling  no  fewer  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  coaches,  on  a  Maying  expedition.  The 
queen  was  dressed  a  VAnglaise,  and  no  sooner 
was  a  bush  spied,  with  its  beautiful  load  of  white 
and  pearly  blossoms,  than  she  sprang  out  of  her 
coach,  gathered  the  first  branch,  and  placed  it 
in  her  hat." 

Dramatic  annals  show  that  in  1629  a  company 
of  French  players,  with  women  in  the  troupe, 
appeared    with    questionable    success    on    the 

1  Cf.  Calendar  of  State  Papers  for  1625-1626. 

2  Cf.  Letters  of  Henrietta  Maria,  ed.  cit.,  p.  18. 

Y 


322  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

English  stage. ^  These  people  had  probably 
counted  on  the  patronage  of  the  court,  but  for 
some  reason,  either  because  their  work  was  of 
a  low  order,  or  because  Henrietta  was  unwilling 
to  outrage  what  was  yet  a  powerful  English 
prejudice,  this  patronage  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  forthcoming.^  Ben  Jonson's  comedy.  The 
New  Inn,  acted  in  the  same  year,  is  more  sig- 
nificant. Lovel,  whose  modesty  has  thus  far 
permitted  him  to  love  the  Lady  Frampul  only 
at  a  distance,  gives  a  description  of  her,  in  the 
first  act. 

"She  is 
A  noble  lady !  great  in  blood  and  fortune ! 
Fair !    And  a  wit !  but  of  so  bent  a  phant'sie, 
As  she  thinks  naught  a  happiness,  but  to  have 
A  multitude  of  servants  !  ^  and  to  get  them, 
(Though  she  be  very  honest)  yet  she  ventures 
Upon  these  precipices,  that  would  make  her 
Not  seem  so,  to  some  prying,  narrow  natures." 

In  the  next  scene  of  the  same  act  he  says 
again :  — 

"She  being  the  lady  that  professeth  still 
To  love  no  soul  or  body,  but  for  ends, 
Which  are  her  sports :  and  is  not  nice  to  speak  this, 
But  doth  proclaim  it,  in  all  companies." 

Lady  Frampul,  attended  by  Prudence  her 
chambermaid,  and  some  '^ servants,"  establishes 

^  ColHer,  History  of  English  Dramatic  Poesy,  ii. 
22-24,  quotes  from  Sir  H.  Herbert's  Office  Book  and 
a  letter  by  Thomas  Brandes. 

2  A  second  troupe,  in  1635,  fared  very  differently;  cf. 
infra,  p.  372  sq. 

3  Servants  of  love,  the  sense  frequently  used  in  the 
play. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  323 

her  quarters  at  the  inn  where  Lovel  is  lodging. 
There  is  promptly  organized  a  '^high  court  of 
sovereignty,"  in  which  love  complaints  are  to 
be  heard,  decisions  rendered,  and  penalties 
executed.  Prudence  is  made  mistress  of  the 
day  and  queen  of  this  court  of  love.  The 
host,  volunteering  as  Lovel's  ''high  counsil/' 
charges  Lady  Frampul  with  disrespect,  for 
which  she  is  commanded  to  entertain  Lovel 
as  her  ''principal  servant"  for  two  hours,  in 
conversation  of  love,  and  he  in  return  is  to 
take  two  kisses  publicly.  In  the  ensuing  con- 
versation Lovel  develops  an  idea  of  love  that 
is  purely  Platonic;  Beaumont,  his  former  ward, 
interrupting  from  time  to  time  with  anti- 
Platonic  sentiments.  Lovel  has  lines  like 
these :  — 

"  Love  is  a  spiritual  coupling  of  two  souls, 
So  much  more  excellent,  as  it  least  relates 
Unto  the  body ;  .  .  . 
The  end  of  love  is  to  have  two  made  one 
In  will,  and  in  affection,  that  the  minds 
Be  first  inoculated,  not  the  bodies."  ^ 

A  little  farther  on,  his  discussion  fairly  antici- 
pates Mile,  de  Scudery's  celebrated  Carte  du 
Tendre :  — 

"The  body's  love  is  frail,  subject  to  change, 
And  alter  still  with  it;  the  mind's  is  firm, 
One  and  the  same,  proceedeth  first  from  weighing, 
And  well  examining  what  is  fair  and  good ; 
Then  what  is  like  in  reason,  fit  in  manners 
That  breeds  good-will ;  good-will  desire  of  union, 

1  Act  ill,  so.  2. 


324  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

So  knowledge  first  begets  benevolence, 

Benevolence  breeds  friendship,  friendship  love: 

And  where  it  starts  or  steps  aside  from  this, 

It  it  a  mere  degenerous  appetite, 

A  lost,  oblique,  depraved  affection. 

And  bears  no  mark  or  character  of  love." 

When  he  is  done,  Lady  Frampul  asks  regarding 
Lovel :  — 

"Who  hath  read  Plato,  Heliodore,  or  Tatius, 
Sidney,  D'Urfe,  or  all  Love's  fathers,  like  him?" 

It  is  worthy  of  special  note  that  these  are  all 
romance  writers  except  Plato,  that  the  French- 
man D'Urfe  is  among  them,  and  that  no  Italian 
is  included.  This  would  hardly  have  been 
true  if  CastigHone  had  been  a  fashionable 
favorite  at  that  time.  Before  the  second  hour 
of  conversation,  Lovel  has  prepared  some  love 
verses  for  the  occasion,  in  typical  coterie  fash- 
ion. Here  is  the  vogue  of  '^  Platonism  "  in  full 
power  again,  attended  by  many  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  social  circle  —  the  presiding 
lady,  the  conversation,  the  impromptu  verse. 
Apart  from  the  exclusion  of  Italians,  however, 
there  is  nothing  to  prevent  this  from  being 
regarded  as  a  mere  revival  of  vanishing  con- 
ventions. However  much  it  may  have  pleased 
the  court,  the  play  was  a  failure  before  the  public. 
About  the  same  time  as  Jonson's  play,  there 
was  produced  before  the  court  ^  Thomas  Goffe's 

^  The  title-page  of  this  play  declares  that  it  was  per- 
formed before  their  Majesties  (at  Whitehall,  the  prologue 
adds)  and  also  publicly  at  Salisbury  Court.  This  latter 
was  opened  in  1629. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  325 

Careless  Shepherdess,  a  pastoral  drama  of  no 
particular  value  in  itself,  but  significant  as  fur- 
ther evidence  of  Henrietta's  fondness  for  this 
form.  There  are  the  customary  pairs  of  lovers, 
enduring  the  customary  ill  luck  and  delay. 
The  ladies,  however,  are  not  so  cold  and  Pla- 
tonic as  in  many  pastorals. 

Only  a  few  years  more,  and  there  is  again 
evidence  that  Henrietta  and  her  ladies  were 
themselves  appearing  in  a  pastoral  performance 
before  the  king.  This  time  the  information 
is  clear  and  complete.  The  date  of  the  per- 
formance is  known  to  have  been  January  8, 
1632-1633,^  and  the  play,  if  such  it  can  be 
called,  was  The  Shepherd's  Paradise,  by  the 
queen's  friend  and  favorite,  Walter  Montague. 
Montague  had  met  Henrietta  in  France  when  he 
was  there  in  1624  in  secret  negotiations  about 
her  marriage.  He  was  again  in  France  in  1625, 
and  on  frequent  occasions  afterward,  and  when 
in  England  was  on  most  confidential  terms 
with  the  queen.  In  fact,  he  was  converted  to 
Catholicism  in  1635,  and  was  for  some  years 
Henrietta's  Catholic  agent  in  the  two  countries, 
making  France  his  permanent  residence  after 
1649.^  It  is  not  surprising  that  a  pastoral 
prepared  by  him  for  Henrietta  should  show 
considerable  French  influence,  as  indeed  it  does. 
It  is  a  dull  production  of  some  6300  lines,  utterly 
devoid  of  incident  or  dramatic  quality.  The 
plot  and  general  tone  are  those  of  the  chivalric 

^  The  date  is  fixed  by  a  letter  written  by  John  Cham- 
berlain, ^  Cf .  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 


v^ 


326  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

romance,  giving  way  to  the  pastoral  spirit 
in  descriptions  of  the  Paradise  itself,  where  all 
the  principal  characters  finally  arrive.  This 
is  a  sequestered  vale  where  a  select  and  courtly 
company  dwell  in  chastity,  presided  over  even- 
tually by  the  pure  and  somewhat  Platonic 
Fidamira. 

The  style  of  the  whole  production  is  intricate 
and  involved,  abounding  in  various  forms  of 
conceits;  the  sort  of  thing  that  was  already 
familiar  in  the  romantic  tales,  was  beginning 
to  appear  in  the  French  coterie  of  Madame 
de  Rambouillet,  and  was  destined  eventually 
to  play  the  chief  part  in  making  the  ruelles 
ridiculous.  That  this  play  was  itself  so  obscure 
as  to  become  a  jest,  and  that  the  French  bias 
of  Montague  was  generally  recognized,  are 
points  clearly  indicated  in  the  reference  to  him 
in  Suckling's  Session  of  the  Poets,  written  not 
long  after :  — 

"  Wat  Montague  now  stood  forth  to  his  tryal, 
And  did  not  so  much  as  suspect  a  denial; 
But  witty  Apollo  asked  him  first  of  all, 
If  he  understood  his  own  Pastoral, 
For  if  he  could  do  it,  'twould  plainly  appear 
He  understood  more  than  any  man  there, 
And  did  merit  the  bayes  above  all  the  rest ; 
But  the  mounsieur  was  modest,  and  silence  confest." 

The  coincidence,  so  unfortunate  for  William 
Prynne,  between  the  appearance  of  Henrietta 
and  her  women  in  this  performance,  and  the 
publication  of  his  Histriomastix,  severely  con- 
demning the  women  actors  among  the  French 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  327 

players  of  1629,  needs  no  discussion  here. 
At  any  rate,  it  must  have  brought  Henri- 
etta's new-fangled  tastes  and  inclinations  into 
decided  prominence,  thus  giving  a  strong  im- 
petus to  the  combined  appreciation  of  French 
coterie  notions  and  romantic  and  pastoral 
material.  Just  a  year  later,  —  Twelfth  Night, 
1633-1634  —  there  was  revived  for  presentation 
by  the  queen  and  her  ladies  before  the  king, 
Fletcher's  pastoral  play,  The  Faithful  Shep- 
herdess, which  had  scored  such  a  decided  failure 
when  first  produced  in  1608-1609,^  and  which 
presented  a  point  of  view  that  the  author 
himself  seems  to  have  recognized  as  contrary 
to  contemporary  notions,  and  that  he  could 
not  avoid  giving  in  a  cynical  tone.  There  is 
little  probability  that  the  same  lack  of  harmony 
was  felt  by  the  retinue  of  this  play-loving  queen, 
so  devoted  to  the  pastoral  tradition,  with  its 
ideal  chastity  and  romantic  situations. 

The  ensuing  year  affords  some  decisive  evi- 
dence on  the  recognition  of  these  new  tendencies 
as  a  definite  vogue,  with  special  importance 
upon  the  element  which  for  England  seemed 
to  denominate  the  movement,  —  namely,  the 
fashion  of  Platonism.  James  Howell,  in  a  let- 
ter addressed  to  Mr.  Philip  Warwick,  at  Paris, 
says : — 

"The  Court  affords  little  News  at  present,  but  that 
there  is  a  Love  call'd  Platonick  Love,  which  much 
sways  there  of  late;  it  is  a  Love  abstracted  from 
all  corporeal  gross  Impressions  and  sensual  Appetite, 

^  A  second  edition  had  appeared  in  1629. 


r>^J^-^^i<J?X 


328  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

but  consists  in  Contemplations  and  Ideas  of  the  Mind ; 
not  in  any  carnal  Fruition.  This  Love  sets  the  Wits 
of  the  Town  on  work;  and  they  say  there  will  be  a 
Mask  shortly  of  it,  whereof  Her  Majesty  and  her 
Maids  of  Honour  will  be  part."  ^ 

The   masque   thus   referred  to   is   generally 

\  supposed  to  be  William  Davenant's  The  Temple 

■' ■  of  Love,  '^  acted  by  the  Queen  and  her  Ladies 

at  Whitehall  on  Shrove  Tuesday,  1634."     The 

date  affixed  to  Howell's  letter  —  June  3,  1634, 

—  would  prevent  this  association,  except  for 
the  recognized  unreliability  of  Howell's  dates. ^ 
The  argument  of  the  masque  explains  how 
Divine  Poesy,  the  Secretary  of  Nature,  is  sent 
by  fate  to  Queen  Indamora,  representing 
Henrietta  Maria,  ''to  signify  the  time  prefixed 
was  come,  when,  by  the  influence  of  her  beauty, 

—  attended  by  those  lesser  lights,  her  contrib- 
utary  ladies,  —  the  Temple  of  Chaste  Love 
should  be  reestablished  in  this  Island."  The 
conversation  of  some  magicians  concerning  this 
reestablishment  is  particularly  illuminating. 
The  first  asks :  — 

"But  who  shall  bring  this  mischief  to  our  art?" 

The  third  replies :  — 

"  Indamora,  the  delight  of  destiny ! 
She,  and  the  beauties  of  her  train ;  who  sure 
Though  they  discover  summer  in  their  looks, 
Still  carry  frozen  Winter  in  their  blood. 
They  raise  strange  doctrines,  and  new  sects  of  Love ; 


1 


Howell,  Familiar  Letters,  ed.  Jacobs,  1892,  i.  317. 
^  Ihid.,  introd,  by  Joseph  Jacobs. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  329 

Which  must  not  woo  or  court  the  person,  but 
The  mind ;  and  practice  generation  not 
Of  bodies  but  of  souls."  . 

The  conversation  continues :  — 

"  2nd.  Mag :  —  But  where  shall  this  new  sect   be 
planted  first? 

Zrd.  Mag :  —  In  a  dull  northern  isle,  they  call  Brit- 
aine. 

2nd.  Mag :  —  Indeed  'tis  a  cold  northerly  opinion : 
And  I'll  lay  my  life  begot  since  their  late 
Great  frosts.    It  will  be  long  enough  ere  it 
Shall  spread  and  prosper  in  the  south !     Or,  if 
The  Spaniard  or  Italian  ever  be 
Persuaded  out  of  the  use  of  their  bodies 
I'll  give  mine  to  a  raven  for  his  supper. 

Srd.  Mag :  —  The  miracle  is  more  increased,  in  that 
It  first  takes  birth  and  nourishment  in  Court. 

2nd.  Mag :  —  But  my  good  damn'd  friend,  tell  me : 
Is  there  not 
One  courtier  will  resent  the  cause,  and  give 
Some  countenance  to  the  affairs  of  the  body  ? 

Srd.  Mag :  —  Certain  young  Lords   at  first  disliked 
the  philosophy 
As  most  uncomfortable,  sad,  and  new ; 
But  soon  inclined  to  a  superior  vote, 
And  are  grown  as  good  Platonical  lovers 
As  are  to  be  found  in  an  hermitage." 

A  little  later,  when  the  Persian  youths  are  an- 
nounced, the  Second  Magician  says  of  them :  — 

"  I  hope  these  are  no  Platonical  lovers, 
No  such  Carthusian  poets  as  do  write 
Madrigals  to  the  mind  ?  " 

There  is  once  more  definite  mention  of  Henrietta  ' 
as  the  sponsor  of  this  movement,  when  the 
fourth  Magician  declares :  — 


330  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATO NISTS 


"...  a  voice 


Sent  from  within  bade  them  with  reverence 
Desist  till  Indamora  did  appear,  for  then 
The  gates  would  open,  and  the  mists  dry  up : 
That  thus  conceal'd  it  from  the  general  view, 
Which  now  their  expectation  doth  attend.'' 

It  was  at  this  same  period  that  William 
Habington  prepared  his  poems  to  Castara. 
Some  statements  made  by  him  in  the  preface 
to  this  collection  demand  careful  attention. 
Speaking  of  poetry,  he  says :  — 

"It  hath  too  much  ayre,  and  (if  without  offence 
to  our  next  transmarine  neighbor)  wantons  too  much 
according  to  the  French  garbe.  And  when  it  is  wholly 
imployed  in  the  soft  straines  of  love,  his  soul  who 
entertaines  it  loseth  much  of  that  strength  which 
should  confirme  him  man.  The  nerves  of  judgement 
are  weakened  most  by  its  dalliance ;  and  when  woman 
(I  mene  onely  as  she  is  externally  fair)  is  the  supreme 
object  of  wit,  we  soon  degenerate  into  effeminacy. 
For  the  religion  of  fancie  declines  into  a  mad  super- 
stition, when  it  adorns  that  idoU  which  is  not  secure 
from  age  and  sicknesse." 

The  rather  obscure  reference  in  this  to  exist- 
ing poetic  fashions  is  cleared  up  somewhat  by 
a  study  of  Habington's  poems  themselves. 
The  Platonism  that  he  affects  is  of  the  extreme 
sort,  severely  strict  in  conception,  and  thus 
supposed  to  justify  a  relation  of  the  sexes 
close  and  familiar  to  the  last  degree.  The 
attitude  he  assumes  is  almost  identically  that 
held  up  to  ridicule  a  year  or  so  later  by  the 
courtly  Davenant  in  the  character  Theander 
in  the  Platonic  Lovers;    and  his  almost  Puri- 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  331 

tanic  Castara  is  drawn  in  even  severer  lines  than 
Davenant's  Eurithea.^  The  explanation  would 
seem  to  lie  in  this  direction.  Platonism  as  an 
active  working  principle  was  not  accepted  by 
the  English  courtiers  of  this  time  in  its  really 
serious  and  austere  aspect,  any  more  than 
serious  and  austere  Platonism  was  the  vogue 
in  the  social  intercourse  of  the  Hdtel  de  Ram- 
houillet.  It  was  Platonism  given  a  gallant  or 
com'tly  twist;  welcomed,  as  it  had  been  in 
Italy  long  before,  as  an  excuse  for  more  zealous 
love-making,  while  the  extreme  ''Platonic", 
of  the  poet's  imagination,  once  embodied  in 
the  flesh,  would  have  been  considered  as  much 
a  fanatic  as  the  Puritan  ^  and  not  unlike  him. 
The  way  in  which  these  distinctions  were  felt 
is  well  indicated  in  George  DanieFs  poem,  ''Love 
Platonicke,"  ^  written  in  1642,  where  separate 
place  is  given  to  the  Platonicke  pretender, , 
the  Pure  Platonicke,  the  Court  Platonicke, 
and  the  Anti-Platonicke.  Habington,  then, 
in  the  role  of  the  Pure  Platonic,  would  seem  to 
take  occasion  in  his  preface  to  condemn  the 
employment  of  poetry  in  the  questionable  service 
of  courtly  love  gallantry,  in  the  fashion  which 

^  See  infra,  p.  334  sq. ;  also  cf .  Fletcher,  op.  cit.,  p.  146  sg. 

2  Halliwell's  Reprint  (1850),  for  the  Percy  Society, 
of  the  Royal  Garland,  or  a  Choice  Collection  of  Songs 
highly  in  request,  and  much  esteemed  in  the  past  and 
present  times,  London,  1686,  contains  two  songs,  one 
"Platonick  Love,"  the  other  "The  Platonick  Lover." 
The  first  of  these  is  a  rollicking  anti-Platonic,  which  in 
one  place  designates  the  Platonic  lover  as  a  Puritan. 
The  second  song,  though  brief,  is  in  a  seriously  Platonic 
strain.  ^  Infra,  pp.  348-349. 


332  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

the  Court  Platonics  had  of  late  imported  from 
France.  Of  com'se  this  interpretation  is  open 
to  some  question,  but  the  known  conditions 
of  the  time  appear  to  justify  it. 

The  cultivation  of  Platonic  gallantry  having 
been  accepted  by  the  English  courtiers  as  so 
essential  a  feature  of  life  in  the  French  coterie, 
it  is  perhaps  best  to  proceed  at  once  to  a  con- 
sideration of  the  evidence  indicating  the  develop- 
ment of  this  as  an  ideal  and  a  practice  through- 
out our  period.  Related  characteristics  may 
be  noted  in  passing  or  taken  up  more  syste- 
matically later. 

In  1635  Joseph  Rutter's  ^^pastorall  tragi- 
comedie,"  The  Shepherd^ s  Holiday,  was  acted 
before  both  their  Majesties  at  Whitehall.  It 
was  another  outcome  of  the  growing  taste  in 
the  English  court  for  pastoral  and  romantic 
drama.^  Rutter  was  a  member  of  Jonson's 
latest  circle,  and  tutor  to  the  son  of  the  Earl 
of  Dorset,  Lord  Chamberlain  to  the  queen.  At 
the  Earl's  desire  he  made  a  translation  of  the 
Cid  two  years  later.  In  an  epilogue  to  his 
play,  addressed  to  the  king  and  queen,  Rutter 
says :  — 

"To  you,  most  royal  pair,  whose  lives  have  brought 
Virtue  in  fashion,  and  the  world  have  taught, 
That  chaste  innocuous  sports  become  the  stage, 
No  less  than  civil  manners  do  the  age, 
We  dedicate  this  piece  but  yet  with  fears 
To  have  displeas'd  so  chaste,  so  tender  ears." 

^  See  chap.  viii. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  333 

In  the  play  Thyi'sis,  the  foundhng  son  of  the 
king,  and  Sylvia,  the  king's  supposed  daughter, 
are  Platonic  lovers.  They  talk  a  romantic 
sort  of  serious  Platonism  in  the  third  scene  of 
the  foui'th  act.  Mirtillus  stands  as  an  anti- 
Platonic. 

Shirley,  who  had  taken  occasion  to  ridicule 
Prynne  bitterly  over  the  Histriomastix  affair,^ 
has  a  reference  to  court  Platonism  in  his  Lady 
of  Pleasure,  licensed  in  this  same  year.  In  the 
fifth  act  a  certain  lord  is  urging  upon  Celestina 
a  love  that  is  anything  but  chaste.  This  dia- 
logue ensues :  — 


'to 


Cel.  —  What  love  do  you  mean  ? 

Lord. —  That  which  doth  perfect  both;  madam,  you 
have  heard 
I  can  be  constant,  and  if  you  consent 
To  grape  it  so,  there  is  a  spacious  dwelling 
Prepared  within  my  heart  for  such  a  mistress. 

Cel.  —  Your  mistress,  my  good  lord  ? 

Lord.  —  Why,  my  good  lady, 
Your  sex  doth  hold  it  no  dishonour 
To  become  mistress  to  a  noble  servant 
In  the  now  court  Platonic  way.  .  .  ." 

In  Shirley's  drama  The  Duke^s  Mistress,  acted 
in  1636,  he  has  another  reference  to  the  same 
fashion.  Horatio  has  been  urging  the  advisa- 
bility of  loving  ill-favored  ladies,  as  the  only 
sort  whose  constancy  can  be  depended  upon. 
In  the  presence  of  the  fair  Aurelia  and  Macrina, 
and  the  ill-favored  Fiametta,  he  declares :  ^  — 

^Cf.  his  Bird  in  the  Cage,  printed  1633,  and  the 
dedication  of  it;  also  the  lines  prefixed  to  Ford's  Love's 
Sacrifice.  ^  In  act  iii,  so.  2. 


334  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

"To  be  short,  ladies, 
Howe'er  you  may  interpret  it  my  humour, 
Mine's  a  Platonic  love ;  give  me  the  soul, 
I  care  not  what  coarse  flesh  and  blood  enshrine  it." 

In  1636  appeared  Davenant's  The  Platonic 
Lovers,  most  of  the  play  being  given  to  discus- 
sions bearing  on  Platonic  Love.  The  author, 
although  posing  in  the  epilogue  as  an  advocate 
of  the  doctrines,  looks  at  the  matter  from  the 
cynical  viewpoint  of  the  court  gallant,  and 
finds  much  amusement  in  the  conception  of 
a  '^pure  Platonic/'  such  as  Theander.  Espe- 
cially significant  is  his  frequent  insistence 
that  this  is  a  feminine  fashion.  The  prologue 
proceeds : — 

"  Ours  ^  now  believes  the  Title  needs  must  cause, 
From  the  indulgent  Court,  a  kind  applause. 
Since  there  he  learnt  it  first,  and  had  command 
T'  interpret  what  he  scarce  doth  understand. 
And  then,  forsooth,  he  says,  because  'tis  new 
'Twill  take ;  and  be  admir'd  too  by  a  few : 
But  all  these  easy  hopes  I'd  like  t'have  marr'd, 
With  witnessing  his  title  was  so  hard, 
'Bove  half  our  city  audience  would  be  lost. 
That  knew  not  how  to  spell  it  on  the  post. 
Nay,  he  was  told,  some  critics  lately  spent 
Their  learning  to  find  out,  it  nothing  meant." 

In  the   first   act   Fredeline   says   of  Theander 
and  Eurithea,  the  pure  Platonic  lovers :  — 

"...  The  first  are  lovers  of  a  pure 
Celestial  kind,  such  as  some  style  Platonical; 
A  new  court  epithet  scarce  understood ; 
But  all  they  woo,  sir,  is  the  spirit,  face, 

^  Our  poet. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  335 

And  heart,  therefore  their  conversation  is 
More  safe  to  fame.  The  other  still  affect 
For  natural  ends." 

Theander  and  Eurithea  certainly  are  a  pair  of 
extremists.  He  visits  her  chamber  at  night, 
and  they  chat  there  chastely  and  prettily  of  their 
love.  The  close  relation  of  these  ideas  to  the 
pastoral  tradition  is  shown  in  their  plan  of 
meeting  in  the  garb  of  shepherds  in  a  neigh- 
boring grove;  there  to  continue  their  love  talk.^ 
Theander  remonstrates  with  Phylomont,  who 
desires  to  marry  his  sister :  — 

''You  two  may  live 
And  love,  become  your  own  best  arguments, 
And  so  contract  all  virtue,  and  all  praise : 
Be  ever  beauteous,  fresh,  and  young,  at  least 
In  your  belief ;  for  who  can  lessen,  or 
Defile  th'  opinion  which  your  mutual  thoughts 
Shall  fervently  exchange  ?     And  then  you  may 
Beget  reflections  in  each  other's  eyes ; 
So  you  increase  not  children  but  yourselves 
A  better,  and  more  guiltless  progeny ; 
These  immaterial  creatures  cannot  sin." 

A  decidedly  different  conception  of  Platonic 
love,  the  coarse  misinterpretation  that  domi- 
nated its  decline,  appears  in  the  discourse  of 
Fredeline  to  Castraganio  and  Amadine,  in  the 
third  act.     ''My  sister/'  says  CastraganiO; 

"...  asked  me  ere 
You  came,  why  you  endeavoured  thus  to  have 
The  lady  married  to  another,  whom  you  meant  to  love  ? 

Fred.  —  That's  the  platonic  way ;  for  so 
The  balls,  the  banquets,  chariot,  canopy, 

^  Cf .  specifically  The  Faithful  Shepherdess. 


336  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

And  quilted  couch,  which  are  the  places  where 
This  new  wise  sect  do  meditate,  are  kept, 
Not  at  the  lover's  but  the  husband's  charge. 
And  it  is  fit ;  for  marriage  makes  him  none, 
Though  she  be  still  of  the  society; 

Amad.  —  And  may  besides  her  husband,  have 
A  sad  platonical  servant  to  help  her  meditate. 

Fred.  —  All  modern  best  court  authors  do  allow  it." 

Buonateste  assumes  a  critical  attitude  on  the 
whole  matter,  being  especially  severe  on  the 
ladies.  His  conversations  with  Fredeline  dis- 
play this  best.  The  first  quotation  is  from 
the  second  act,  the  other  from  the  fourth. 

1 .  "  Buon.  —  My  Lord,  I  still  beseech  you  not  to  wrong 
My  good  old  friend  Plato,  with  this  Court  calumny ; 
They  father  on  him  a  fantastic  love 

He  never  knew,  poor  gentleman.  ... 

Fred.  .  .  .   But  did  not  Plato  write  of  love  ? 

Buon.  —  Divinely,  sir.     But  not  such  kind  of  love 
As  ladies  would  have  now.'* 

2.  "Buon.  —  You  are  in  love. 

Fred.  —  Platonically,  sir :  no  other  ways. 
Buon.  —  Fie  !  fie  !  profess  a  friendship,  and  presume 
To  gull  me  with  a  lady's  paradox." 

As  the  play  progresses,  Theander's  extreme 
views  are  gradually  broken  down,  until  at  last 
he  concludes :  — 

"Then  surely  I  must  yield  .  .  . 
Yet  we,  my  Eurithea,  have  a  while 
So  rul'd  each  other  with  nice  fears,  that  none 
Hereafter  will  in  civil  kindness  doubt 
There  are  Platonic  lovers,  though  but  few ; 
The  sect  conceal'd,  and  still  imagin'd  new." 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  337 

Then  follows  the  author's  epilogue,  with  another 
insistence  on  the  idea  that  this  is  a  feminine 
fad. 

"  Unto  the  masculine  I  can  afford, 
By  strict  commission  scarce  one  courteous  word : 
Our  author  has  so  httle  cause  to  boast 
His  hopes  from  you,  that  he  esteems  them  lost, 
Since  not  these  two  long  hours  amongst  you  all 
He  can  find  one  will  prove  Platonical. 
But  these  soft  ladies,  in  whose  gentle  eyes 
The  richest  blessings  of  his  fortune  lies. 
With  such  obsequious  homage  he  doth  greet, 
As  he  would  lay  his  laurel  at  your  feet : 
For  you,  he  knows,  will  think  his  doctrine  good. 
Though  't  recreate  the  mind,  and  not  the  blood." 

Two  other  plays  of  the  same  year  use  the   i 
Platonic  doctrines  as  a  matter  of  jest.     There    ' 
is  no  mention  of  the  court  this  time,  but  one 
direct  reference   to   France.     In  another  play  V 
by  Davenant,  The  Wits,  the  third  scene  of  the 
second  act,  the  elder  Pallatine  is  cataloguing 
his  ^^ Virtue  Library":  — 

"A  pill  to  purge  phlebotomy,  —  A  balsamum 
For  the  spiritual  back,  —  A  lozenge  against  lust ; 
With  divers  others,  sir,  which,  though  not  penn'd 
By  dull  platonic  Greeks,  or  Memphian  priests. 
Yet  have  the  blessed  mark  of  separation 
Of  authors  silenc'd,  for  wearing  short  hair."  ^ 

In  the  third  act,  second  scene,  of  the  same  play. 
Pert  says  to  Lucy,  with  great  show  of  poHte- 
ness :  — 

^  This  recalls  again  the  association  of  Platonism  and  . 
Puritanism  in  men's  minds. 


V 


338  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

"The  title  will  be  better'd,  madam,  when 
I  am  become  a  servant  to  your  beauty." 

Lucy  then  remarks  to  young  Pallatine :  — 

"  Why,  your  confederate  Pert  is  courtly  too, 
He  will  out-tongue  a  favourite  of  France.'' 

In  William  Cartwright's  The  Roy  all  Slave,  the 
fifth  scene  of  the  second  act,  certain  Ephesian 
captives  are  caught  attempting  a  rape.  They 
explain  it  as :  — 

"  A  little  Love-sport  only ;  we  were  arguing 
Pro  and  con  out  of  Plato,  and  are  now 
Going  to  practise  his  Philosophy." 

One  of  the  ladies  declares :  — 

"What  they  stile  Love-sport  only,  and  misname 
An  arguing  out  of  Plato,  would  have  prov'd 
A  true  and  down-ripe  rape,  if  that  your  presence 
Had  not  become  our  Rescue." 

In  John  Suckling's  play  Aglaura  (printed 
1638),  which  was  acted  first  for  the  public, 
and  then,  with  the  murder  of  the  king  omitted, 
before  the  court,  there  is  considerable  discus- 
sion of  Platonic  love,  as  well  as  numerous  in- 
dications of  romance  influence.  Semanthe  is 
the  especially  Platonic  character,  with  Orsames 
as  the  anti-Platonic.  After  one  of  their  con- 
versations, Orsames  is  relating  his  experience  to 
some  other  courtiers.     This  dialogue  follows :  — 

"Ors.  —  I  had  no  sooner  nam'd  love  to  her,  but  she 
Began  to  talk  of  flames,  of  flames 
Neither  devouring  nor  devoured,  of  air 
And  of  chameleons. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  339 

1st.   Courtier.  —  O  the  Platonics ! 
2nd.  Courtier.  —  Those  of  the  new-religion  in  love  I 
your  lordship's  merry, 
Troth,  how  do  you  like  the  humor  on't  ?  , 

Ors.  —  As  thou  wouldst  like  red  hair  or  leanness 
In  thy  mistress,  scurvily  !  't  does  worse  with  handsome- 
ness 
Than  strong  desire  could  do  with  impotence : 
A  mere  trick  to  enhance  the  price  of  kisses." 

Suckling  comes  out  much  more  definitely  as 
a  devotee  of  Platonism  in  his  letters  to  Aglaura.^ 
In  a  letter  without  address  among  his  Letters  to 
Several  Eminent  Persons,  appears  this  sentence: 
''After  all,  the  Wages  will  not  be  high;  for  it  ^ 
hath  been  brought  up  under  Platonicks,  and 
knows  no  other  Way  of  being  paid  for  Service, 
then  by  being  commanded  more." 

James  Howell,  who  was  especially  devoted  to 
the  service  of  the  queen,  and  on  the  closest 
terms  with  others  of  her  particular  favorites,  con- 
centrated his  literary  effort  upon  letter-writing, 
perhaps  under  the  influence  of  another  French 
fashion.  ^  A  certain  selection  of  these  letters  * 
shows  him  in  the  role  of  the  devoted  precieux, 
lavishing  upon  the  Lady  Elizabeth  Digby  a 
series  of  overrefined  and  intricate  courtly 
compliments.     At  times  there  appears  through 

^  The  Letters  to  Several  Eminent  Persons,  among  which 
these  appear,  were  first  printed  imperfectly  in  1646  and 
1648;  then,  with  additions,  in  1658. 

2  I.e.  his  heart.  This  letter  is  printed  on  p.  77  of  the 
1719  ed.  of  Suckhng's  Works. 

2  Infra,  p.  438  sq. 

*  Howell,  op.  cit.,  ii.  414-415,  534,  558.  The  first  two 
bear  respectively  the  dates  August  5,  1640,  and  August 
10,  1647. 


\ 


340  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

the  maze  of  his  phraseology  an  unmistakable 
evidence  of  Platonic  avowal.     Thus :  — 

"If  you  would  suffer  yourself  to  be  adored,  you 
should  quickly  find  me  religious  in  that  kind.  How- 
ever, I  am  bold  to  send  your  Ladyship  this,  as  a  kind 
of  Homage,  or  Heriot,  or  Tribute,  or  what  you  please 
to  term  it,  in  regard  I  am  a  true  Vassal  to  your  Virtues ; 
And  if  you  please  to  lay  any  of  your  Commands  upon 
me,  your  Will  shall  be  a  Law  to  me,  which  I  will  ob- 
serve with  as  much  Allegiance  as  any  Branch  of  Magna 
Charta." 

Howell  bears  further  witness  to  the  active  em- 
ployment of  these  notions  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  Mr.  Thomas  W.,  and  dated  as  early  as 
February  3,  1637.  He  says  there:  ^^F.  C. 
soars  higher  and  higher  every  day  in  pursuance 
of  his  Platonic  Love;  but  T.  Man  is  out  with 
his,  you  know  whom."  ^ 

William  Habington,  in  his  ^^tragi-comedy," 
The  Queen  of  Arragon,  which  Philip,  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  the  royal  chamberlain,  caused  to  be 
acted  at  court  and  then  printed,  against  the 
author's  will,^  has  one  reference  to  Platonism 
in  practice.  This,  by  the  way,  is  decidedly 
more  worldly  in  its  conception  than  was  his  atti- 
tude in  the  Castara.  Oniates  is  in  love  with 
Floriana,  wife  of  Sanmartino,  and  she  and 
Cleantha  are  discussing  the  situation. 

"  Flor.  —  He  is  a  gentleman ;  and,  add  to  that. 
Makes  good  the  title. 

Clean.  —  Haply  he  may  so, 
And  haply  he's  enamour'd  on  thy  beauty. 

^  Howell,  Familiar  Letters,  ed.  cit.,  ii.  407. 
'  Wood,  Athen.  Oxon.,  ed.  Bliss,  iii.  224. 


PRECIEUSES   AND  PLATONISTS  341 

Flor.  —  On  mine,  Cleantha  ? 

Clean.  —  Yes,  dear  Floriana ; 
Yet  neither  danger  to  thy  chastity, 
Nor  blemish  to  thy  fame;  custom  approves  it."  * 

In  The  Goblins,  another  play  by  Suckling,  ^^ 
written  in  1642,  further  reference  to  the  Pla- 
tonic vogue  crops  out,  with  an  apparent  thrust 
at  the  artificial  language  of  its  votaries.  In 
the  first  scene  of  the  second  act,  the  speech  of 
Sabrina :  — 

"How  now,  my  Samorat ! 
What  saucy  heat  hath  stol'n  into  thy  blood, 
And  heightened  thee  to  this  ?    I  fear  you  are 
Not  well,  .  .  ." 

calls  forth  this  comment  from  Orsabrin :  — 

"  Sfoot !  'tis  a  Platonic : 
Now  cannot  I  so  much  as  talk  that  way,  neither." 

In  1651  there  was  printed  a  play  by  William 
Cartwright,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
written  not  long  before  1643.  It  is  entitled 
The  Lady  Errant,  and  is  peculiar  in  this  con- 
nection, in  that  it  seems  to  depict  or  anticipate 
a  type  of  the  strong-minded  woman,  as  de- 
veloped among  the  precieuses  of  France  and 
England.  In  the  absence  of  the  men  at  war, 
the  women  plot  to  gain  control  of  the  state. 
The  title-role  is  that  of  a  quixotic  lady  adven- 
turer, who  finally  plays  into  the  hands  of  the 
Princess  Lucasia  and  her  friend  Eumela,  thereby 
foiling  the  plot.     In  addition  to  some  bits  of 

^  Act  i,  so.  1. 


342  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

highly  romantic  coloring,  there  are  these  ref- 
erences to  Platonism.  In  the  second  scene 
of  the  first  act,  Iringus  says  to  his  fellow- 
courtiers  :  — 

"  She  that,  if  there  were  Sexes  'hove  the  Moon, 
Would  tempt  a  Male  Idea,  and  seduce 
A  Separate  Hee-Substance  into  Lewdness, 
Hath  smil'd,  glanc'd,  wink'd,  and  trod  upon  my  toes." 

Near  the  end  of  the  second  act  there  is  a  con- 
versation, engaged  in  by  Lucasia,  Fiorina,  and 
Malthora,  in  which  some  of  the  characteristic 
teachings  of  Platonism  are  again  expressed. 
In  1647  Clarendon  wrote  a  letter  to  Lady 
Dalkeith,  still  apparently  taking  a  serious  view 
of  the  matter.^ 

The  worst  side  of  Platonism,  looked  at  from 
a  cynical,  even  hostile  point  of  view,  is  found 
in  a  play  printed  anonymously  in  1659,  under 
the  title.  Lady  Alimony;  or,  The  Alimony  Lady. 
An  Excellent  Pleasant  New  Comedy.  Duly  au- 
thorized, daily  Acted,  and  frequently  Followed. 
It  is  supposed  that  this  was  written  years 
before  its  publication,  though  a  reference  to 
^'crop-eared  histriomastixes "  necessarily  places 
it  after  Prynne's  unfortunate  experience.  The 
word  "  Platonic  "  is  here  definitely  accepted  as 
a  term  of  reproach,  and  Platonic  love  as  only 
a  finer  phrase  for  adultery  or  cuckoldry.  Yet 
the  adherents  of  the  vogue  display  certain  other 
precieuse  tendencies  along  with  their  Platonism. 

^  This  is  noted  on  the  authority  of  C.  H.  Firth  in 
Howell's  Familiar  Letters,  ed.  Jacobs,  ii.  756. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  343 

Trillo's  preliminary  words  sound  the  key  of  the 
whole  composition,  as  for  instance  when  he 
declares  that  the  author  —  ^^has  some  swingeing 
stuff  for  our  fresh  Dabrides,  who  have  invested 
themselves  in  the  Platonic  order,  and  retain 
courage  enough  to  make  an  exchange  of  their 
old  consorts  with  their  new  confidants  and 
amorous  pretenders.''  Then  comes  the  Pro- 
logue, especially  directed  to  the  ladies,  with  the 
assurance  that  the  author  has  no  idea  of  iden- 
tifying them  with  the  lewd  Platonics. 

"Madams,  you're  welcome;  though  our  poet  show 
A  severe  brow,  it  is  not  meant  for  you. 
Your  virtues,  like  your  features,  they  are  such, 
They  neither  can  be  priz'd  nor  prais'd  too  much: 
Lov'd  and  admir'd  wheresoever  they  are  known, 
Scorning  to  mix  Platonics  with  your  own : 
Sit  with  a  pleasing  silence,  and  take  view 
Of  forms  Vermillion 'd  in  another  hue, 
Who  make  free  traffic  of  their  nuptial  bed, 
As  if  they  had  of  fancy  surfeited." 

In  the  second  scene  of  the  second  act,  the 
description  of  one  of  the  ladies,  as  given  by  a 
boy,  introduces  us  directly  to  a  most  familiar 
type  among  the  later  precieuses  —  the  femme 
savante.  '^That  love-spotted  ermine,"  he  says, 
''is  Madam  Fricase,  a  woman  of  a  rampant 
spirit;  a  confident  pretender  of  language;  and, 
for  the  Latin,  she  makes  herself  as  familiar 
with  the  breach  of  Priscian's  head  as  if  it  were 
her  husband." 

All  of  the  next  scene  is  given  up  to  conver- 
sation, highly  polished  and  adorned  with  many 


\ 


344  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

conceits,  between  the  ladies  and  their  Platonic 
wooers.  Finally  terms  are  agreed  upon,  con- 
stancy is  vowed,  and  secrecy  is  enjoined^  As 
the  lovers  leave  the  stage,  one  of  the  boys  re- 
marks, ^' Trust  me,  they  couple  handsomely, 
as  if  they  had  been  married  after  th'  new  fash- 
ion." In  the  next  scene  the  Platonics  organize 
a  formal  court  of  love,  to  hear  the  causes  of 
the  ladies  and  justify  their  separation  from 
their  husbands. 

From  all  these  citations,  falling  as  they  do 
into  so  systematic  an  arrangement,  no  uncer- 
tain conclusion  may  be  drawn.  When  Hen- 
rietta Maria  came  to  England,  young,  inex- 
perienced, and  looked  upon  with  suspicion, 
she  brought  with  her  the  French  taste  of  the 
time  for  culture,  refinement,  gallantry,  and  lit- 
erary expression,  as  recognized  and  practiced 
■  in  the   ruelles  she   had  left   behind.     At   first 

,  the  difficulties  of  her  situation  prevented  the 
extension  of  her  influence.  But  as  time  went 
on,  this  influence  was  displayed  in  the  court 
enjoyment  and  participation  in  dramatic  pro- 
ductions of  the  pastoral-romantic  sort;  in  the 
establishment,  as  a  practice  of  social  gallantry, 
of  the  principles  of  Platonic  love,  more  or  less 
modified;  and  in  the  renewed  vogue  given  to 
the  adornments  and  conceits  of  conversational 
eloquence.     Of    course    the    queen    and    her 

\  immediate  attendants  were  not  alone  in  the 
circulation  of  this  influence.  Englishmen  of 
learning  and  distinction,  whether  closely  at- 
tached to  the  queen  or  not,  were  constantly 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  345 

paying  visits  to  the  continent  and  making 
the  acquaintance  of  its  Hterature.  Frenchmen 
from,  the  inmost  circles  of  the  coteries  occa- 
sionally found  their  way  to  England.  Theo- 
phile  de  Viau,  Voiture,  Saint-Amant^  and 
Boisrobert,  all  are  known  to  have  crossed  the 
Channel.  But  to  Henrietta  seems  to  belong 
the  credit  of  giving  the  real  impetus  that  set 
these  tendencies  in  movement. 

Closely  associated  with  what  has  been  treated 
as  the  denominating  phase  of  this  influence  are 
three  other  lines  of  development :  the  tendency 
to  follow  the  French  lead  in  certain  minor  lit- 
erary forms,  such  as  vers  de  societe,  letter- 
wi'iting,  etc.;  the  greatly  increased  interest 
in  romances  and  romance  material,  resulting 
in  numerous  translations  from  the  French  and 
in  the  working  over  of  French  romance  situa- 
tions for  dramatic  purposes ;  and  the  appearance 
of  certain  actually  or  supposedly  accomplished 
women  as  the  leaders  of  English  coteries.  The 
first  two  of  these  matters,  being  concerned  with 
the  progress  of  definite  literary  genres,  may  be 
left  for  further  consideration,^  with  only  pause 
enough  to  call  immediate  attention  to  the  prev- 
alence of  Platonism  in  the  first,  and  to  the 
interest  and  patronage  of  the  king  and  queen 
in  the  second.^ 

Practically  every  cavalier  poet  has  something 
to  say  in  his  verse  concerning  Platonic  love, 
usually  something  of  a  sort  to  substantiate  the 

^  See  chaps,  viii  and  ix. 

2  Discussed  further  in  chap.  viii. 


346  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

conclusions  already  deduced.  Habington's 
Castara  has  already  been  mentioned,  with  its 
extreme  views  in  the  direction  of  the  pure 
Platonism  that  justifies  and  purifies  almost  the 
last  degree  of  familiarity.  His  verses  and  prose 
introductions  are  crowded  with  variations  on 
these  ideas.  An  emphatic  contrast  appears  in 
the  current  poem,  '^The  Antiplatonic,"  which 
found  a  place  in  the  1640  edition  of  Francis 
Beaumont's  verses/ 

"Vertue's  no  more  in  woman  kind, 
But  the  green  sicknesse  of  the  mind. 
Phylosophy,  their  new  delight, 
A  kind  of  charcoale  appetite. 
There  is  no  sophistry  prevailes 
Where  all-convincing  love  assailes ; 
But  the  disputing  petticoat  will  warp, 
As  skillfull  gamesters  are  to  seek  at  sharp.'' 

Carew  merely  alludes  to  the  matter  from  time 
to  time,  but  even  such  allusion  suggests  the 
prevalence  of  the  vogue.  John  Suckling,  in 
the  dual  capacity  of  poet  and  letter-writer, 
enters  somewhat  into  the  fashion  of  Platonic 
wooing.  His  letters  to  Aglaura,  as  noted,  are 
built  on  the  Platonic  structure;  and  whether 
serious  or  not,  are  a  good  example  of  courtly 
love-making.  He  voices  the  essential  prin- 
ciples of  the  doctrine  in  his  poem  ''Against 
Fruition, "  which  Waller  took  occasion  to  answer 
stanza  by  stanza,  in  another  piece  of  verse. 
Suckling's  contentions  in  this  poem,  however, 
are  those  of  the  surfeited  gallant  rather  than 

*  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vi.  189. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  347 

of  the  philosophic  theorist.  Waller  subscribed 
to  the  convention,  however,  in  his  poems  to 
Sacharissa,  —  Lady  Dorothy  Sidney.  This  is 
apparently  a  Platonic  verse-wooing  of  the 
earlier  type,  not  unlike  Sir  Philip  Sidney's 
Astrophel  and  Stella  verses.  Much  more  than 
in  Sidney's  case,  though,  Waller's  efforts  seem 
impersonal  and  passionless,  always  conscious 
of  an  audience,  and  content  in  the  promise 
of  immortality  for  the  author,  whatever  the 
success  of  the  suit.  This  finds  definite  ex- 
pression at  the  end  of  his  ^^  Phoebus  and  Daphne 
Applied":  ^  — 

"  Yet,  what  he  sung  in  his  immortal  strain, 
Though  unsuccessful!,  was  not  sung  in  vain : 
All,  but  the  nymph  that  should  redress  his  wrong, 
Attend  his  passion  and  approve  his  song. 
Like  Phoebus  thus,  acquiring  unsought  praise, 
He  catch'd  at  love,  and  fiird  his  arms  with  bays." 

Lord  Herbert  of  Cher  bury  and  John  Cleve- 
land, in  their  apparent  discipleship  to  John 
Donne,  might  be  expected  to  ring  the  changes 
on  the  idealistic  and  fantastic  conceptions 
for  which  he  was  sponsor.  The  former  treats 
of  Platonism  in  his  '^  Ode  upon  a  question  moved 
whether  Love  should  continue  forever";  the 
latter  in  his  ^^To  Cloris,  A  Rapture."  William 
Cartwright  opposes  the  Platonic  fashion,  as  in- 
dicated in  his  poem  ''No  Platonique  Love:  "  ^ —    \y 

"  Tell  me  no  more  of  minds  embracing  minds, 
And  hearts  exchanged  for  hearts ; 

» Ibid.,  viii.  44.  2  Ibid.,  vi.  528. 


\ 


348  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

That  spirits  spirits  meet,  as  winds  do  winds, 

And  mix  their  subtlest  parts  : 

That  two  unbodi'd  essences  may  kiss, 

And  then,  Uke  angels,  twist  and  feel  one  bliss. 

I  was  that  silly  thing  that  once  was  wrought 

To  practice  this  thin  love ; 
I  climb 'd  from  sex  to  soul,  from  soul  to  thought; 

But  thinking  there  to  move. 
Headlong  I  rowl'd  from  thought  to  soul,  and  then 
From  soul  I  lighted  at  the  sex  agen." 

Most  significant  in  many  respects  is  the  poem 
of  George  Daniel,  already  mentioned,  bearing 
the  title  ^'Love  Platonicke."  This  dates  from 
the  year  1642,  when  the  lines  of  distinction  may 
be  supposed  to  have  been  very  accurately 
drawn.  It  is  in  eight  parts,  the  first  three 
addressed  to  an  imaginary  Cinthia,  who  is 
under  process  of  conversion  from  mere  coquetry ,x^ 
to  Platonism.  Then  there  are  four  parts, 
devoted  in  turn  to  the  Platonicke  pretender, 
the  Pure  Platonicke,  the  Court  Platonicke, 
and  the  Anti-Platonicke.  A  stanza  or  so  from 
each  will  suffice.^ 

1.  "  The  word  Platonicke  pleases  thy  Conceit ; 

And  some  new  thing 
Thou  would 'st  have  others  understand  in  it; 

But  canst  not  bring 
One  Accent,  to  evince 
It,  from  the  Common  Sins 
Of  Appetite  and  Naturall  Desire. 

*^t<  *f«  ^0  ^b 

•J*  ^^  ^^  •!• 

For  in  Platonicke  Love  thou  canst  doe  more 
With  yielding  Females,  then  in  Lust  before." 

*  Poems,  ed.  Grosart,  1878,  i.  113  sq. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  349 

2.  "  Wee  distinguish  nothing  to 

The  outward  fforme,  as  Lovers  doe ; 
Nor  value  by  the  rule  of  Sence ; 
Wee  know  noe  Sexe's  difference, 
Equall  in  Pre 'eminence. 

To  the  Sympathising  mind, 
Neither  hinder,  neither  bind ; 
But  in  cither's  brest  wee  move, 
And  Affections  Equall  prove ; 
This  is  pure  Platonicke  Love." 

3.  "  Let  us  perfect  all  our  worke ; 

Nature's  fires  should  never  lurke ; 
And  the  Act  alone  can  Scale 
Mutuall  Joyes ;  which  to  reveale 
Were  Treason  —  and  I  will  not  tell." 

4.  "  Give  me  buxome  Youth,  and  Blood 

Quickned  in  the  understood 
Caution  of  Love ;  a  free  desire 
To  meet  with  mine,  in  Equall  Fire, 
And  doe  the  Act,  wee  both  Conspire." 

The  whole  concludes  with  a  brief  address  "To 
the  Sweet  feminine  Platonickes." 

"  Ladies,  (for  only  to  the  Feminine 
Wee  breath  these  gentle  Ayres ;)  it  resteth  in 
Your  power  to  raise  us,  (beyond  all  the  right 
Wee  claime,  to  Poet,)  in  this  present  Fhght ; 
For  love  Platonicke  is  a  Dreame;  (a  dull 
Imperfect  glance  of  the  most  beautifull 
Object  our  nature  claims  to) ;  wanting  you 
Who  makes  that  up  an  Act,  was  but  a  Show." 

Cowley  has  two  poems  in  which  he  takes  the 
view  of  the  anti-Platonics ;  —  namely,  "  Pla- 
tonic  Love,"   and   the   '^Answer   to   the   Pla- 


350  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

tonics."  ^  He  appears,  however,  to  have  been 
later  a  devoted  friend  of  the  EngHsh  coterie 
leader,  Mrs.  Catherine  Philips,  ^Hhe  Matchless 
Orinda.'*  Two  of  his  poems  are  dedicated  to 
this  friendship:  ^^On  the  Death  of  Mrs.  Cath- 
erine Philips,"  and  ^'On  Orinda's  Poems."  ^ 

As  might  be  expected,  there  are  fairly  definite 
indications  that  the  role  of  coterie  leader  soon 
became    familiar   to    the   women   of   England, 
I    and  appeared  so  attractive  in  their  sight  that 
they  became  ambitious  for  a  similar  distinction. 
ji'  Three  names  rise  into  prominence  in  this  con- 
li  nection,  belonging  to  somewhat  different  periods 
of  time  and  different  ranks  of  society,  and  rep- 
resenting,    indeed,     correspondingly     different 
characteristics  of  the  precieuse.    The  ladies  in 
■  question  are  Lucy  Hay,  Countess  of  Carlisle, 
Mrs.  Catherine  Philips,  and  Margaret  Cavendish, 
,    Duchess    of    Newcastle.     The    first    of    these, 
i    the  Countess  of  Carlisle,  was  a  close  friend  and 
companion    of    Queen    Henrietta    Maria,    and 
enjoyed  the  greatest  influence  during  the  min- 
istry of  Lord  Strafford,  whom  she  dominated 
completely.     Obviously    the    French    influence 
operating  upon  her  was  that  of  the  Hdtel  de 
Ramhouillet,  in  its  early   freedom  of  activity, 
and  it  is  this  spirit  that  she  displays.     She  was 
a  woman  of  wit  and  accomplished  attractive- 
ness, the  center  of  social  activity,  and  took 

^  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vii.  105  and  106. 

2  Ihid.,  vii.  98  and  88.  A  poem  on  "  Platonic  Love" 
appeared  among  John  Hall's  Poems,  1646  ( Saintsbury, 
Minor  Poets  of  the  Caroline  Period,  ii.  196). 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  351 

great  delight  in  the  interests  and  intrigues  of 
statecraft;  without  appearing  unwomanly.  She 
enjoyed  the  homage  of  the  greatest  men  of 
her  time,  both  statesmen  and  literary  lights, 
molding  their  opinions  and  lending  inspiration 
to  the  creations  of  their  pens.  A  whole  flood 
of  occasional  verse  offers  tribute  to  her  name. 
William  Cartwright  wrote  ^^A  Panegyrik  to  the  «/ 
Most  Noble  Lucy,  Countess  of  Carlisle";* 
Carew  celebrated  her  under  the  name  of  Lu-  ^ 
cinda;  ^  Herrick,  in  Hesperides,  devoted  a  poem 
to  "  Si  black  twist  rounding  the  arm  of  the 
Countess  of  Carlisle";^  Carew  and  Suckling 
together  made  her  charms  the  subject  of  a 
by  no  means  Platonic  verse  dialogue ;  ^  Daven- 
ant  and  Waller  wrote  consolatory  verses  to 
her  upon  the  death  of  her  husband  in  1636. 
Sir  Toby  Matthew,  as  an  essay  at  the  French 
vogue  of  literary  portraiture,  so  common  in 
the  romances,  circulated  in  manuscript,  about 
1637,  a  ^'character"  of  the  most  excellent 
Lady  Lucy,  Countess  of  Carlisle.  Sir  Toby  also 
tried  his  hand  at  letter-writing,  as  did  his  friend 
James  Howell  and  others.  This  character, 
after  becoming  generally  known  through  manu- 
script circulation,  was  first  published  in  1660 
with  a  collection  of  Sir  Toby's  letters  dedicated 
to  Lady  Carlisle.  Suckling,  in  his  Session  of 
the  Poets,   even  goes    so   far   as   to   insinuate 

^  Works,  ed.  1651,  p.  183. 
2  Poems,  ed.  Hazlitt,  pp.  41,  117. 
^Hesperides,  ed.  Boston,  1856,  i.  116. 
*  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vi.  495. 


352  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

that  Matthew's  reputation  depended  on  his 
choice  of  a  subject  for  portraiture. 

"Toby  Mathews  (pox  on  him)  what  made  him  there? 
Was  whispering  nothing  in  somebody's  ear, 
When  he  had  the  honour  to  be  named  in  court, 
But,  sir,  you  may  thank  my  Lady  Carhel  for't." 

In  view  of  the  wide  circulation  of  this  '' char- 
acter," statements  made  in  it  may  be  taken  as 
fairly  authentic.  Two  of  them  bear  witness 
to  important  qualities  in  a  coterie  leader:  her 
cultivation  of  esprit,  and  her  passionless  atti- 
tude toward  love. 

"Her  wit  being  most  eminent  among  the  rest  of  her 
great  abilities,  she  affects  conversation  of  the  persons 
who  are  most  famed  for  it." 

"She  cannot  love  in  earnest,  so  contenting  herself 
to  play  with  Love  as  with  a  child.  Naturally  she 
hath  no  passion  at  all." 

These  points  are  further  emphasized  in  the 
verse  ^'Panegyrik"  by  Cartwright.  Having 
praised  the  lady's  beauty  in  most  lavish  terms, 
he  turns  his  attention,  in  the  usual  Platonic 
manner,  to  the  superior  qualities  of  her  mind 
and  soul. 

"But  Beauty  is  not  all  that  makes  you  so 
Ador'd  by  those  who  either  see  or  know; 
'Tis  your  proportioned  Soul,  for  who  ere  set 
A  common  useless  Weed  in  Christall  yet? 

«ltf  «1*  ^Im  «^  *^ 

v^  ^«  wf»  ^1*  #{* 

.  .  .  For  that  light  which  we  find 
Streams  in  your  Eye,  is  knowledge  in  your  Mind ; 
That  mixture  of  bright  Colours  in  your  Face, 
Is  equall  Temperance  in  another  place ; 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  353 

That  vigour  of  your  Limbs,  appears  within 
True  perfect  Valour,  if  we  look  but  in ; 
And  that  Proportion  which  does  each  part  fill, 
Is  but  dispencing  Justice  in  your  Will. 

*^L»  %^  «1»  «!• 

^^  '^  ^1^  ^^ 

But  you  whoVe  gain'd  the  Apex  of  your  kind, 
Shew  that  there  are  no  Sexes  in  the  Mind, 
Being  so  Candid,  that  we  must  confess 
That  Goodness  is  your  Fashion,  or  your  Dress, 
That  you,  more  truly  Valorous,  do  support 
Virtue  by  daring  to  be  good  at  Court.  ..." 

In  Mrs.  Philips,^  rejoicing  in  her  assumed  title 
of  The  Matchless  Orinda,  we  appear  to  have 
an  excellent  specimen  of  the  coterie  leader,  such 
as  was  produced  among  the  bourgeoisie  of  France 
when  the  vogue  became  decadent.  It  was 
1647  before  her  doors  were  thrown  open  to  the 
circle  of  second-rate  brilliancy  which  gathered  at 
Cardigan  to  assume  new  and  romantic  names, 
to  prate  of  ideal  friendship,  and  to  dabble  with 
their  hostess  in  literature.  This  first  circle 
extended  to  about  the  time  of  the  Restoration, 
and  then  the  worthy  hostess,  journeying  to 
Ireland,  was  discovered  by  nobility  and  ac- 
quired a  following  of  talented  and  titled  literary 
people  there.  In  the  early  circle,  or  associated 
at  a  distance,  were  such  men  as  Sir  Charles 
Cotterel,  Jeremy  Taylor,  Henry  Lawes,  and 
Samuel  Cooper,  with  various  ladies  of  no  par- 
ticular importance.     After  the  Restoration  ap- 

*  Cf.  J.  J.  Jusserand,  The  English  Novel  in  the  Time  of 
Shakespeare,  pp.  372-373;  Edmund  Gosse,  Seventeenth 
Century  Studies,  p.  205  sq. ;  G.  Saintsbury,  Minor 
Poets  of  the  Caroline  Period,  i.  487  sq. 

2a 


354  PRECIEUSES  AND    PLATONISTS 

peared  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  the  Earl  of  Ros- 
common, James  Tyrrel,  John  Ogilby,  and  others. 
c$  Cotterel  seems  to  have  been  a  particular  favorite 
with  Orinda,  who  interested  herself  in  his 
supposed  romantic  attachment  for  her  dearest 
friend  Lucasia  (Anne  Owen).  Cotterel  stood 
well  at  court,  having  been  made  Master  of 
Ceremonies  there  in  1641,  and  thus  had  ample 
opportunity  to  keep  pace  with  French  social 
customs.  He  translated  part  or  all  of  La 
Calprenede's  Cassandra,  associated  with  William 
I  Aylesbury  in  the  translation  from  Italian  of 
\  Davila's  History  of  the  Civil  Wars  in  France, 
and  was  a  friend  of  Robert  CocMngton,  trans- 
lator of  the  Memoirs  of  Margaret  of  Valois. 
Upon  the  execution  of  Charles  I.  Cotterel  fled 
to  Antwerp,  and  remained  abroad  until  1660. 
Later  in  their  friendship,  Orinda  wrote  him  a 
series  of  letters,  addressing  him  always  by  his 
coterie  name  of  Poliarchus.^  Lawes  was  one 
of  the  leading  musical  composers  of  the  day, 
and  on  good  terms  with  the  best  poets,  whose 
verses  he  often  set  to  music.  Cooper  was  a 
celebrated  miniature  artist,  and  had  made 
portraits  of  many  of  the  court  celebrities. 
Jeremy  Taylor,  the  great  preacher  and  theo- 
logical writer  of  the  period,  was  an  intimate 
friend,  and  answered  to  the  coterie  name  of 
Palsemon.  Various  poets,  not  directly  of  the 
circle,  paid  tribute  to  Orinda.  Henry  Vaughan 
wrote  a  poem  in  1651  ^'To  the  Most  Excellently 
Accomplished  Mrs.  K.  PhiHps";    John  Da  vies 

*  Infra,  p.  446. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  355 

dedicated  to  her  his  translation  of  the  ninth 
book  of  Cleopdtre  in  1659;  and  after  the  Res- 
toration all  of  literary  Ireland  and  England 
united  in  her  praise.  Then  it  was  that  she 
found  herself  at  the  crest  of  the  wave.  Her 
intimate  friends  were  translating  and  com- 
posing romances  and  dramas,  projecting  acade- 
mies, and  experimenting  with  classic  forms, 
while  her  own  translations  from  Corneille  were 
given  high  rank  and  received  with  lavish  com- 
phment. 

It  is  her  significance  in  the  earlier  period 
with  which  this  study  is  concerned.  For  this 
we  have  fairly  adequate  evidence,  including  ^ 
the  Letters  from  Orinda  to  Poliarchus  —  which, 
dating  from  1661  to  1664,  still  continue  the 
spirit  of  the  earlier  time ;  —  her  poetic  works,^ 
which  contain  much  of  earlier  composition; 
Jeremy  Taylor's  treatise  on  the  Nature,  Offices  ^ 
and  Measures  of  Friendship,  1657;  and  the 
recently  mentioned  dedication  by  John  Davies, 
in  1659.  The  letters  are  chatty,  but  phrased 
with  great  care;  and  while  they  express  deep 
gratitude  and  dilate  on  confidential  friendship, 
show  no  trace  of  passionate  love  or  mawkish 
sentiment  toward  Cotterel.  The  happenings  of 
the  coterie  and  the  social  and  literary  gossip 
of  the  day  are  given  much  importance,  with 
frequent  references  to  Lucasia,  who  by  this 
time  had  married  another.  There  are  ex- 
changes of  literary  work,  together  with  requests 

*  Her  poems  were  collected  and  published  in  1667, 
after  her  death. 


356  PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS 

that  Poliarchus  advise  about  her  translations, 
polish  her  sentences,  and  correct  her  proofs. 

The  poetic  efforts  of  Orinda  further  establish 
the  character  of  her  salon;  indicating  clearly 
enough  the  combination  of  friendship,  poetry, 
and  devotion  which  these  people  were  seriously 
modeling  on  the  French  coteries.  The  heart 
became  the  subject  of  deep  contemplation  and 
endless  analysis,  the  sensibilities  received  undue 
development,  and  the  petty  happenings  of 
social  gatherings  were  given  a  momentous  im- 
portance. A  few  titles  selected  here  and  there 
from  the  poems  are  sufficient. 

p.  25.^     A  Dialogue  of  Absence,  twixt    Lucasia   and 

Orinda.     Set   by   Mr.    Hen.    Lawes. 
p.  30.     To  Mrs.  Mary  Carne,  when  Philaster  Courted 

her. 
p.  31.     To  Mr.  J.  B.  the  noble  Cratander,  upon  a  Com- 
position of  his  which  he  was  not  willing  to  own 

publickly. 
p.  32.     To  the  excellent  Mrs.    Anne    Owen,    upon   her 

receiving  the  Name  of  Lucasia,  and  adoption  into 

our  Society,  Dec.  28,  1651. 
p.  45.     To    the    truly    competent    Judge    of   Honour, 

Lucasia,  upon  a  scandalous  Libel  made  by  J.  J. 
p.  47.     To  Antenor,^     on    a    Paper   of    Mine   which 

J.  J.  threatens  to  publish  to  prejudice  him. 
p.  55.     To  Regina  Colher,  on  her  Cruelty  to  Philaster. 
p.  55.     To  Philaster,  on  his  Melancholy  for  Regina. 
p.  65.     Parting  with  Lucasia.    A  Song. 
p.  94.     A  Friend.^ 

^  The  page  references  are  to  the  edition  of  London, 
1678.  2  Her  husband. 

3  This  presents  her  favorite  idea,  expressed  by  Jeremy 
Taylor  in  his  Discourse,  that  woman  should  be  able  to 
share  with  man  in  friendship. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  357 

p.  126.     A   Dialogue   betwixt    Lucasia    and    Rosania. 
Imitating  that  of  Gentle  Thersis. 

Several  translations  from  the  French  appear 
among  her  poems,  including  Saint-Amant's 
''Solitude  " ;  "  Tendres  Desirs'^  —  out  of  a  French 
poet ;  and  a  pastoral  of  Mons.  de  Scudery  in  the 
first  volume  of  Almahide. 

Taylor's  Discourse  was  apparently  called 
forth  by  certain  questions  asked  by  Mrs.  Philips. 
It  was  dedicated  to  her,  and  she  responded  with 
a  poem  ''To  the  Noble  Palsemon,  on  his  incom- 
parable Discourse  of  Friendship."  In  the  dedi- 
cation he  says :  — 

"They  who  understand  the  secrets  of  religion,  or 
the  interior  beauties  of  friendship,  are  the  fittest  to 
give  answers  in  all  inquiries  concerning  the  respective 
subjects;  .  .  .  and  therefore  you  who  are  so  eminent 
in  friendships,  could  also  have  given  the  best  answer 
to  your  own  inquiries."  .  .  .  ^ 

As  he  proceeds  with  the  discussion  of  the  friend- 
ship of  man  and  woman,  it  is  apparent  that 
Orinda  and  her  circle,  however  much  they  kept 
the  forms  of  Platonic  wooing,  did  not  agree  in 
a  theoretical  worship  of  Platonism.  Friend- 
ship, he  says,  feeds  upon  pure  materials. 

"Where  these  are  not,  men  and  women  may  be  pleased 
with  one  another's  company,  and  lie  under  the  same 
roof,  and  make  themselves  companions  of  equal 
prosperities,  and  humour  their  friend ;  but  if  you  call 
this  friendship,  you  give  a  sacred  name  to  humour 
or  fancy;  for  there  is  a  Platonic  friendship  as  well  as 
a  Platonic  love ;  but  they  being  but  the  images  of  more 

1  Taylor,  Works,  ed.  1822,  xi.  301. 


i/ 


358  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

noble  bodies,  are  but  like  tinsel  dressings,  which  will 
shew  bravely  by  candle-light,  and  do  excellently  in  a 
mask,  but  are  not  fit  for  conversation  and  the  material 
intercourse  of  our  life.''  ^ 

Taylor,  however,  would  admit  woman  into 
his  highest  degrees  of  friendship. 

"But  by  the  way,  Madam,  you  may  see  how  much 
I  differ  from  the  morosity  of  those  cynics,  who  would 
not  admit  your  sex  into  the  communities  of  a  noble 
friendship.  ...  I  cannot  say  that  women  are 
capable  of  all  those  excellences,  by  which  men  can 
oblige  the  world;  .  .  .  but  a  woman  can  love  as 
passionately,  and  converse  as  pleasantly,  and  retain 
a  secret  as  faithfully,  and  be  useful  in  her  proper 
ministries;  and  she  can  die  for  her  friend  as  well  as 
the  bravest  Roman  knight."  ^ 

John  Davies  says  of  her,^  paying  particular 
tribute  to  her  knowledge  of  foreign  literature 
and  her  fondness  for  romances :  — 

"When  I  consider  you  a  person  so  much  above 
your  Sex,  in  the  command  of  those  Languages,  wherein 
things  of  this  nature  have  ordinarily  their  first  birth 
and  consequentlie,  that  what  is  intended  for  the 
entertainment  of  others  proves  your  trouble;  a 
Translation  being  no  lesse  to  one  that  hath  read  the 
Original :  When  I  reflect  on  your  curiosity  to  look 
into  these  things  before  they  have  hardlie  taken 
English  aire,  as  it  were  to  prevent  the  earliest  applica- 
tions of  those  who  labour  in  this  kind :  When,  in  fine, 
it  runs  into  my  thoughts,  that  what  I  now  bring  your 
Ladyship  will  haplie  have  the  fate  to  be  cast  by,  with, 
I  have  long  since  read  it  in  the  Original,  'tis  but  poorly 
done  into  English.  I  must  confesse  myself  guiltie 
of  a  strange  suspense  of  resolution,  whether  I  should 

1  Works,  ed.  cit.,  xi.  313  sq.         ^  Ibid.,  p.  330. 
^  Dedication  of  bk.  ix  of  Hymen's  Prceludia. 


PRECIEUSES  AND   PLATONISTS  359 

venture  on  this  Addresse  or  no.  .  .  .  For,  reflecting 
on  your  great  affection  and  respects  for  the  excellent 
Cleopatra,  your  particular  enquiries  after  her  wellfare 
and  adventures,  and  the  tenderness  which  makes  you 
wish  the  misfortunes  of  so  great  a  Princess  were  at 
a  period,  I  can  think  it  but  just,  that  the  person,  from 
whom  she  had,  unknown,  received  those  great  Civilities, 
should  accordingly  be  returned  the  peculiar  acknow- 
ledgements thereof." 

He  further  states  that  his  desire  to  dedicate 
to  her  is  ''  heightened  by  a  reflection  on  the 
particular  favours  I  have  received  from  your 
Ladyship." 

Thus  we  see  in  Orinda  the  hourgeoise  leader 
of  a  salon,  having  refined  friendships  between 
the  sexes  as  her  hobby,  encouraging  her  '^so- 
ciety" to  fictitious  names,  to  more  or  less 
Platonic  love-making,  and,  in  emulation  of  her 
own  pretentious  efforts,  to  the  composition  of 
occasional  verse  and  to  literary  excellence  and 
appreciation  in  general,  with  a  particular  fond- 
ness for  romances. 

The  most  peculiar  specimen  of  precieuse  in 
England,  however,  remains  to  be  considered,! 
in  the  person  of  the  Duchess  of  Newcastle.] 
Certain  of  the  characteristics  she  displays  be-' 
yond  a  doubt;  others  usually  associated  with 
these  are  strangely  suppressed.  Part  of  the  dif- 
ficulty lies  in  the  fact  that  she  held  to  her  early 
views  during  the  gay  career  of  the  Restoration 
court,  thus  making  her  peculiarities  appear  in 
still  bolder  contrast.  She  was  for  two  years' 
—  1643-1645  —  in  attendance  upon  Henrietta 
Maria,  accompanying  her  to  Paris,   as  did  a  \ 


360  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

whole  flock  of  English  literary  people,  such  as 
Cowley,  Shirley,  Crashaw,  and  Hobbes.  There 
in  1645  she  married  the  future  Duke  of  New- 
castle, with  whom  she  remained  abroad  — 
except  for  one  visit  of  eighteen  months  — 
until  the  Restoration.  Of  her  numerous  lit- 
erary works,  poetical,  philosophical,  and  dra- 
matic, most  of  the  plays  and  poems  and  at 
least  two  philosophical  treatises  were,  by  her 
own  statements,^  composed  during  her  stay  on 
the  continent  and  her  visit  to  England.  She 
was  certainly  a  woman  of  independent  thought, 
which  took  the  form  of  all  sorts  of  whimsical 
and  fantastic  notions  to  which  her  sublime 
conceit  attributed  vast  importance.  Being  con- 
sidered as  a  precieuse,  she  should  not  be  ex- 
pected to  follow  beaten  paths,  but  rather  to 
accept  from  the  vogue  the  suggestions  of  chas- 
tity, affectation,  or  emancipated  womanhood, 
and  then  develop  them  according  to  her  own 
vagaries.  Her  precieuse  tendencies  may  be 
briefly  considered- 
First  appears  her  sincere  insistence  upon 
chastity.  In  this  regard  she  might  have  stood 
with  the  noble  hostess  of  the  Hotel  de  Ram- 
houillet,  for  even  at  a  time  when  purity  was 
prudery  and  a  cause  for  jest  in  the  streets, 
she  practiced  and  defended  the  extreme  of 
virtuous  living.  Though  attended  by  none  of 
the  hypocritical  intrigues  of  the  decadent  Pla- 

^  Memoirs,  ed.  Brydges,  1814,  p.  23.  These  were 
first  printed  in  1656,  as  the  last  book  of  her  Nature's 
Pictures. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  361 

tonists,  this  chastity  is  indeed  so  often  paraded 
by  the  Duchess  that  it  becomes  almost  offensive 
and    certainly    suggests    posing.     Posing    and 
affectation,  indeed,  were  among  her  most  prom-  . 
inent    characteristics,    attended    by    a    strange  , 
delight  in  fantastic  garments  of  her  own  device.  --■ 
Pepys  describes  her  appearance  in  1667,^  and 
she  herself  testifies  for  an  earlier  period:    ''I 
took  great  delight  in  attiring,  fine  dressing,  and 
fashions,  especially  such  fashions  as  I  did  invent 
myself,  not  taking  that  pleasure  in  such  fashion 
as  was  invented  by  others.    Also  I  did  dislike 
any  should  follow  my  fashions,   for  I  always 
took  delight  in  a  singularity,  even  in  accoutre- 
ments of  habits."     She  was  especially  fond  of 
having   her   portrait   painted   in   one   of   these 
striking    outfits.     That    there    was    a    French 
prototype  for  this  sort  of  thing  appears  from  - 
Mile,  de  Scudery's  description  of  the  presump-,ii:i— 
tuous    Damophile,^    apparently    a    rival    and 
imitator.    When  this  lady  had  a  portrait  made, 
she  stood  before  a  great  table  on  which  were 
books,  pincers,  a  lyre,  and  some  mathematical 
instruments.     It  was  necessary  even  that  she 
be  represented  attired  as  one  of  the  Muses. 

The  Duchess  had  that  tendency  toward 
philosophical  thought  and  extravagant  ex- 
pression which  seems  the  peculiar  property  of 
the    confirmed    precieuse    and  femme    savante. 

1  Pepys,  Diary,  April  11,  26,  May  1,  1667;  Evelyn, 
Memoirs,  April  18,  27,  1667. 

2  Cf.  Artamene  ou  le  grand  Cyrus,  x.  ii.  Noted  by 
V.  Cousin,  La  Societe  frangaise  au  XVII^  Steele,  Paris, 
1858,  ii.  144. 


I 


362  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

But  her  affectations  of  style  followed  nobody's 
lead,  and  the  uncouth  philosophy  she  developed 
was  in  no  way  the  result  of  the  usual  round  of 
study.  In  fact  she  was  constantly  protesting 
her  repugnance  to  such  study.  In  the  General 
Prologue  to  her  plays  she  says :  — 

"But  noble  readers,  do  not  think  my  plays 
Are  such  as  have  been  writ  in  former  days ; 
As  Johnson,  Shakespear,  Beaumont,  Fletcher  writ, 
Mine  want  their  learning,  reading,  language,  wit. 
The  Latin  phrases  I  could  never  tell, 
But  Johnson  could,  which  made  him  write  so  well. 
Greek,  Latin  poets,  I  could  never  read, 
Nor  their  historians,  but  our  English  speed." 

A  similar  statement  occurs  in  her  Memoirs} 

I        The  tendency  she  had  to  put  herself  in  her 

'     plays  is  often  a  matter  of  comment.     There 

is  hardly  a  play,  indeed,  in  which  she  does  not 

seem  to  portray  herself  in  some  character  or 

.    other.     Here  she  had  model  enough  in  the  work 

\  of  Mile,  de  Scudery,  and  in  the  general  custom 

among  the  French  romance-writers,  of  inserting 

numerous  descriptions  of  their  contemporaries. 

Notwithstanding  her  peculiarities,  the  Duchess 

either  had  sincere  admirers,  or  by  virtue  of  her 

position  made  it  profitable  for  men  to  profess 

admiration  for  her.     Needless  to  say,  she  would 

enjoy    such    attention.     Besides    the    various 

adulatory  poems  prefixed  to  her  works,  there 

was  enough  other  material  of  the  sort  to  justify 

^  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Newcastle,  The  Life  of  William 
Cavendish,  Duke  of  Newcastle,  ed.  C.  H.  Firth,  London, 
1886,  pp.  311-312. 


PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS  363 

the  publication,  in  1676,  of  a  book  of  '^  Letters 
and  Poems  in  Honour  of  the  Incomjoarahle 
Princess  Margaret,  Dutchess  of  Newcastle,  written 
by  several  Persons  of  Honour  and  Learning/' 

A  final  tendency,  that  of  leadership  and 
dictation  in  morals  and  manners,  is  supplied 
by  Gibber,  in  his  Lives  of  the  Poets,^  where  he  - 
tells  that  in  her  later  life  she  kept  constantly 
about  her  a  coterie  of  young  ladies  as  com- 
panions and  amanuenses;  probably,  in  return 
for  their  attendance,  instructing  them  according 
to  her  ideas  of  social  and  literary  proprieties. 
Truly,  as  Pepys  puts  it,^  ^'the  whole  story  of  this  j 
lady  is  a  romance  and  all  she  does  is  romantic. "i--"'! 

These  various  loosely  connected  details  serve        i 
to    make    the    situation    comparatively    clear.        | 
Soon  after  the  marriage  of  Charles  I.  and  Hen-       ! 
rietta  Maria  there  passed  into  England  a  current       ,' 
of  French  influence  which  first  affected  those 
circles  of  society  nearest  the  court.     There  was 
a  revived  interest  in  dramas  of  a  pastoral  or 
romantic  tone,  a  tendency  to  regulate  English 
social  life  according  to  the  practices  encouraged 
by   Madame   de   Rambouillet   in   France,   and 
most  significant  of  all  —  at  least  to  the  minds 
of  the  courtiers  —  there  was  a  movement  toward 
a  revived  Platonism,  to  be  adapted  as  in  France, 
to    the    formalities    of    social    gallantry.     This 
Platonic  vogue,  with  the  type  of  society  that 
fostered  it,  soon  ran  its  course  in  England,  as 
it  did  on  the  continent,  and  became  the  jest 

»  Ed,  London,  1753,  ii.  164.  ^  Diary,  April  12,  1667. 


n 


364  PRECIEUSES  AND  PLATONISTS 

of  courtiers  and  the  pride  of  certain  of  the 
bourgeoisie.  Certain  Hterary  forms,  however, 
which  had  found  their  way  from  France  to 
England  while  these  social  forces  operated, 
occupy  a  prominent  place  in  the  literary  history 
of  England  prior  to  the  Restoration  and  demand 
further  consideration.  They  are  in  particular 
the  prose  romance,  the  romantic  drama,  the 
epic  or  heroic  poem,  vers  de  societe,  burlesque, 
and  literary  correspondence. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Romance,  Drama,  and  Heroic  Poem 

There  was  no  time,  from  the  appearance  of 
Sidney's  Arcadia  to  the  Restoration,  when  there 
was  not  in  England  a  considerable  interest  in 
romances,  pastoral  or  heroic,  and  when  repre- 
sentatives of  the  genre  were  not  being  utilized 
either  in  translation  or  as  material  for  drama. 
As  French  specimens  of  greater  importance 
began  to  appear  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
they  drew  their  share  of  interest  from  the  Eng- 
lish public,  so  that  by  1625,  the  year  of  Hen- 
rietta's arrival,  the  Astree  and  its  small  French 
following  had  established  for  themselves  in 
England  a  position  just  about  equal  to  that  of 
the  English  Arcadia  or  the  Spanish  Amadis.  ^ 
Among  various  other  influences  due  to  the 
arrival  of  the  young  French  queen  and  her 
followers,  prominence  must  be  given  to  the 
dual  effect  this  seems  to  have  had  on  the  ro- 
mance tradition.  First,  by  her  confirmed  tastes 
and  habits  Henrietta  brought  a  great  new  im-,' 
petus  to  the  general  popularity  of  the  pastoral  "^ 
romances,  whether  for  themselves  or  for  dra- 
matic purposes.  Second,  she  gave  encourage-  \ 
ment  to  what  would  in  anv  case  have  been 
a  natural  tendency,  that  of  turning  for  romantic  '■ 

365 


366    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

material  and  inspiration  to  the  great  French 
heroic  vogue  which  was  at  that  time  supplanting 
all  the  earlier  developments  of  romance  in  its 
extent  and  popular  interest. 

The  story  of  the  influence  exercised  by  the 
French  pastoral  romance  prior  to  1625  is  soon 
told.  The  Astree  is  mentioned,  several  years 
'  before  its  actual  publication,  by  William  Drum- 
s' mond,  writing  from  Paris,  on  February  12, 
1607,  to  Sir  George  Keith.^  After  describing 
at  length  the  picture  of  a  very  beautiful  young 
woman,  such  a  one  '^as  Apelles  would  have 
made  Choice  of  for  the  Beauty  of  Greece,"  he 
adds:  '^She  was  said  to  be  the  Astrsea  of  the 
Marquis  D'Urfee."  Very  soon  after  its  ap- 
pearance, the  Astree  attracted  the  interest 
:  of  translators  in  England,  an  English  version 
being  entered  on  the  Stationers^  Register  as 
:  early  as  1611.  The  earliest  extant  edition  of 
the  translated  work,  the  First  Part,  in  twelve 
books,  by  John  Pyper,  bears  the  date  of  1620, 
but  it  is  announced  as  ^' newly  translated." 
To  about  this  time  must  belong  the  favorable 
comment  which  appears  in  an  undated  letter 
to  William  Drummond  by  William  Alexander, 
Earl  of  Stirling,  devoted  admirer  of  Philip 
Sidney  and  author  of  an  addition  to  the  Arcadia 
in  1621.     He  says:  — 

"The  most  lofty  of  the  other"  [i.e.  prose  pastoral 
romances]  "is  the  Marquis  D'Urfe  in  his  Astrsea,  and 
the  choice  pieces  there,  representing  any  of  the  better 
sorts,   do   seem   borrowed   from   ancient   Histories,  or 

^  Drummond,  Works,  ed.  Edin.,  1711,  p.  141. 


ROMANCE,   DRAIMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM     367 

else  Narrations  that  hapned  in  Modern  Times,  rather 
than  true  Discourses  showing  Persons  such  as  they 
were  indeed,  though  with  other  names,  than  for  the 
framing  of  them  for  Perfection,  they  should  have 
been  devised  to  he."  ^ 

In  1610  La  Bergerie  de  Juliette,  written  in 
1592  by  Ollenix  du  Mont-Sacre,  was  translated 
by  Robert  Tofte,  with  the  title  Honour's  Academy 
or  the  Famous  Pastoral  of  the  Fair  Shepherdess 
Julietta?  About  1608  John  Fletcher  had  pro-;} 
duced  his  pastoral,  The  Faithful  Shepherdess,  ' 
which  did  not  at  that  time  please  the  play-going 
public  and  was  withdrawn,  though  an  edition 
seems  to  have  been  published  by  1610.  There 
was  probably  nothing  of  French  origin  about 
this  play,  but  it  was  destined  later  to  figure  in 
the  new  impulse  under  Henrietta.  Three  other 
productions  by  this  author  soon  followed,  in 
which  French  sources  were  involved.  His 
Valentinian  was  acted  some  time  before  1618. 
This  was  a  faithful,  though  enlarged  rendering  of 
the  '^Histoire  d'Eudoxe,  Valentinien  et  Ursace," 
in  the  second  part  of  the  Astree.  This  material 
had  been  variously  utilized  in  France  by  the 
time  at  which  Fletcher  wi'ote,  and  might  thus 
have  come  to  him  indirectly;  but  the  Astree 
was  probably  the  most  convenient  collected 
source  to  be  had.  The  Wandering  Lovers,  by.\ 
Fletcher,  seems  to  belong  to  the  year  1623,  but 
was  supplanted  by  the  revision  made  by  Mas-  " 

1  Ibid.,  p.  161. 

^  A  translation  is  entered  on  the  Stationers'  Register, 
1607,  for  Gervase  Markham. 


368    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

Y  I  singer  and  produced  as  The  Lover's  Progress  in 
(  1634,  apparently  under  the  new  vogue  of  romance 
and  Platonism.     The  material  for  this  is  drawn 
from  Vital  d'Audiguier's  Histoire  tragi-comique 
t  de  nostre  temps  sous  les  noms  de  Lysandre  et  de 
X  \   Caliste.     This    was    printed    anonymously    in 
France  in  1615,  and  appeared  in  English  trans- 
lation in  1627,  several  years  before  Massinger's 
version  of  the  drama. 
/       Fletcher's  Monsieur  Thomas  has  been  shown  ^ 

y  I  to  be  based  in  part  on  the  episode  of  Celidee, 
Thamyre,  and  Calydon  in  the  second  part  of 
the  Astree.  This  story  was  used  in  several 
French  plays  and  may  have  come  through  one 
of  them,  or  have  been  utilized  by  Fletcher  at 
first  hand.  Though  the  action  in  the  drama  is 
expanded  and  made  more  heroically  romantic, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  Celidee,  Valentine,  and 
Francisco  there  correspond  to  Celidee,  Thamyre, 
and  Calydon.  Not  the  least  important  bit 
of  evidence  is  the  speech  of  Valentine,  at  the 
close  of  the  play,  to  Francisco,  who  is  not  else- 
where spoken  of  as  Calydon.  Valentine's  words 
are :  — 

"Take  her,  Francisco,  now  no  more  young  Callidon, 
And  love  her  dearly." 

Two    other    French    characters,    Thomas    and 
Launcelot,  appear  in  the  drama. 

^  A.  L,  Stiefel,  (a)  Review  of  Koeppel's  "Quellen- 
studien  zu  den  Dramen  Ben  Jonsons,  John  Marstons  und 
B.  &  F.,"  in  Zeits.  f.  vergleich.  Litt.,  xii.  (1898),  248; 
(6)  ''Ziir  Quellenfrage  von  John  Fletchers  Monsieur 
Thomas,"  in  Eng.  Stud.,  xxxvi,  pt.  2  (1906),  238  sq. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM    369 

Barclay's  political  romance,  the  Argenis,  ^\ 
which  had  appeared  in  its  original  Latin  form 
in  France  in  1621,  was  published  in  1625  as: 
Barclay  His  Argenis,  or  the  Loves  of  Poliarchus 
and  Argenis,  Faithfully  translated  out  of  Latine 
into  English  hy  Kingesmill  Long.  Another 
translation,  by  Sir  R.  de  Grys,  was  issued  in 
1629,  and  Long's  version  was  reprinted,  with 
a  key,  in  1636. 

In  keeping  with  the  statement  already 
quoted  ^  from  the  dedication  of  W.  D.'s  transla- 
tion, in  1627,  of  D'Audiguier's  Lisander  and 
Calista,  the  interest  in  romance  material,  as 
in  all  things  French,  began  to  show  definite 
increase  at  about  this  time.  Under  date  of 
November  9,  1627,  the  Stationers^  Register  bears 
this  entry:  ^'The  true  historye  of  the  tragique 
loves  of  Hippolito  and  Isabella  Neapolitans 
Englisht,  with  the  tale  of  Narcissus  out  of 
Ovid's  third  booke  of  his  Metamorphosis." 
This  work  appears  to  be  the  translation  of  the 
Histoire  des  tragiques  Amours  d^Hipolite  et 
d^Isabelle,  which  had  appeared  in  France  as 
early  as  1597.  Far  more  significant  is  the  char- 
acter of  the  story  wi'itten  down  about  this 
time  by  Sir  Kenelm  Digby  as  his  Private  Me-  f  i 
moirs.  Digby  was  a  much-traveled  courtier '/ 
who  had  been  with  the  embassy  of  Charles  in 
Spain,  and  later  was  made  gentleman  of  his 
privy  chamber.  He  was  a  close  friend  of  the 
literary  men  of  England,  and  presumably  in 

1  Supra,  p.  320. 
2b 


370    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM 

.  touch  with  prevailing  fashions.  In  1625  he 
had  been  secretly  married  to  Venetia  Stanley; 
and  while  touring  the  Mediterranean,  about 
two  years  after,  as  he  states  in  his  appendix, 
wrote  the  story  of  his  wooing  in  highly  colored 
romantic  fashion,  just  as  D'Urfe  was  supposed 
to  have  related  his  own  experiences  in  the 
Astree.  Venetia,  under  the  name  of  StelHana, 
is  made  a  typical  romance  heroine,  preserving 
her  chastity  amid  the  greatest  trials ;  her  suitors 
being  Ursatius,  a  courtier;  Mardontius,  an  un- 
known young  man;  and  the  ultimately  success- 
ful Theagenes  —  Sir  Kenelm  himself. 
.(  The  year  1629  marks  the  appearance  of 
i|  French  players,  including  women,  upon  the  Eng- 
'■  lish  stage,  apparently  with  the  hope  of  favor 
from  the  young  queen.  The  innovations  they 
brought,  however,  were  apparently  too  great  for 
the  Englishmen  of  that  day.  The  records  in  Sir 
H.  Herbert's  Office  Book  ^  mildly  suggest  this, 
and  a  private  letter  of  the  time,  vouched  for  by 
Collier,^  gives  emphatic  assurance  of  it.  Prob- 
ably in  the  same  year,  one  of  the  earliest  of 
a  long  line  of  romantic  and  pastoral  plays  was 
presented  before  the  court  at  Whitehall.^  This 
was  Thomas  Goffe's  Careless  Shepherdess,  which, 
according  to  the  title-page,  was  also  publicly 
given  at  Salisbury  Court.  The  plot  is  irregular 
and   badly  motived,   dealing  with  the  much- 

^  J.   P.   Collier,  History  of  English  Dramatic  Poetry, 
ii.  22  sq.  2  j5^-^^  ii   23. 

^  Cf .  the  statement  in  the  prologue  of  the  play.     See 
p.  324. 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    371 

crossed  love  of  Philaritus,  son  of  a  '^gentleman 
of  Arcadia,"  for  a  shepherdess.  Apollo  and  the 
Sibyls  are  introduced,  with  the  customary 
oracle. 

As  far  as  our  information  goes,  it  was  not  until 
after  1632  that  these  court  productions  became 
very  common.     A  prominent  representative  ap-  \ 
pears  in  Montague's  Shepherd's  Paradise,  acted    • 
by  Henrietta  and  her  ladies,  January  8,  1632-3.^ 
In  this  the  pastoral  element  is  confined  to  the 
definite   area   of   the   paradise,   around   which 
moves  a  romantic  plot  with  plenty  of  chivalric 
coloring.     There    is    the    tangle    of    affections 
among  high-born  characters,   and  at  last  the 
revelation   of   long-concealed   relationships,   all  . 
told  in  the  elaborately  wrought  language  be- 
longing to  the  genre. 

By  the  following  Twelfth  Night,  Henrietta 
Maria  and  her  ladies  were  engaged  in  presenting 
the  revived  Faithful  Shepherdess,  with  its  refined 
Platonic  atmosphere.  In  this  same  3^ear,  1634, 
Davenant  paid  tribute  to  the  new  court  vogue 
of  Platonism  in  his  Temple  of  Love,  and  Massin- 
ger's  version  of  The  Lover's  Progress  was  pre- 
sented.  This  latter  drama,  whose  indebtedness  f 
to  French  romance  is  beyond  doubt,  is  a  fair! 
example  of  the  fashionable  romantic  play  of 
the  period.  The  chaste  Calista  is  approached  at 
midnight  by  her  husband's  friend  Lisander,  but 
she   repulses   his  love  advances   in   an   ideally 

*  Cf .  the  announcement  of  this  in  a  letter  written  by 
John  Pory,  January  3,  1632-3,  quoted  in  Court  and  Times 
of  Charles  I.,  London,  1848,  ii.  214. 


372    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM 

Platonic  manner.  Liclian  and  Clarange  both 
love  Olinda,  who  agrees  to  favor  the  one  who 
returns  to  her  last.  Single  combats  ensue, 
attended  by  grievous  misunderstandings.  Ca- 
lista's  husband  is  killed  and  Lisander  falsely 
accused  of  the  murder.  Finally  he  is  cleared, 
and  after  some  disguising  and  a  contest  of 
courtesy,  Olinda's  heart  is  satisfactorily  be- 
stowed. Sir  Thomas  Hawkins's  translation  out 
of  French  of  A  Saxon  History  of  the  Admirable 
Adventures  of  Clodoaldus  also  appeared  in  1634. 
Hawkins  was  a  translator  of  some  importance, 
including  among  his  French  material  Pierre 
Matthieu's  Unhappy  Prosperity,  translated  in 
1632.^ 

The  year  1635  is  especially  rich  in  material. 
Early  in  the  year  there  appeared  in  England 
another  company  of  French  players,  which, 
according  to  the  records,  received  first  the 
approval  of  the  queen  and  then  played  at  White- 
hall   with    much    success.^    Afterward,    under 

^  His  other  translations  from  the  French  include: 
The  Holy  Court,  or  the  Christian  Institution  of  Men  of 
Quality,  by  Nicholas  Caussin,  1626,  1634,  1638;  The 
Christian  Diurnal,  by  Caussin,  1632;  and  The  Lives  and 
singular  vertues  of  Saint  Elzear,  Count  of  Sabrary  and 
his  Wife  the  blessed  Countesse  Delphine,  both  Virgins 
and  Married,  by  Etienne  Binet,  1638. 

2  From  Sir  H.  Herbert's  Office  Book  (Fleay,  Chronicle 
History  of  the  London  Stage,  ed.  1890,  chap,  vi,  D, 
339),  under  date  of  February  17,  1635:  "A  French 
company  being  approved  by  the  Queen  at  her  house  2 
nights  before  and  commended  by  her  Majesty  to  the 
King,  acted  Melise,  a  French  comedy,  at  the  Cock  pitt 
in  Whitehall  for  which  they  had  £10  with  good  appro- 
bation." 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    373 

royal  patronage,  they  gave  performances,  re- 
ceived the  most  favorable  concessions,  and  en- 
joyed so  prosperous  a  season  that  arrangements 
were  finally  made  to  give  them  a  permanent 
playhouse/  Herbert  carefully  states  in  his 
records  that  he  extended  unusual  courtesies  to 
this  troupe  because  he  wished  to  render  the 
queen,  his  mistress,  an  acceptable  service;  and 
King  Charles  himself  appears  to  have  been 
active  in  getting  these  players  settled  in  a  play- 
house of  their  own. 

In  the  Office  Book  three  plays  of  their  reper-  ! 
toire  are  named,  —  Melise,  Le  Trompeur  Puni, 
and  Alcimedon.     The  identity  of  the  first  is  un- 
certain.    It  may  be  Corneille's  comedy  Melite, 
which  had  been  acted  in  1629,^  or  Du  Rocher's 
pastorale   comique,    La   Melize    ou    les   Princes 
Reconnus,  acted  in  1633.^    Le  Trompeur  Puni\ 
was  a  play  by  Georges  de  Scudery,  first  acted  in  jy 
1631.     It  was  based  on  material  from  the  Astree.  r 
The  third  seems  to  have  been  a  tragedy  by  Du 
Ryer,  acted  in  1634.     The  effect  of  the  presen- 
tation of  these  standard  plays  in  the   original 
tongue,  under  the  patronage  of  royalty,  must 
have  been  very  considerable  throughout  Eng- 

^  Complete  quotations  from  these  records  also  appear 
in  Collier,  History  of  English  Dramatic  Poetry,  il.  66  sq. 
The  special  privileges  of  these  players  included  the  per- 
mission to  play  on  the  two  Sermon-days  of  each  week, 
as  well  as  all  through  Passion  Week. 

2  Cf.  Parfaict,  Dictionnaire  des  Theatres. 

^  In  Athenceujn  ior  July  25,  1891,  p.  139,  Swinburne 
says,  "  Melize  was  a  trivial  piece,  in  a  prologue  to  which, 
entitled  Le  Rien,  some  of  the  facetious  sayings  of  Buiscam- 
t)ille  were  introduced." 


w 


374    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,   AND   HEROIC   POEM 

lish  circles.  Despite  such  ridicule  as  arose 
through  the  natural  antipathy  to  foreign  man- 
nerisms/ attention  was  generally  directed  to 
the  French  stage,  as  well  as  to  the  tendency  then 
operative  there  to  draw  material  from  romances. 

This  was  also  a  good  year  for  pastorals  at 
the  court.  Of  three  of  these  we  have  record: 
.Joseph  Rutter's  The  Shepherd's  Holy-day,  Thomas 
/Randolph's  Amyntas,  and  the  French  Pastorale 
'  de  Florimene.  The  first  two,  while  testifying 
to  the  vogue,  bear  no  specific  mark  of  French 
influence.  ^'La  Pastoral  de  Florimene,"  say 
the  records  for  December  21,  1635,^  ^'fut  repre- 
sentee devant  le  Roi  et  la  Reine  le  Prince 
Charles  et  le  Prince  Palatine  par  les  filles  fran- 
^aises  de  la  Reine  et  firent  tres  bien  dans 
la  grande  salle  de  Whitehall  aux  depens  de 
la  Reine."  Of  this  pastoral  we  have  the  plot 
only,  and  are  not  even  informed  as  to  what 
language  the  play  was  in,  though  the  natural 
supposition  is  that  it  was  French.  There  is 
some  reason  to  believe  that  the  material  was 
drawn  from  French  romance,  and  the  result  is 
only  one  more  series  of  variations  on  the  stock 
themes.  Men  are  disguised  as  women,  women 
as  men ;  concealed  relationships  are  made  known 
at  length ;  and  mythology  is  called  in  to  produce 
the  denouement. 

Two   other   pastorals   may   conveniently   be 

^  Compare  the  ridicule  of  French  acting  in  Glap- 
thorne's  The  Ladies'  Privilege,  infra,  p.  381. 

^  Herbert,  Variorum,  in.  122;  cf.  Fleay,  Chron.  Hist,  of 
London  Stage,  pp.  3,9;  Collier,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Dram.  Poetry, 
ii.  68. 


ROMANCE,   DRAIVIA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM    375 

noted  at  this  point:  Cowley's  Lovers  Riddle^ 
which  was  printed  in  1G3S,  though  probably 
written  some  years  earlier  when  he  was  a  student 
at  Westminster  School;  and  Ben  Jonson's  Sad 
Shepherd,  unfinished  at  his  death  in  1637. 
Besides,  there  came  to  light  or  was  revived  in 
1635  the  pastoral  piece  Amphrisa  or  the  For- 
saken Shepherdess,  which  formed  a  part  of 
Thomas  Heywood's  Pleasant  Dialogues  and 
Dramas,  entered  in  that  year.  It  is  distinctly 
an  earlier  sort  of  English  pastoral,  and  had 
probably  been  written  before  IGOO,  —  perhaps 
even  printed  in  1597.^  The  great  popularity  of 
the  pastoral  at  the  time  under  consideration 
may  have  appeared  to  favor  the  publication 
of  anything  that  at  all  fitted  into  the  genre. 
As  the  period  progressed,  however,  it  seems 
that  the  pastoral  tone  gave  place  to  the 
heroic  in  romance  pieces,  just  as  was  the  case 
in  France. 

A  group  of  translations  demands  attention 
here,  several  of  them  being  almost  directly 
promoted  by  the  queen.  In  1636  appeared  a 
version  of  Saint-Sorlin's  Ariana,  bearing  this 
inscription:  '^As  it  was  translated  out  of  the 
French  and  presented  to  my  Lord  Chamber- 
laine."  A  second  edition  of  this  was  published 
as  early  as  1641.  In  1637  came  Richard  Hurst's 
rendering  of  a  romantic  piece  with  which  Hen- 
rietta was  already  amply  familiar,  —  Gombauld's 
Endymion,   celebrating  his   ambitious  love   for 

^  Cf.  W.  W.  Greg,  Pastoral  Poetry  and  Pastoral  Drama, 
p.  374. 


\ 


i 


376    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

Marie  de  Medicis.^  A  second  edition  appeared 
only  two  years  later.  The  Stationers^  Register 
for  January  29,  1637-8,  bears  the  entry  of  '^o, 
Play  called  The  Cid  a  Tragi-comedy  translated 
out  of  French  by  Master  Rutter/'  On  April  6, 
1638-9,  is  entered  ^^  a  play  called  the  Second  part 
of  the  valiant  Cid.  Translated  out  of  French 
by  Master  Rutter."  The  first  of  these  was 
Joseph  Rutter's  rendering  of  Corneille's  cele- 
brated drama,  and  the  second  had  to  do  with  the 
^^  second  part  of  the  Cid  "  by  L'abbe  Desfontaines. 
Both  appeared  soon  after  their  entry  in  the 
Register.  The  first  edition  of  the  Cid  bears  the 
date  1637,  on  the  following  title-page:  "The 
Cid,  a  tragicomedy  out  of  French  made  English 
and  acted  before  their  Majesties  at  Court  and 
on  the  Cockpit  Stage  in  Drury-lane,  by  the  ser- 
vants of  both  their  Majesties.^'  Rutter's  trans- 
lation was  made  at  the  desire  of  his  patron,  the 
Earl  of  Dorset,  then  Lord  Chamberlain  to  the 
queen ;  and  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  play  re- 
ceived publication  in  France  almost  contempo- 
raneously, the  theory  has  been  advanced  that  the 
Earl  of  Dorset  used  his  rank  and  acquaintance 
to  secure  advance  sheets  for  Rutter  before  the 
play  had  been  published  at  all.^  The  fact  that 
Englishmen  took  so  prompt  an  interest  in  the 
productions  of  the  French  stage  argues  well  for 
the  influence  of  France  on  the   English  litera- 

^A^Mpm.  p.  319. 

2  Dorothea  F.  Canfield,  Corneille  and  Racine  in 
England,  pp.  3-5.  The  privilege  of  publication  was 
granted  January  21,  1637  (n.s.),  and  the  play  was  not 
actually  printed  until  March  23,  1637  (n.s.). 


ROMANCE,   DRAIVIA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    377 

ture  of  the  time.     The  Cid  appears  to  have  had  \ 
a  cordial  reception  in  England,  its   continued   \ 
popularity  being  indicated  by  the  demand  for   • 
a  new  edition  in   1650,  eight  years  after  the 
closing  of  the  theaters. 

Vital  d'Audiguier's  Lisander  and  Calista  was 
brought  into  prominence  again  in  1638,  through 
the  publication,  by  '^William  Barwick,  gent.,'' 
of  a  new  version  of  one  of  the  books,  under  the 
title  of  ^^  Love  and  Valour :  celebrated  in  the  ^person 
of  the  author,  by  the  name  of  Adraste;  or  the 
divers  affections  of  Minerva;  one  part  of  the 
unfained  story  of  the  true  Lisander  and  CalisteJ^ 
The  continued  interest  in  the  Greek  romances 
is  indicated  by  a  translation,  published  in  1638, 
of  The  Loves  of  Clitophon  and  Leucippe  by 
Achilles  Tatius,^  and  by  the  entry,  under  date 
of  January  30,  1637-8,  of  "a  Booke  called  The 
famous  history  of  Heliodorus  amplified  aug- 
mented and  delivered  paraphrastically  in  verse 
by  William  Lisle."  In  1638,  too,  entry  was'.v 
made  of  a  translation,  though  perhaps  only  a  •  ' 
partial  one,  9f  Cyrano  de  Bergerac's  Histoire 
Comique  des  Etats  et  Empires  de  la  Lune.  This 
book  had  apparently  drawn  on  an  English  work 
in  its  composition.  The  Man  in  the  Moon,  by  • ' 
Francis  Goodwin.  Goodwin,  under  the  pseudo-  | 
nym  of  Domingo  Gonzales  had  written  this  story  ; 
of  a  moon-journey  toward  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  while  he  was  a  student  at  Christ 
Church.     Though  not  published  until  1638,  this 

^  A  translation  by  William  Burton  had  appeared  in 
1597. 


378    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

acquired  some  notoriety  in  manuscript,  and  so 
influenced  De  Bergerac,  who  acknowledged  his 
obHgation  by  meeting  Domingo  Gonzales  on  the 
moon  and  engaging  in  conversation  with  him. 

So  wide  is  the  prevalence  of  romance  color- 
ing in  the  drama  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
and  so  difficult  is  the  problem  of  distinguishing 
the  distinctly  French  influence  in  this  regard, 
that  there  is  no  possibility  of  a  detailed  account 
of  dramatic  obligations  to  contemporary  heroic 
romances  in  France.  The  situation  may  indeed 
be  illustrated  by  a  few  significant  examples. 
Suckling's  tragedy  of  Brennoralt,  produced  about 
1640,  certainly  contains  material  from  the  ro- 
mances. The  relations  of  Almerin  the  rebel 
and  the  Palatine  Iphigenes,  though  an  old  story 
going  back  to  Ovid's  ^^  Iphis  and  lanthe/'  formed 
the  central  motive  of  Bishop  J.  P.  Camus's  ro- 
mance Iphigenes,  1625,  later  translated  into 
English  by  Major  Wright  under  title  of  Nature^ s 
Paradox,  1652.  In  the  play,  as  in  the  romance, 
Sigismund  is  king  of  Poland  (Polonia),  and  the 
Palatine  Iphigenes,  really  a  woman,  has  been 
brought  up  from  birth  as  a  boy  because  of  her 
father's  antipathy  to  rearing  another  girl. 
Almerin  corresponds  to  Liante  in  the  romance, 
who  in  woman's  guise  there  has  the  name 
Almeria.  What  are  actual  disguisings  in  the 
romance  for  definite  purpose,  are  merely  men- 
tioned as  pastimes  in  the  drama,  which  has 
generally  a  much  more  tragic  tone.  In  the  first 
act,  Iphigene,  still  in  male  character,  says  to 
Almerin  in  prison :  — 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    379 

"0  Almerin !  would  we  had  never  known 
The  ruffle  of  the  world  !  but  were  again 
By  Stolden  banks  in  happy  solitude ; 
When  thou  and  I,  shepherd  and  shepherdess 
So  oft  by  turns,  as  often  still  have  wish'd, 
That  we  as  easily  could  have  chang'd  our  sex, 
As  clothes.     But  alas  !  all  those  innocent  joys. 
Like  glorious  mornings,  are  retir'd  into 
Dark  sullen  clouds,  before  we  knew  to  value 
What  we  had." 

When  Iphigene  on  her  death-bed,  after  the  truth 
has  been  made  known,  pleads  to  know  if  Almerin 
has  loved  her,  he  replies :  — 

''Canst  thou  doubt  that, 
That  hast  so  often  seen  me  ecstasied 
When  thou  wert  dress 'd  like  woman, 
Unwilling  ever  to  believe  thee  man  ?  " 

The  combat  scene  between  Almerin  and  Bren- 
noralt  in  the  last  act  is  particularly  in  the 
romance  vein.  They  converse  in  poetic  lan- 
guage, and  in  the  midst  of  their  struggle  pause 
to  kiss  once  more  the  lips  of  their  dead  ladies. 
Thus  refreshed,  they  turn  to  fight  again. 

The  Queene  of  Arragon,  a  ^Hragi-comedie"  by 
William  Habington,^  was  printed  in  1640. 
''Which  play,"  says  Wood  in  Athence  Oxonienses,^ 
"he  communicating  to  Philip  Earl  of  Pembroke, 
Chamberlain  of  the  household  to  K.  Charles  I, 
he  caused  it  to  be  acted  at  court,  and  afterwards 
to  be  publish'd  against  the  author's  will."  The 
main  plot  of  this,  though  not  of  the  usual  long- 

^  Habington's  contributions  to  the  literature  of  Pla- 
tonism  have  been  discussed,  supra,  chap.  vii. 
2  Ed.  Bliss,  iii.  224. 


SSO     ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM 

drawn-out  variety,  has  a  thoroughly  heroic  tone. 
Decastro,  General  of  Arragon;  Florentio,  Gen- 
eral of  Castile ;  and  the  king  of  Castile  —  who 
fights  disguised  as  a  common  soldier  —  are 
contending  for  the  love  of  the  queen  of  Arragon. 
Armies  are  there  to  support  the  various  claims, 
and  the  suitors  fairly  overwhelm  the  lady  with 
dignified  but  extravagant  praises  and  contend 
in  polite  condescension  to  each  other.  The 
queen  insists  on  a  refined  type  of  pure,  unselfish 
love.  The  author  in  his  prologue  disclaims  any 
romance  motive,  thus  testifying  to  the  vogue 
of  the  time :  — 

"The  language  too  is  easy,  such  as  fell 
Unstudied  from  his  pen :  not  hke  a  spell 
Big  with  mysterious  words,  such  as  enchant 
The  half-witted,  and  confound  the  ignorant. 
Then  what  must  needs  afflict  the  amorist, 
No  virgin  here  in  breeches  casts  a  mist 
Before  her  lover's  eyes :  no  ladies  tell 
How  their  blood  boils,  how  high  their  veins  do  swell." 

Glapthorne's  The  Ladies^  Privilege  is  another 
play  with  romantic  motives,  printed  in  the  same 
year,  1640.  It  bears  the  inscription,  ^^As  it  was 
acted  with  good  allowance  at  the  Cock-pit  in 
Drury-lane,  and  before  their  Majesties  at  White- 
Hall  twice.  By  their  Majesties  Servants." 
This  play  is  an  absurdly  romantic  tangle  of  love 
and  friendship.  Of  two  sisters  loved  by  two 
friends,  one,  Chrisea,  pretends  to  love  the  other's 
suitor,  and  enjoins  upon  her  own  admirer,  Doria, 
the  task  of  winning  for  her  his  friend's  affection. 
After  a  close  approach  to  a  duel,  this  latter  sacri- 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    381 

fices  love  to  friendship,  only  involving  his  friend 
in  single  combat  on  the  charge  of  desertion. 
Doria  is  supposed  to  kill  his  opponent  in  this 
duel  and  is  himself  condemned  to  death  unless 
some  virgin  agrees  to  marry  him.  His  page  in 
disguise  volunteers,  and  at  that  juncture  Chrisea 
appears  and  explains  everything.  Throughout 
the  action  there  is  much  gallant  talk  of  love  and 
honor.  In  the  second  act  occurs  the  fling  at 
French  acting,  already  noted.  Adorni,  returned 
from  the  wars,  is  asked,  ''What  think  you  of 
the  French?'^  Then  occurs  this  brief  dialogue 
with  Bonivet. 

"  Ador.  —  Very  ayry  people,  who  participate 
More  fire  than  earth ;  yet  generally  good, 
And  nobly  disposition 'd,  something  incHning 
To  overweening  fancy.  —  This  lady 
Tells  my  remembrance  of  a  Comick  scene 
I  once  saw  in  their  Theatre. 

Bon.  — •  Add  it  to 

Your  former  courtesies,  and  expresse  it. 

Ador.  —  Your  entreaty 

Is  a  command,  if  this  grave  Lady  please, 
To  act  the  Lady  I  must  court.'' 

Adorni  then  ''acts  furiously,"  much  to  the  de- 
light of  the  spectators. 

Two  more  romance  translations  belong  here. 
One  is-  entered  on  the  Register  for  November  13, 
1639,  as  "a  Booke  called  The  History  of  Annax- 
ander  and  Orazia,  an  Indian,  story,  translated  out 
of  French  into  English  by  William  Duncomb."  ^ 
Another   translation   of  this,    by  W.   G.  Esq.^ 

*  By  Boisrobert.    Infra,  p.  397,  note. 


382    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

was  printed  in  1657.  In  1640  was  printed  an 
English  rendering  of  the  Romant  of  Romants, 
which  was  Le  Sieur  Verdier's  version  of  the 
Amadis.  This  was  another  translation  prompted 
from  near  the  English  throne,  this  time  by 
Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Montgomery, 
Lord  Chamberlain  of  the  King's  Household. 
In  William  Cartwright's  The  Lady-Errant,  writ- 
ten prior  to  1643  and  printed  in  1651,  there  is  a 
romantic  element  in  the  wooing  of  the  Princess 
Lucasia  by  the  hostile  prince  Charistus,  who  is 
at  the  same  time  the  devoted  friend  of  Olyndus, 
suitor  of  Lucasia 's  friend  Eumela.  A  misunder- 
standing between  the  men  results  in  a  single 
combat,  and  when  both  men  are  clown,  they  talk 
it  over  and  make  up  again.  The  first  act  of  the 
play  contains  two  valuable  references,  one  to  the 
popularity  of  romances,  the  other  to  the  pastoral 
vogue  in  particular.  In  the  second  scene,  the 
courtier  Iringus  says  to  the  ladies :  — 

"  You  shall  make  Verses  to  me  ere  I Ve  done ; 
Call  me  your  Cselius,  your  Corinnus,  and 
Make  me  the  Man  o'  th'  Book  in  some  Romance, 
And  after  all  I  will  not  yield." 

In  the  fourth  scene  Eumela  says :  — 

"Alas! 
These  are  the  things,  that  some  poor  wretched  Lover 
Unpittied  by  his  scornful  Shepherdesse 
Would  wish  for,  after  he  had  look'd  up 
Unto  the  Heavens,  and  call'd  her  Cruell  thrice, 
And  vow'd  to  dye." 

These  allusions  to  the  emotional  extravagance 
of  the  current  romances  are  paralleled  in  two 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM    383 

poems  in  Cowley's  Mistress,  written  a  number  of     f 
years   before   its   publication  in   1647.     In   his 
poem  ''Impossibilities/'  he  says:  — 

"  'Twould  grieve  me  much  to  find  some  bold  Romance, 
That  should  two  kind  Examples  shew, 
Which  before  us  in  Wonders  did  advance; 
Not,  that  I  thought  that  Story  true. 
But  none  should  Fancy  more,  than  I  would  do."  * 

In  " The  Innocent  111 "  occur  the  lines:  — 

"Though  savage,  and  rock-hearted  those 
Appear,  that  weep  not  ev'n  Romances  Woes."  ^ 

A  distinct  departure  from  the  romance  tradi- 
tion, but  perhaps  also  under  French  influence, 
was  Denham's  Sophy,  sl  Senecan  tragedy  in  )( 
blank  verse,  printed  in  1642.  This  type  of 
tragedy  was  frequently  on  the  boards  in  France; 
and,  with  its  Oriental  plot,  the  Sophy  looks 
remarkably  like  the  productions  of  Corneille.^ 

In  the  same  year  there  was  an  original  contri- 
bution to  the  vogue  of  romances  in  England,  in 
the  shape  of  the  poetical  romance  Leoline  and 
Sydanis,  by  Francis  Kinaston.  The  full  title, 
as  given  in  the  Censura  Literaria,  is:  ''Leoline 
and  Sydanis.  An  heroick  Romance  of  the 
Adventures  of  amorous  Princes:    together  with 

1  Cowley,  Wks.,  ed.  London,  1710,  i.  150. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  171. 

^  Edmund  Gosse,  From  Shakespeare  to  Pope,  p.  85, 
notes  this  resemblance,  but  does  not  see  how  Denham 
can  have  known  of  these  French  productions.  Yet  the 
popularity  of  the  Cid  in  England  dates  from  1637  (supra, 
p.  376),  and  even  then  Corneille  was  probably  not  a 
stranger  to  the  English  stage  (supra,  p.  373). 


384    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

sundry  affectionate  addresses  to  his  Mistresse 
under  the  name  of  Cynthia.  By  Sir  F.  K."  ^ 
Wood  says  of  it  ^ :  '^  This  romance  contains  much 
of  the  fabulous  history  of  Mona,  Wales,  and  Ire- 
land, and  (bating  that  it  is  now  and  then  a  little 
obscene)  is  poetical  enough."  Kinaston  himself 
was  an  accomplished  gentleman,  made  Esquire 
of  the  body  of  Charles  I.  He  was  the  first  regent 
of  the  college  or  academy  called  Museum  Miner- 
vce,  founded  1635  ^^pro  institutione  juvenum 
nobilium  in  artibus  liberalibus." 

Three  plays  palpably  founded  on  heroic  mate- 
rial were  printed  late,  but  in  all  probability  had 
a  date  of  composition  earlier  than  1642.  One  of 
these,  Davenant's  Love  and  Honour,  was  printed 
in  1649.  The  plot  is  full  of  the  features  of 
romance;  so  full,  in  fact,  that  nothing  but  a 
detailed  summary  will  make  them  clear.  The 
Duke  of  Savoy  has  vowed  vengeance  on  the 
Duke  of  Millain's  nearest  of  kin,  because  Millain 
is  supposed  to  have  put  Savoy's  brother  to 
death.  Millain's  daughter  Evandra  is  captured 
in  war  by  Prospero,  a  captain  who  afterward 
falls  in  love  with  her.  Alvaro,  Prince  of  Savoy, 
already  her  lover,  attempts  to  keep  her  from  his 
father's  wrath.  Leonell,  Prince  of  Parma,  her 
home  lover,  whom  Prospero  defeated  in  captur- 
ing her,  joins  the  other  two  in  a  plot  to  keep 
her  from  the  Duke.     Leonell's  sister  is  in  hiding 

» ii.  333. 

2  Athen.  Oxon.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  38.  Wood  gives  1646  as 
the  date  of  publication,  while  Ellis,  Specimens,  iii.  265, 
quotes  an  edition  of  1641. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    385 

with  Evandra.  They  learn  of  the  plot,  and  each 
independently  escapes  and  presents  herself  to 
the  Duke,  with  the  purpose  of  saving  the  young 
men.  While  he  is  about  to  refer  to  an  oracle 
the  question  as  to  which  is  the  real  Evandra, 
the  young  men  are  involved  in  various  duels 
upon  the  discovery  of  their  loss.  Finally  both 
girls  are  ordered  executed,  and  on  the  day  ap- 
pointed Millain  and  Savoy's  long-lost  brothers 
turn  up  as  ambassadors.  Leonell  then  makes 
known  that  he  is  the  real  heir  to  the  throne; 
his  sister,  that  Prince  Alvaro  had  previously 
promised  love  to  her.  Evandra  takes  Leonell, 
and  all  apparently  are  happy. 

Leonard  Willan's  Astrcea,  or  True  Lovers  \ 
Mirror  w^as  printed  in  1651.  It  is  essentially  \ 
a  masque,  and  practically  worthless  from  a 
dramatic  point  of  view;  but  is  valuable  for  j 
this  study,  as  it  is  merely  an  attempt  to  weave 
into  a  connected  drama  certain  episodes  from 
the  Astree.  So  much  condensation  is  necessary, 
and  the  episodes  are  combined  with  so  little  skill, 
that  they  appear  positively  absurd  in  their  new 
setting,  and  one  must  be  familiar  with  the  ro- 
mance to  understand  anything  of  the  play. 
Six  pairs  of  lovers,  echoes  of  the  romance,  are 
involved  in  the  complicated  plot.  Even  the 
conventional  love-letters  are  brought  in  from 
the  romance,  and  the  lengthy  conversations  are 
filled  with  quibbles  on  the  mysteries  of  love. 
Prefixed  to  the  play  is  an  elaborate  description 
of  stage-setting  after  the  manner  of  the  masque ; 
and  the  final  stage-direction  is:  ^'Whereat  the 
2c 


/ 


386    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

Theater  is  opened,  and  both  Companies  uniting 
themselves,  spend  the  rest  of  the  Night  in  their 
accustomed  Dances."  The  author  dedicates  his 
play  to  Mary,  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  Lennox, 
and  explains  at  great  length  how  she  may  find 
her  own  portrait  in  the  character  Astrsea. 

Richard  Brome's  The  Love-Sick  Court ,  or  the 
Ambitious  Politique,  printed  1658,  is  built  on 
romantic  material,  with  the  motive  of  political 
ambition.  The  king,  urged  by  his  people  to 
select  a  successor,  must  choose  between  the 
soldier-statesman  Stratocles  and  the  more  youth- 
ful Philargus  and  Philocles,  both  supposed  sons 
of  a  dead  general.  He  decides  to  take  that  one 
of  the  two  youths  whom  his  daughter  Eudina 
chooses  to  marry.  All  three  contestants  are  her 
suitors,  the  two  brothers  being  also  very  de- 
voted to  each  other.  Eudina  cannot  decide 
between  the  youths,  and  they  strive  to  outdo 
each  other  in  self-sacrifice.  Stratocles  by  forged 
letters  forces  them  to  fight,  but  they  discover 
the  plot  and  he  is  arrested.  Poison  given 
Philargus  by  the  servant  of  Philocles  proves  only 
a  sleeping  potion.  While  Philargus  is  thought 
dead,  an  old  nurse  reveals  that  Philocles  is  really 
the  king's  son,  and  the  supposed  dead  man 
comes  back  to  life  to  marry  Eudina.  So  is  ful- 
filled the  usual  mysterious  oracle.  The  pair  of 
friendly  lovers  echoes  Lidian  and  Clarangeus, 
the  lovers  of  Dorinda  in  Lysander  and  Calista  — 
already  used  in  Fletcher  and  Massinger's  Lover's 
Progress,^ 

» Supra,  p.  368. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    387 

With  the  closing  of  the  theaters  in  1642,  the 
process  that  has  been  chiefly  under  consideration 
came  to  an  end.  There  was  no  longer  any  open 
market  for  pastoral  or  heroic  material  gathered 
from  romance  sources  and  thrown  into  dramatic 
form;  and  dramatic  production  ceased  just  at 
the  threshold  of  what  might  have  been  an  earlier 
development  of  the  heroic  play.  Troubled 
times  were  at  hand  for  all  the  following  of  the 
court,  with  its  French  tastes  and  French  ten- 
dencies. The  day  for  a  concerted  loyalty  to  any 
particular  vogue  was  done,  but  French  influence 
along  similar  lines  continued  of  course  through- 
out the  whole  period  of  the  Commonwealth. 
France  and  the  royalist  party  were  drawn  closer 
together  than  ever,  and  most  of  the  literary  men 
of  that  party  eventually  found  their  way  to  the 
•continent,  there  to  be  confirmed  in  the  very 
tendencies  they  had  previously  recognized  at 
home. 

The  spirit  and  material  of  the  French  romances  , 
had  obtained  such  hold  upon  certain  classes  of  j 
the  English  people  that  they  now  began  seek-  ' 
ing  eagerly  for  new  channels  of  expression  into 
which  their  inspiration  could  be  turned.     The 
result  was  a  new  type  of  heroic  poem,  even  ante- 
dating similar  productions  among  the  French, 
and  the  anomalous  stage  performances  of  Dave- 
nant,   which   quickly  developed   characteristics 
paralleling    those    of    the    French    dramas    of 
Scudery  and  Quinault.     When  the  court  party 
returned  to  England,  it  had  only  the  fresh  im- 
pulse drawn  from  immediate  contact  with  the 


388     ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM 

"heroic"  literature  of  France,  and  everything 
was  ready  for  the  heroic  play  of  the  Restora- 
tion. 

Davenant's  Gondihert,  representing  this  new 
type  of  heroic  poem,  demands  first  considera- 
tion; for  it  was  begun  as  early  as  1646,  and 
given  up,  unfinished,  in  1650.  Most  of  the  work 
upon  it  was  done  in  France,  and  France  appears 
to  have  been  responsible  for  most  that  it  had  of 
novelty.  It  was  in  many  respects  an  ordinary 
romantic  epic  of  love  and  warfare,  with  a  Chris- 
tian coloring.  There  was  the  atmosphere  of 
court  and  camp,  the  complicated  plot  with  char- 
acters of  noble  birth  and  stupendous  valor,  the 
medley  of  open  battle  and  splendid  single  com- 
bats ;  and  through  it  all  ran  the  motives  of  love 
and  ambition,  giving  the  heroic  tone  to  the 
product.  This  heroic  tone  may  be  a  natural 
development  from  the  romantic  epics  with  which 
the  author  was  acquainted.  But  it  was  pro- 
duced in  the  environment  and  under  the  strong 
impulse  of  French  romance  material.  Under 
the  same  influence  French  poets  were  themselves 
shortly  to  develop  similar  products. 

An  innovation  on  which  Davenant  particularly 
prided  himself  adds  to  the  probability  of  this 
French  influence.  At  a  time  when  the  most 
familiar  literary  process  in  England  and  France 
was  the  embodiment  of  romance  material  in 
dramatic  form,  this  poet,  writing  in  France, 
framed  his  heroic  narrative  on  the  scheme  of  the 
drama,  —  "  proportioning  five  books  to  five  acts 
and  cantos  to  scenes,  the  scenes  having  their 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    389 

number  ever  governed  by  occasion."  ^  Perhaps 
inspired  by  Davenant,  more  probably  modeled 
on  the  French  attempts,  there  appeared,  just 
before  the  Restoration,  another  English  heroic 
poem,  of  distinctly  romantic  tone,  —  Chamber- 
layne's  Pharonnida. 

The  English  interest  in  romances  for  them- 
selves was  by  no  means  cut  off  by  the  closing  of 
the  theaters.  The  rest  of  the  period  will  be 
found  full  of  translations  of  these,  with  the 
attendant  certainty  that  more  English  people 
than  ever  were  reading  them  in  the  original. 
Like  the  Platonizing  tendency,  the  fondness  for 
romances  probably  spread  farther  and  farther 
from  court  circles,  and  cropped  out  sporadically 
wherever  in  England  there  were  educated  people 
not  entirely  dominated  by  the  extreme  of  Puri- 
tan discipline.  Englishmen  abroad  kept  Eng- 
lishmen at  home  informed  of  the  latest  develop- 
ments in  the  romance  genre,  and  obliged  them 
with  copies  of  each  new  publication.  Thus  even 
beyond  the  court  party,  and  throughout  Eng- 
land generally,  this  ^'heroic"  tone,  whatever 
its  literary  setting,  acquired  a  devoted  follow- 
ing. That  Charles  himself  remained  interested 
in  French  romances  until  the  end  is  indicated 

^  Of.  Davenant's  preface  to  Hobbes,  Chalmers,  Eng- 
lish Poets,  vi.  355.  Professor  Spingarn  suggests  the 
specific  source  of  this  plan  of  Davenant,  Baro's  preface 
to  the  Fourth  Part  of  the  Astree,  1627  (published  after 
D'Urfe's  death) .  Baro  says  of  D'Urfe  that  just  as  dramas 
are  divided  into  acts  and  scenes,  "  il  vouloit  de  mesme 
faire  cinq  volumes  composez  de  douze  livres,  a  fin  que 
chasque  volume  fust  pris  pour  un  acte  &  chasque  livre 
pour  une  scene." 


390    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

by  the  record  that  on  the  eve  of  his  death  he 
presented   to  the   Earl   of  Lindsey  a  copy   of 
La  Calprenede's  Cassandra} 
\        A   fresh   tendency   to   translate   the   French 
\,  romances  began  about  1647,  and  continued  for 
'   some    years    with    great    regularity.     In    1647 
j    Gomberville's  Polexandre  was  published,   in  a 
1    translation  made  for  Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke 
and   Montgomery,    by  ^^Wm.    Browne,    Gent." 
This  is  often  taken  to  be  the  work  of  William 
Browne  the  poet,  though  there  is  no  evidence  on 
the  matter.     The  poet  died  before   1645,   but 
the  work  may  of  course  have  been  delayed  in 
publication.     Major  Wright  came  to  the  front 
about  1650  as  a  translator  of  the  work  of  Bishop 
Camus,  translating  —  according    to    the    title- 
page  —  ''as  his  Recreation  during  his  Imprison- 
ment."    The  Loving  Enemie  was  published  in 
1650,  and  two  years  later  appeared  Nature's 
Paradox:   or,  The  Innocent  Imposter.     A  Pleas- 
ant Polonian  History:   Originally  Intituled  Iphi- 
genes.     The  material  used  in  this  romance  had 
already  supplied  the  plot  of  Suckling's  tragedy 
of  Brennoralt? 

The  year  1652  was  prolific  in  these  translations. 
A  second  edition  appeared  of  AV.  D.'s  translation 
of  Vital  d'Audiguier's  Lisander  and  Calista. 
Sir  Charles  Cotterel  began  the  publication  of  a 
part  of  his  rendering  of  La  Calprenede's  Cas- 
sandra,    Indeed    there    were    apparently    two 

^  Cf .   Jusserand,    The  English  Novel  in  the   Time  of 
Shakespeare,  p.  382. 
2  Supra,  p.  378. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    391 

separate  translations  from  this  romance  pub- 
lished in  this  same  year.  In  a  dedication  to 
Charles  II.,  dated  from  The  Hague,  June  5,  1653, 
Cotterel  refers  to  the  publication,  while  his 
work  was  in  press,  of  a  great  part  of  this  romance 
translated  by  another  hand,  and  states  that 
^'many  took  upon  them  to  affirm  that  the  other 
was  not  likely  to  proceed  any  farther."  This 
other  may  perhaps  be  a  version  by  George  Digby, 
Earl  of  Bristol,  who  is  credited  by  Wood  ^  with 
the  translation  of  three  books  of  Cassandra, 
though  no  date  is  given  for  the  work.  The 
Scudery  romance,  Ibrahim,  ou  Vllustre  Bassa, 
appeared  also  in  1652,  in  the  English  trans- 
lation by  Henry  Cogan.  Francis  Kirkman 
published  his  rendering  from  the  French  of 
The  Lives  and  Adventures  of  Clerio  and  Logia, 
and  in  the  same  year  produced  a  translation  of 
the  Sixth  Part  of  the  Amadis.  Kirkman  be- 
came after  the  Restoration  a  flourishing  pub- 
lisher and  bookseller,  his  specialty  being  plays 
and  romances. 

A  delightful  collection  of  evidence  bearing 
on  the  fondness  of  contemporary  English  for 
romances  in  the  French,  as  well  as  on  current 
translations  from  these  romances,  is  found  in 
the  Letters  of  Dorothy  Osborne  to  Sir  William 
Temple,  written  at  intervals  from  1652  to  1654. 
Perhaps  she  had  an  unusual  fondness  for  such 
romances,  as  she  herself  implies  in  her  confes- 
sions of  the  effect  first  produced  on  her  by  the 
Spanish  story  of  Almanzor,  and  the  loving  recol- 

^  Athen.  Oxon.,  ed.  cit.,  iii.  1104. 


Ai 


392     ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM 

lections  she  still  has  for  it.^  Both  La  Cal- 
prenede's  Cleopdtre  and  Mile,  de  Scudery's 
Artamene  ou  le  Grand  Cyrus  come  to  her  eyes 
in  the  original  during  the  period  of  these  letters, 
and  she  is  enthusiastic  in  her  praises  and  eager 
to  pass  such  enjoyable  things  along. 

Dorothy's  opinion  of  translations  is  plain- 
spoken  enough.  ^'I  have  no  patience  neither/' 
she  writes,  ^'for  these  translations  of  romances. 
I  met  with  Polexander  and  L'lllustre  Bassa 
both  so  disguised  that  I,  who  am  their  old  ac- 
quaintance, hardly  know  them:  besides  that, 
they  were  still  so  much  French  in  words  and 
phrases  that  't  was  impossible  for  one  that 
understands  not  French  to  make  anything  of 
them.  If  poor  Prazimene  be  in  the  same  dress, 
I  would  not  see  her  for  the  world.  She  has 
suffered  enough  besides.''  ^  She  goes  on  to  say 
that  she  has  read  only  four  volumes  of  the 
Prazimene  —  in  the  original,  of  course  —  and 
liked  those  extremely  well.  English  transla- 
tions of  Polexandre  and  Ulllustre  Bassa  have 
already  been  noted  ^ ;  no  translation  of  that 
time  for  the  French  Amours  de  Milistrate  et 
Prazimene  has  come  to  light,  the  earliest  bearing 
the  date  1750.  That  there  was  such  translation 
is  indicated  by  her  next  sentences,  where  she 
attempts  to  involve  the  Lord  of  Monmouth  in 
the  responsibility.  ^^Is  it  not  my  good  Lord 
of  Monmouth,  or  some  such  honorable  personage 
that  presents  her^  to  the  English  ladies  ?    I  have 

1  Ed.  Parry,  London,  1888,  p.  73. 

2  Ed.  cit.,  p.  160.  3  Swpra,  pp.  390  and  391. 
*  I.e.  Prazimene. 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC  POEM    393 

heard  many  people  wonder  how  he  spends  his 
estate.  I  believe  he  undoes  himself  with  print- 
ing his  translations.  Nobody  else  will  undergo 
the  charge."  ^  Henry  Carey,  Earl  of  Monmouth, 
had  indeed  withdrawTi  from  active  life  in  1642, 
and  busied  himself  with  the  translating  of  vari- 
ous works,  chiefly  Italian.  No  translation  of 
Prazimene  or  any  other  French  romance  is  else- 
where attributed  to  him. 

A^  long  as  it  was  possible  to  render  romance 
material  into  the  popular  dramatic  forms,  Eng- 
lishmen apparently  had  little  desire  to  occupy 
their  time  in  writing  romances  in  their  own 
tongue.  Now  that  the  dramatic  channel  was 
closed,  however,  the  original  English  romance 
eventually  came  into  cultivation.  In  1653  there 
appeared  the  first  part  of :  ^^  Cloria  and  Narcissus. 
—  A  Delightfull  and  New  Romance,  Imhellished 
with  divers  Politicall  Notions,  and  Singular 
Remarks  of  Moderne  Transactions.  Written  by 
an  Honourable  Person.' '  This  evidently  made  a 
favorable  impression,  for  it  was  followed  by  a 
second  part  in  1654,  and  by  a  third  part  in  1655. 
In  the  1653  edition,  the  author  issues  the  follow- 
ing address  to  the  reader :  — • 

"It  was  my  chance  being  beyond-sea,  to  have  the 
perusing  of  some  of  this  story,  which  according  to 
my  sense  and  understanding  then,  appeared  not  onely 
dehghtfull  in  the  reading,  but  seemed  to  my  capac- 
ity to  containe  in  many  places  mysteries,  belonging 
to  the  transactions  of  forraine  parts  either  at  present 
or  not   very  long  before  put  in  execution:  this  gave 

1  Ed.  cit.,  p.  160. 


394    ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

my  appetite,  I  must  confesse,  some  such  a  posture  as 
they  might  prove  commodious  to  friends,  as  beneficial 
to  myself e ;  being  also  unwilling,  the  labour  and  paines 
should  be  altogether  lost  of  this  nature,  since  for 
many  years  past,  not  any  one  Romance,  hath  been 
written  in  the  English  tongue;  when  as  daily  from 
other  Nations,  so  many  of  all  sorts  fly  into  the  World 
to  be  seen/' 

As  a  further  proof  of  the  success  of  this  ro- 
mance came  another  enlargement,  in  1661,  with 
a  title-page  that  reads:  ^'The  Princess  Gloria: 
or  the  Royal  Romance.  In  five  parts,  im- 
bellished  with  divers  political  notions,  and  singu- 
lar remarks  of  modern  transactions.  Contain- 
ing the  story  of  the  most  part  of  Europe  for 
many  years  past.  Written  by  a  person  of 
honour." 

Parthenissa  was  published  in  1654.  This  was 
the  pretentious  work  of  Roger  Boyle,  Lord 
Broghill,  the  future  Earl  of  Orrery,  —  literary 
light,  friend  of  poets  ^  and  member  of  the  later 
circle  of  ^'The  Matchless  Orinda."  '  The  force 
of  the  contemporary  tendency  to  portraiture  is 
revealed  even  in  the  Dedication  to  Lady  Nor- 
thumberland, in  which  the  author  declares  that 
he  would  have  been  glad,  had  he  had  the  skill, 
to  make  his  Parthenissa  represent  her.  In  the 
case  of  this  romance,  there  is  fortunately  a  bit 
of   contemporary  criticism,  however  slight.     It 

^  Cf .  e.g.  Suckling,  "  Upon  my  Lord  Brohall's  Wed- 
ding," Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vi.  497;  "A  Ballad  upon 
a  Wedding,"  ibid.,  vi.  498;  cf.  also  Cowley,  "Upon 
Occasion  of  a  Copy  of  Verses  of  my  Lord  Broghill's," 
ibid.,  vii.  88.  ^  Supra,  chap.  vii. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    395 

is  again  from  the  Letters  of  Dorothy  Osborne.^ 
'"Tis  handsome  language/'  she  says;  ^'you 
would  know  it  to  be  writ  by  a  person  of  good 
quality  though  you  were  not  told  it ;  but  on  the 
whole  I  am  not  very  much  taken  with  it.  All  the 
stories  have  too  near  a  resemblance  with  those 
of  other  romances,  there  is  nothing  new  or 
suprenant  in  them;  the  ladies  are  all  so  kind 
they  make  no  sport,  and  I  meet  only  with  one 
that  took  me  by  doing  a  handsome  thing  of  the 
kind.  .  .  ." 

To  say  that  dramatic  composition  in  the 
English  tongue  was  dead  at  this  time  would 
hardly  be  correct,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  there 
was  printed  and  sold  openly  in  London  in  1654 
a  masque  that  had  just  done  duty  for  the  exiled 
court  in  France.  This  piece,  which  was  prob- 
ably a  translation  or  adaptation  from  the  French, 
was  by  James  Howell,  and  bore  on  the  title- 
page:  ^'The  Nuptials  of  Peleus  and  Thetis, 
consisting  of  a  Mask  and  a  Comedy,  or  the  Great 
Royal  Ball,  acted  lately  in  Paris  six  times,  by 
the  King  in  Person,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  the 
Duke  of  Yorke,  with  divers  other  noble  men. 
Also  by  the  Princess  Royall  Henrietta  Marie, 
the  Princess  of  Conty,  etc." 

Of  far  greater  significance  is  the  attempt  of 
Davenant,  two  years  later,  to  gratify  the  English 
desire  for  dramatic  productions.  Mindful  that 
various  of  the  men  in  power  were  lovers  of  music, 
and  among  them  Cromwell  himself,  Davenant 
asked  and  received  permission  to  present  before 

» Ed.  cit.,  p.  230. 


396    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

the  public  an  entertainment  of  declamation  and 
music,  after  the  manner  of  the  ancients.  Dry- 
den,  in  his  Essay  on  Heroic  Plays,  points  out  the 
significance  of  this  proceeding :  — 

"For  Heroick  Plays,  —  the  first  light  we  had  of 
them  on  the  Enghsh  Theatre  was  from  the  late  Sir 
William  D'Avenant.  It  being  forbidden  him  in  the 
rebellious  times  to  act  tragedies  and  comedies,  because 
they  contained  some  matter  of  scandal  to  those  good 
people,  who  could  more  easily  dispossess  their  lawful 
sovereign,  than  endure  "a  wanton  jest,  he  was  forced 
to  turn  his  thoughts  another  way  and  to  introduce 
the  examples  of  moral  virtue,  writ  in  verse  and  per- 
formed in  recitative  musick.  The  original  of  this 
musick,  and  of  the  scenes  which  adorned  his  work, 
he  had  from  the  Italian  operas;  but  he  heightened 
his  characters  (as  I  may  probably  imagine)  from  the 
example  of  Corneille  and  some  French  poets."  ^ 

The  Siege  of  Rhodes,  one  of  Davenant's  first 
productions,  fits  most  accurately  into  this 
transition  place  that  Dryden  describes.  It  had 
a  typical  heroic  plot  with  the  usual  elements 
of  love  and  valor.  The  lines  were  in  verse,  and, 
in  the  first  version,  were  delivered  as  recitative 
music.  There  was  a  considerable  amount  of 
scenery;  and  the  part  of  lanthe  was  played  by 
a  woman,  Mrs.  Coleman.  Dryden's  opinion  on 
the   source   of    Davenant's     inspiration   seems 

*  Dryden,  Prose  Works,  ed.  Malone,  London,  1800,  i. 
pt.  2,  211-212.  On  p.  213  Dryden  adds  this  possible 
testimony  to  Davenant's  influence  on  the  English  heroic 
play:  "For  the  very  next  reflection  which  I  made,  was 
this,  —  that  an  heroick  play  ought  to  be  an  imitation 
in  little  of  an  heroick  poem ;  and  consequently  that  love 
and  valoiu-  ought  to  be  the  subject  of  it." 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    397 

scarcely  strong  enough.^  This  performance  was 
opera,  and  the  origin  of  the  form  was  in  Italy. 
But  opera  in  France  w^as  at  this  time  being 
cultivated  by  the  same  people  who  w^ere  con- 
cerned with  dramas  of  the  heroic  type  and  with 
romances  in  general;  and  Davenant's  long 
sojourn  on  French  soil  must  have  familiarized 
him  with  such  performances  there  and  impressed 
him  with  the  relations  of  these  several  literary 
forms.  He  probably  heightened  his  characters 
to  correspond  to  the  romantic  heroism  then  so 
prominent  in  French  literature;  but  more  than 
that,  he  may  well  have  obtained  his  immediate 
impulse  from  the  French. 

Translation  of  French  romances  was  going  on 
vigorously  during  this  period,^  attention  falling 
particularly  on  the  w^ork  of  Mile,  de  Scudery  ^ 
and  La  Calprenede.^    A   version  of   Artamene, 

^  Cf .  the  discussion  by  L.  Charlanne,  L' Influence 
Frangaise  en  Angleterre  au  XVIP  siecle. 

^  A  second  translation  of  Boisrobert's  Indian 
History  of  Anaxander  and  Orazia  appeared  in  1657,  this 
one  by  W.  G.,  Gent. 

^  Several  English  translations  may  be  noted  from 
other  works  of  Georges  de  Scudery,  in  whose  name  the 
romances  regularly  appeared :  1655,  Manzini  his  most 
exquisite  and  academicall  discourses  ....  turned  into 
French  by  M.  de  Scudery  and  Englished ;  1654,  Curia  Po- 
litice  or  the  Apologies  of  severall  Princes;  1654,  A  Trium- 
phant Arch,  erected  and  consecrated  to  the  Glory  of  the  Femi- 
nine Sex.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Scudery's  drama 
Le  Trompeur  Puni  was  in  the  repertoire  of  the  French 
company  that  appeared  in  England  in  1635  (supra, 
p.  373). 

^  Valuable  testimony  regarding  the  popularity  of  the 
French  romances  in  England  is  afforded  by  the  lists  of 
such  books  on  sale,  as  inserted  by  English   pubhshers 


398     ROMANCE,   DRAMA,   AND   HEROIC   POEM 

ou  le  grand  Cyrus,  by  the  former,  was  appearing 
in  London  from  1653  to  1655,  the  translation 
being  credited  to  F.  G.,  Gent.  La  Calprenede's 
Cleopdtre,  under  the  title,  Hymen^s  Prceludia, 
or  Love's  Masterpiece,  was  apparently  too  large 
an  undertaking  for  any  one  translator.  The 
twelve  parts  are  the  work  of  four  different  men, 
and  appeared  as  follows :  — 

By  Robert  Loveday ;  first  and  second  parts,  1654 

third  part 1655 

By  John  Coles;  fourth  and  fifth  parts      .     .  1656 

sixth  part 1657 

seventh  part 1658 

By  J.  Webb;  eighth  part 1658 

By  John  Davies;   ninth  to  twelfth  parts      .  1659 

Of  these  translators,  Loveday  was  employed 
during  the  Commonwealth  as  an  upper  servant 
to  Lady  Clinton,  and  found  time  to  master 
French  and  Italian  and  practice  his  literary 
bent.  The  first  part  of  Cleopdtre,  he  says  in 
1654,  '^had  long  since  looked  upon  the  light,  if 
I  had  not  the  sin  to  answer  for  of  trusting  a 
bookseller."  Loveday  fell  in  easily  with  the 
then  prevalent  vogue  of  letter-writing,  and 
issued  a  collection  of  his  letters  in  1659,  under 
the  title  Loveday' s  Persuasive  Secretary.  In 
this  collection  appears  one  letter  of  especial 
value,  whether  it  be  regarded  as  indicative  of 
the  author's  own  inclinations  or  of  the  tendency 
of  the  times.  It  is  addressed  to  Mr.  H.,  per- 
haps his  friend  James  Howell. 

in  the  back  of  certain  pubhcations,  notably  the  transla- 
tions of  Artamene  and  of  Cassandra. 


ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM    399 

"My  next,"  he  says,  "is  the  prosecution  of  a  former 
desire  that  you  would  inquire  of  M.^  or  any  other 
Bookseller  that  is  likely  to  inform  you,  if  there  be  any 
new  French  book  of  an  indifferent  volume  that  is 
worth  the  translating,  and  not  enterprised  by  any 
other;  if  there  be,  let  me  desire  you  would  send  it 
down,  with  Cotgrave's  Dictionary  of  the  last  edition; 
.  .  .  You  may  well  think  me  unable  for  such  an 
undertaking,  but  my  worst  successe  will  bestow  a 
trebble  benefit,  because  I  shall  make  it  serve  to  be- 
guile melancholy,  check  idleness,  and  better  my 
knowledge  in  the  Language;  for  the  Book  I  am 
indifferent  whether  it  be  Romance,  Essay,  Treatise, 
History  or  Divinity,  so  it  be  worth  the  rendering  in 
our  Language. '^  ^ 

Translating  from  the  French,  according  to 
this,  had  become  a  commonplace  thing  which 
any  one  might  undertake,  either  to  improve  a 
beginner's  knowledge  of  the  language,  or  to 
stock  the  shelves  of  the  booksellers.  The  public 
was  by  this  time  demanding  anything  that  was 
French,  and  the  romances  were  retrograding  to 
a  par  with  minor  literary  forms.  An  excellent 
example  of  the  bookseller's  translator  is  found 
in  John  Davies,  who  rendered  the  last  four 
parts  of  Cleopdtre  into  English.  He  had  been  a 
student  at  both  universities,  and  traveled  con- 
siderably in  France.  Returning  to  England  in 
1652,  he  settled  down  to  steady  work  with  his 
pen.  He  is  credited  in  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography  with  thirty-four  works  of  translation, 
most  of  them  either  from  or  through  the  French. 

^  Probably  Humphrey  Moseley,  a  prominent  pub* 
lisher  of  romances. 

2  Loveday,  Persuasive  Secretary,  ed.  1659,  p.  46, 


400     ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM 

Besides  the  four  books  of  Cleopdtre,  one  of 
which  he  dedicated  to  Mrs.  Katherine  Philips, 
he  extended  his  romance  work  to  include  Mile, 
de  Scudery's  Clelie,  in  1659,  and  issued  a  trans- 
lation, as  early  as  1654,  of  Sorel's  satirical  ro- 
mance, Le  herger  extravagant} 

The  burlesque  or  realistic  work  of  Sorel  was 
indeed  late  in  getting  into  English  form.  The 
work  of  Davies  seems  to  mark  its  first  ap- 
pearance; and  it  is  probable  that  this  was 
preceded  by  a  dramatic  version  drawn  from  the 
romance  indirectly.  This  was  The  Extravagant 
Sheepherd  —  A  Pastorall  Comedie,  Written  in 
French  hy  T.  Corneille,  and  Englished  in  1653 
by  T.  R.  This  work  by  Thomas  Corneille  was 
a  dramatized  version  of  Sorel's  romance.  Sorel's 
Francion  was  published  in  England  in  1655, 
with  this  title:  "The  Comical  History  of  Fran- 
cion, wherein  the  variety  of  vices  that  abuse 
the  age  are  satyrically  limn'd  in  their  native 
colours.  ...  By  M.  de  Moulines,  sieur  du 
Pare,  a  Lorain  gentleman.  Done  into  English 
by  a  Person  of  honour." 

As  the  time  of  the  Restoration  approached, 
interest  in  the  regular  drama  was  increasing 
again  among  Englishmen  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  the  dramatic  form  of  composition  was  em- 
ployed wherever  restrictions  could  be  escaped. 
French  influence  began  once  more  to  operate 

^  He  also  published  a  group  of  novels  translated  from 
Scarron;  three  in  1657,  four  others  in  1662,  and  the 
whole  collected  in  1667.  The  Unexpected  Choice,  after 
Scarron,  followed  in  1670. 


ROMANCE,   DRAMA,  AND   HEROIC   POEM    401 

through  this  channel,  but  this  time  it  came  in 
the  shape  of  direct  recourse  to  the  French 
drama,  instead  of  the  working  over  of  French 
romance  into  EngHsh  plays.  Davenant's  inno-"  -7 
vation  of  1656  promptly  began  to  react  toward 
regular  forms;  his  initial  productions,  even, 
going  that  way  in  time.^  A  drama  of  his  acted 
soon  after  the  Restoration,  but  generally  sup- 
posed to  have  been  written  in  the  Common- 
wealth period,  deserves  notice  in  this  connection. 
It  is  The  Play-house  to  he  Let,  a  group  of  inde- 
pendent acts  thrown  together  with  a  pretense 
of  plan,  to  occupy  the  time  of  a  regular  per- 
formance. The  first  act  throws  some  valuable  \ 
light  on  the  newly  imported  fashion  of  the  \ 
travesty  or  burlesque,^  and  the  second  is  a 
(literal  translation,  though  in  amusing  broken  j 
J  English,  of  Moliere's  Sganarelle,  ou  le  Cocu 
Imaginaire.  The  third  and  fourth  acts  repro- 
duce two  of  the  '^recitative"  pieces.  The  His- 
tory of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  and  The  Cruelty  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Peru.  In  1656  may  be  noted  also 
Walter  Montague's  translation  from  the  French 
of  The  Accomplished  Woman. 

The  important  translator  of  dramas  at  the  ,  •., 
close  of  this  period  was  Sir  William  Lower,   -  ' 
practically  all  of  whose  work  was  done  abroad. 
He  left  England  in  1655  and  occupied  some 
post  in  the  household  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
at  The  Hague,  where  he  busied  himself  with 

^  The  Siege  of  Rhodes  was  reproduced  in  1662,  with  a 
second  part  that  was  regular  drama. 
2  Infra,  p.  424  sq. 

2d 


402    ROMANCE,  DRAMA,  AND  HEROIC  POEM 

translations.  From  his  pen  came  English  ver- 
sions of  Corneille's  Polyeucte,  in  1655;  of 
-^  his  Horatius,  in  1656;  of  Scarron's  Three 
Dorothies  and  Don  Japhet  of  Armenia,  in  1657; 
of  Quinault's  Amorous  Phantasm,  in  1659, 
closely  followed  by  The  Noble  Ingratitude  and 
The  Enchanted  Lovers,  by  the  same  author. 
Even  before  these  last  plays  were  printed,  the 
Restoration  had  come,  and  a  new  flood  of 
French  influence  poured  into  England  to  em- 
phasize and  carry  on  the  tendencies  that  had 
been  already  so  prominently  manifest  there. 


/ 


1^ 


CHAPTER  IX 

Minor  Literary  Forms 

Social  conditions  in  France  in  the  first  half 
of  the  seventeenth  century  have  been  discussed 
at  some  length  in  the  preceding  chapters.  The 
most  important  literary  forms  attendant  upon 
these  conditions  have  been  noted,  particular 
stress  being  placed  upon  those  largest  in  scope 
and  content,  —  the  romance,  the  drama,  and 
the  heroic  poem.  Certain  other  forms,  how- 
ever, just  as  distinctly  a  product  of  that  society, 
and  just  as  certainly  transported  into  England 
with  the  cult  of  that  society,  require  attention 
at  this  point,  to  round  out  the  story  of  French 
influence  in  English  literature  prior  to  the 
Restoration.  Like  the  drama  and  romance, 
these  also  are  transition  forms,  in  that  their  pop- 
ularity among  Englishmen  continued  for  some 
time  after  the  return  of  the  Stuart  Court  from 
its  French  exile.  The  particular  types  to  be 
discussed  are  vers  de  societe  or  occasional  poetry,  |  , 
attended  by  a  somewhat  reactionary  fondness  {  ^ 
for  a  mocking,  bacchic,  even  pornographic  verse  j 
product ;  formal  burlesque,  whether  in  the ' 
shape  of  travesty  or  mock-heroic;  and  letter- 
writing.     In  addition,  reference  must  be  made 

403 


404  MINOR   LITERARY   FORMS 

to  the  modernizing  theory  of  translation  and 
the  new  attitude  toward  the  ancients. 

For  the  first  of  these  forms,  much  of  the 
story  has  akeady  been  told.  In  the  Hotel  de 
Rambouillet  and  the  later  coteries  modeled  upon 
it,  wits  were  constantly  being  taxed  in  the 
composition  of  impromptu  verses;  as  a  chance 
occurrence,  an  attractive  bit  of  finery,  a. turn 
of  conversation,  or  mere  impulse  prompted. 
Madrigals,  more  formal  sonnets,  epigrams, 
rondeaux,  breathing  refined  gallantry  and  amo- 
rous compliment,  and  having  a  delicate  struc- 
tural finish,  were  almost  as  common  as  the 
vogue  of  conversation  from  which  they  took 
their  inspiration.  The  Italian  fondness  for 
"pointes^^  was  still  the  essential  feature  of  these 
compositions,  but  —  partly  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Malherbe  —  clearness  and  simplicity 
of  form  were  supplanting  the  earlier  complica- 
tions of  thought  and  expression,  whether  in  the 
studied  completeness  of  Malherbe's  disciple 
Maynard,  or  in  the  ephemeral  impromptus  of 
Voiture.  Above  all,  these  verses  at  their  best 
were  distinctly  of  and  for  the  moment,  losing 
their  significance  when  removed  from  their  first 
surroundings,  and  yielding  up  their  charm 
when  included  in  collections.  This  fact  made 
detailed  imitation  a  lifeless  undertaking,  and 
now  renders  hopeless  a  study  of  influences 
except  in  the  mass. 

Practically  as  soon  as  there  were  Platonics  -^ 
there  were  anti-Platonics;  likewise,  as  early  as 
the  verses  of  polite  and  formal  compliment  — 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  405 

perhaps  earlier  —  there  have  been  poets  who 
saw  and  sang  things  as  they  were,  with  no  great 
regard  for  the  proprieties.  There  were  plenty 
of  men  writing  such  verses  in  France  when 
Madame  de  Rambouillet  began  gathering  her 
friends  about  her  at  the  beginning  of  the  cen- 
tury; and  the  refined  poetic  flattery  that  grew 
up  anew  with  this  circle  only  gave  these  verse- 
makers  a  new  point  of  attack,  and  dignified 
them  by  the  privilege  of  contrast.  Soon  there 
appeared  compromise  figures,  men  whose  genius 
or  station  brought  them  well  to  the  threshold 
of  polite  circles,  even  of  the  Hdtel  de  Rainhouillet 
itself,  but  whose  tastes  and  innate  virility  found 
expression  in  more  realistic  form.  Thus  ap- 
peared Theophile  de  Viau,  blamed  —  and  not 
without  cause  —  for  the  publication  of  the  de- 
cidedly indecent  Parnasse  satyrique,  in  1622,^ 
the  second  edition  of  which,  the  year  follow- 
ing, definitely  bore  his  name.  Saint-Amant,  the 
^'Calpurnius  "  of  the  Hotel  de  Rambouillet,  and  a 
member  of  the  Academy,  apparently  found  his 
real  joy  amid  a  group  of  boon  companions, 
where,  with  cup  in  hand,  he  might  improvise 
lusty   verses   scofhng   at   fidelity   in  love   and 

*  M.  Alleaume,  in  the  notice  prefixed  to  the  CEuvres 
of  Theophile,  Bibl.  Elzev.  ed.,  pp.  xxxii  and  xxxiii, 
gives  a  list  of  pornographic  verse  collections  in  France 
about  this  time :  1609,  Le  Nouveau  Parnasse  (inoffen- 
sive); 1609,  Les  Muses  gaillardes;  1618,  Le  Cabinet 
satyrique;  1620,  Les  Delices ;  1620,  La  Quintessence 
satyrique;  1622,  Parnasse  satyrique;  1623,  ibid.,  2nd 
ed.  He  notes  that  the  Parnasse  satyrique,  attributed 
to  Theophile,  was  really  a  working  over  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding collections  in  the  list,  with  some  additions. 


406  MINOR  LITERARY  FORMS 

toasting  the  bacchic  joys  of  revelry  and  gor- 
mandizing.^ In  the  most  select  circles  all  was 
not  pure  unfleshly  devotion  or  the  celebration 
of  it.  Scandal  was  not  uncommon  or  uncalled- 
for  during  this  period,  side  by  side  with  the 
utmost  delicacy  of  conception  and  expression. 
In  Voiture,  ^'  V enfant  terrible  "  of  the  Hdtel  de 
Rambouillet,  this  combination  of  things  is  well 
displayed.  His  butterfly  existence,  with  its 
careless  flitting  from  amour  to  amour,  did  not 
deprive  him  of  the  warm  regard  of  his  com- 
panions, in  whose  minds  his  caprices  were  con- 
stantly being  condoned,  because  of  his  spark- 
ling cleverness,  infinite  tact,  cordial  gallantry, 
and  genuine  sympathy. 

That  the  poets  of  England,  under  the  in- 
fluences emanating  from  the  court  of  Henrietta 
Maria,  but  removed  from  the  immediate  im- 
pulse of  active  social  coteries,  did  their  best  to 
imitate  these  various  types  of  verse,  is  amply 
borne  out  by  divers  sorts  of  evidence.  As  in 
other  literary  forms,  this  movement  was  in 
great  part  a  rejuvenation.  The  vogue  of  the 
sonnet  and  of  Platonizing  verse  in  general  had 
not  entirely  vanished;  the  complex  concep- 
tions of  metaphysical  poetry  were  kept  alive 
by  recurring  inspirations  from  the  Italian ;  and 
gross  and  scoffing  verses,  with  a  lineage  cen- 
turies old  and  an  endless  series  of  fresh  im- 
pulses, were  being  zealously  cultivated.  Into 
the   midst    of   these    conditions,  and   reacting 

^  Cf.  the  letter  cited  by  Livet,  in  the  Introduction  of 
Saint-Amant's  (Euvres,  Bibl.  Elzev.  ed.,  p.  xiii. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  407 

somewhat  against  the  life  that  prevailed  under 
James,  came  the  gayety  and  gallant  worldliness 
encouraged  by  the  court  of  Charles,  and  already 
seen  to  have  produced  new  lines  of  literary 
activity  in  England.  Soon  there  arose  a  group 
of  men  recognized  as  court  lyrists,  and  bending 
all  their  energies  to  gratify  the  tastes  newdy 
imported  from  abroad.  In  the  work  of  this 
group  were  manifest  all  the  types  of  occasional 
verse  then  familiarly  known  to  French  society, 
from  artificial  compliment  to  bitter  mockery, 
from  laboriously  polished  pointe  to  careless 
trifle.  As  has  been  seen,^  Platonic  love  pro- 
vided a  convenient  subject  for  many  of  these 
compositions.  The  occasional  element  is 
everywhere  obvious.  Of  course  it  does  not 
necessarily  follow  that  every  English  poet  who 
celebrated  a  rose  in  Celia's  bosom  had  in  mind  a 
particular  rose,  or  for  that  matter  a  particular 
bosom;  but  a  series  of  titles  drawn  from  the 
work  of  any  one  of  half  a  dozen  poets  would 
show  at  once  that,  either  in  reality  or  by  pre- 
text, these  English  lyric  artists  were  resting 
their  reputation  on  the  uncertain  foundation 
of  occasional  verse. 

Thomas  Carew,  whom  the  more  careless 
Suckling  had  satirized  in  The  Session  of  the 
Poets,  because  of  the  labored  polish  of  his 
verses,^  displays  poems  on:    ''My  Mistress,  Sit- 

*  Supra,  chap.  vii. 

2  "  Tom  Carew  was  next,  but  he  had  a  fault 
That  would  not  well  stand  with  a  laureate; 
His  Muse  was  hard  bound,  and  th'  issue  of  's  brain 
Was  seldom  brought  forth  but  with  trouble  and  pain." 


\-^ 


408  MINOR  LITERARY  FORMS 

ting  by  a  River's  Side/'  'Telia  Bleeding  —  To 
the  surgeon,"  '^A  Fly  that  flew  into  my  Mis- 
tress's Eye,"  ''The  sight  of  a  gentlewoman's 
face  in  the  water,"  "A  Damask  Rose  Sticking 
upon  a  Lady's  Breast,"  "The  Tooth-ach  Cured 
by  a  Kiss."  The  lyrics  of  Waller,  who  seems 
by  the  serious  preparation  and  concise  smooth- 
ness of  his  verses  to  transport  the  ideals  of 
Malherbe  into  England,  are  fairly  steeped  in  the 
minutise  of  gallantry.  He  writes  verses  to 
Lady  Carlisle  and  his  Sacharissa,  celebrates 
"the  Lady  who  can  sleep  when  she  pleases,"  a 
girdle,  a  fall,  "a  Fair  Lady  playing  with  a 
Snake,"  and  "a  Tree  cut  in  Paper" ;  and  offers 
at  least  one  little  poem  with  a  French  title, 
"  A  la  Malade.^'  His  epigrams  show  many  sub- 
jects of  the  same  kind.  One  of  these  is  noted 
as  "translated  out  of  the  Spanish,"  another  as 
"out  of  the  French."  It  was  Waller,  as  we 
may  remember,  who,  in  his  verses  to  Sacharissa, 
professed  to  look  to  the  poet's  immortality  for 
consolation,  even  though  his  lady  should  not 
respond.^  Yet  it  was  Waller  who  gave  for 
England  the  most  definite  statement  of  the 
occasional  poet's  ideal.  In  his  poem  on  "Eng- 
lish Verse,"  he  says:  — 

"This  was  the  generous  poet's  scope; 
And  all  an  English  pen  can  hope, 
To  make  the  fair  approve  his  flame, 
That  can  so  far  extend  their  fame. 

Verse,  thus  designed,  has  no  ill  fate 
If  it  arrive  but  at  the  date 

^  Supra,  p.  347. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  409 

Of  fading  beauty,  if  it  prove 

But  as  long-lived  as  present  love."  * 

John  Suckling,  clever,  careless,  and  bold, 
seems  to  have  emulated  Voiture,  with  a  decided 
leaning  toward  the  work  of  Saint-Amant  and 
Theophile.  His  seriously  gallant  verses,  though 
frequent,  are  outnumbered  by  his  mocking  ones, 
with  their  strong  anti-Platonic  tone.  In  seri- 
ous vein  he  writes  '^Upon  the  Black  Spots  worn 
by  my  Lady  D.  E.,"  '^  Upon  the  First  Sight  of 
my  Lady  Seimour,"  "  Upon  L.  M.  weeping,''  '^  To 
my  Lady  E.  C. — At  her  going  out  of  England." 
Boldly  suggestive  are  his  "'  Dream  "  and  his  verse 
dialogue  ^'  Upon  my  Lady  Carhle's  Walking  in 
Hampton  Court  Garden  " ;  and  there  is  a  group 
of  ^^ anti-Platonics'^  of  a  milder  sort.  His 
works  include  the  translation  of  a  little  French 
poem  of  five  stanzas,  and  the  more  than  ques- 
tionable '^  Proffered  Love  Rejected,"  which  ap- 
pears in  another  form  among  the  poems  of 
Cotton,  and  is  there  called  an  '^  Epigramme  de 
Monsieur  Des-portes."^  The  fashion  of  im- 
promptu verse-making,  even  among  tavern 
revelers  like  Saint-Amant's  boon  companions, 
receives  considerable  confirmation  from  a  scene 
in  Suckling's  Tragedy  of  Brennoralt,  acted  before 
1642.  It  is  the  second  scene  of  the  second  act, 
where  Grainevert,  Stratheman,  Villanor,  and 
Marinel,  '^cavaliers  and  officers"  of  the  king  of 
Poland,  are  represented  as  drinking  together, 

^  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  viii.  69. 
2  Ibid.,  vi.  504,  722. 


410  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

and  composing  verse  toasts  as  they  carouse. 
One  toast  is  addressed  to  a  mistress;  another 
is  "a  camp-health,  an  a-la-mode  one/'  and 
praises  a  rose  in  ornate  verse  beginning  — 


"Bright  star  of  the  lower  orb,  twinkling  inviter. 


}} 


A  third  toast  has  for  its  subject  a  box  on  the 
ear,  given  by  a  lady. 

Alexander  Brome  has  a  few  seriously  gallant 
verses,  but  goes  even  farther  than  Suckling  in 
his  mockery,  his  favorite  topic  being  the  praise 
\  of  drink.  Two  songs  are  avowedly  ^Hranslated 
out  of  French,"  and  the  opening  stanza  of  one 
of  these  will  suffice  to  indicate  the  spirit  and 
manner  he  is  fond  of. 

"Now  I'm  resolv'd  to  love  no  more, 
But  sleep  by  Night,  and  drink  by  day : 
Your  coyness,  Cloris,  pray  give  o'er, 
V  And  turn  your  tempting  eyes  away. 

From  Ladies  I'll  withdraw  my  heart 
And  fix  it  only  on  the  Quart."  ^ 

There  still  remain  a  few  names  representing 
more  or  less  definitely  this  French  influence. 
The  translations  of  Thomas  Stanley  were  often 
based  on  French  originals.  William  Cart- 
wright  was  the  author  of  many  occasional 
verses;  William  Habington's  Castara  poetry, 
old-fashioned  and  serious  in  its  Platonizing, 
may  have  drawn  numerous  impulses  from  the 
vogue,  despite  his  severe  treatment  of  contem- 
porary French  verse,  in  his  preface;    Cowley's  x/ 

1  Works,  2d  ed.,  London,  1664,  p.  41. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  411 

love  poems,  whatever  the  model  for  their  form, 
were  probably  written  to  conform  to  fashion; 
and  Cotton,  whose  work  continued  well  into 
the  Restoration  period,  frequently  acknowl- 
edges indebtedness  to  a  French  original.  Even 
the  verse  collection,  of  a  miscellaneous  and 
questionable  character,  had  its  successors  in 
England.  James  Smith  and  John  Mennes, 
scholars  and  authors  of  the  second  rate,  pub-  \/ 
lished  in  1640  their  Wits  Recreations,  a  mass  of  ■ 
epigrams,  epitaphs,  and  fantastic  poems,  of  all 
sorts  and  from  all  sources.  This  they  followed 
in  1655  with  the  Musarum  Delicice,  and  in  1658 
with  Wit  Restored,  in  several  select  Poems.  The 
title  of  the  second  of  these  publications  is  sig- 
nificant.^ The  second  and  third  give  less  atten- 
tion to  epigrams  and  epitaphs,  and  contain 
many  longer  poems.  There  are  numerous  occa- 
sional pieces  in  these  collections,  a  few  of  them 
being  gallant ;  but  a  large  place  is  made  for  the 
coarse  and  indecent.  As  both  the  compilers 
were  well-read  men  who  had  traveled  con- 
siderably, there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that 
they  had  in  mind  the  French  collections  of 
pornographic  verse  already  mentioned. 

There  is  little  further  in  the  way  of  detailed 
evidence  for  this  vogue  of  vers  de  societe  and  its 
attendant  forms.  It  is  scarcely  a  matter  to  be 
established  by  detail.  There  was  probably 
little  actual  copying  of  individual  pieces,  be- 
cause the  French  product,  when  published  at 
all,  usually  came  to  light  late,  sometimes  after 

*  Cf.  supra,  p.  405,  note. 


412  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

the  death  of  the  author.  A  few  bits  of  transla- 
tion have  been  noted ;  one  or  two  more  may  be. 
An  early  specimen  is  culled  by  Mr.  A.  H.  Bullen  * 
from  John  Attye's  First  Book  of  Airs,  published 
in  1622.  This  is  the  song,  ^'On  a  time  the 
amoureuse  Silvy/'  translated  from  the  French 
musician,  Pierre  Guedron.  Saint-Amant's  fa- 
mous sonnet, 

"  Assis  sur  un  fagot,  une  pipe  a  la  main/' 

is  said  to  have  been  the  model  for  a  sonnet 
on  Tobacco  by  Sir  Robert  Aytoun,  although 
this  sonnet  did  not  appear  among  his  works 
published  in  1771.^  In  the  work  of  Sir  Ed- 
ward Sherburne  appears  ^^The  metamorphoses  of 
Lyrian  and  Sylvia,"  which  he  translated  from 
Saint-Amant.^  Cotton's  works  abound  in  trans- 
lations from  the  French,  but  most  of  these 
represent  the  period  after  the  Restoration. 

It  should  be  noted  again  that  several  of  the 
typical  French  poets  of  this  period  actually 
visited  English  soil,  although  they  seem  to 
have  formed  so  few  acquaintances  and  to  have 
carried  away  such  wretched  impressions  that 
there  is  little  significance  in  their  presence. 
Theophile  de  Viau  spent  some  time  in  England 
when  exiled  from  home  because  of  his  daring 
satires.  Boisrobert  accompanied  Monsieur  and 
Madame  de  Chevreuse  when  they  attended  the 

*  Bullen,  Lyrics  from  Elizabethan  Song  Books,  London, 
1897,  p.  161. 

2  Cf.  James  Thomson,  Biographical  and  Critical  Studies, 
London,  1896.  ^  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vi.  613. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  413 

marriage  ceremonies  of  Henrietta  Maria.  Saint- 
Amant  was  in  England  twice:  first  in  1631,  at 
which  time  he  wrote  a  poem  celebrating  the 
excellence  of  Charles  and  his  queen;  and  again 
in  1644,  when  the  Comte  d'Harcourt  went  to 
propose  the  mediation  of  France  in  English 
affairs.  Out  of  this  second  visit  came  the 
Albion,  caprice  heroi-comique,  expressing  the 
author's  dissatisfaction  with  country  and  people. 
Voiture  too  is  said  to  have  made  a  visit  to  Eng- 
land. Yet,  after  all,  the  rational  explanation 
of  the  great  English  vogue  of  verse-making  at 
this  period  lies  not  in  the  imitation  of  individual 
pieces  or  individual  authors,  but  in  the  impulse 
afforded  by  the  new  social  conditions  and  their 
various  activities. 

It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  study  to 
trace  minutely  the  growth  of  the  burlesque 
genre  until  it  became  a  distinct  literary  form, 
with  its  two  varieties,  the  travesty  and  the 
mock-heroic.  The  word  '' burlesque,"  as  well 
as  the  beginnings  of  the  literary  form,  were 
brought  into  France  from  Italy. ^  At  first  the 
term  was  used  in  the  vaguest  possible  way  for 
that  which  was  broadly  humorous  or  mocking.^ 
It  was  technically  specialized  only  after  the 

^  The  word  was  introduced  from  Italy  by  Sarasin, 
according  to  Pellisson,  Hist,  de  VAcademie  Frangaise, 
ed.  1672,  p.  108. 

2  Cf.  E.  Littre,  Dictionnaire  de  la  Langue  Frangaise: 
citations  from  D'Aubigne,  Vie,  p.  42;  and  La  Satire 
Alenippee,  ed.  1677,  p.  334;  also  Menage,  Menagiana, 
ed.  1729,  pp.  291-292  and  p.  384;  and  J,  L,  Quez  de 
Balzac's  29th  critical  dissertation. 


414  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

genre  had  settled  into  regular  and  recognized 
lines.  In  Boileau's  Art  Poetique,  begun  in  1669 
and  published  in  1674,  the  burlesque  in  the 
narrower  sense  has  its  formal  critical  recep- 
tion :  — ■ 

'^Au  mepris  du  bon  sens,  le  burlesque  effronte 
Trompa  les  yeux  d'abord,  plut  par  sa  nouveaute: 
On  ne  vit  plus  en  vers  que  pointes  triviales : 
Le  Parnasse  parla  le  langage  des  halles ; 
La  licence  a  rimer  alors  n'eut  plus  de  frein ; 
Apollon  travesti  devint  un  Tabarin. 
Cette  contagion  infecta  les  provinces, 
Du  clerc  et  du  bourgeois  passa  jusques  aux  princes : 
Le  plus  mauvais  plaisant  eut  ses  approbateurs ; 
Et,  jusqu'a  d'Assouci,  tout  trouva  des  lecteurs."  ^ 

In  the  same  volume  with  this  rather  sweeping 
criticism  appeared  Boileau's  own  mock-heroic 
poem,  Le  Lutrin,  with  the  following  distinction 
I  pointed  out  in  the  preface :  — 

"C'est  un  burlesque  nouveau  dont  je  me  suis  avise 
en  notre  langue  :  car,  au  lieu  que  dans  Tautre  burlesque 
Didon  et  Enee  parlaient  comme  des  harangeres  et  des 
crocheteurs,  dans  celui-ci  une  horlogere  et  un  horloger 
parlent  comme  Didon  et  Enee/'  ^ 

n  The  burlesque  and  the  mock-heroic,  as  they 
developed,  were  rather  intimately  connected 
with  the  mondaine  spirit  pervading  France 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  They  were  poetic 
types  erected  out  of  the  prevalent  mass  of 
y'  coarse  humor  and  mocking  satire,  by  Saint- 
r  Amant,    Sorel,    Scarron,    and    finally    Boileau. 

1  Chant  i,  11.  81  sq. 

2  (Euvres,  ed.  Amar,  Paris,  1851,  p.  222. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  415 

They  were  largely  reactionary  in  their  tone,  a 
cleverly  wrought  appeal  to  the  worldly  wise  and 
keenly  critical  men  or  women  of  esprit,  who 
were  by  nature  hostile  to  extravagance  and 
what  appeared  to  them  bad  taste;  the  same 
people,  in  fact,  who  obtained  pleasure  from 
anti-Platonic  verses  and  other  lyrics  of  the  in- 
dependent, mocking  sort.  Again,  and  almost 
by  paradox,  these  productions  were  in  line  with 
the  growing  self-satisfaction  among  courtiers 
and  scholars  of  the  period;  the  spirit  that 
dominated  the  later  romances  and  made  over 
the  greatest  characters  of  history  to  conform 
to  existing  notions  of  love  and  honor,  the 
spirit  that  proclaimed  liberty  for  the  translator 
and  prompted  him  to  modernize  his  classics,  the 
spirit  that  even  ventured  to  attack  the  world- 
old  supremacy  of  the  ancients  and  locate  them 
in  the  mere  childhooc}  of  human  knowledge. 

The  significant  work  of  the  burlesque  move-  , 
ment  in  France,  a  resultant  and  likewise  a  point  \ 
of  departure,  was  Scarron's  Vergile  travesti,  in 
1648.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  literary 
inspiration  of  this  work,  it  was  thoroughly  in 
keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  free-spoken, 
convivial  gatherings,  fashionable  and  talented, 
that  assembled  daily  about  this  brilliant  in- 
valid at  his  hotel  de  Vimpecuniosite.  It  is  true 
that  Scarron  did  not  take  Virgil  seriously; 
but    he    still    respected    him/    and    managed 

^  Cf.  Scarron's  letter  to  a  father  of  the  Church,  quoted 
by  Jusserand,  Introd.  to  Scarron 's  Comical  Romance, 
p.  vii. 


416  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

the  grotesque  elements  of  his  own  mocking  style 
with  a  restraint  that  never  contemplated  the 
excesses  of  his  imitators.  The  name  of  these 
imitators  was  legion.  Almost  immediately  they 
went  to  work;  and  Virgil,  Homer,  Ovid,  all  the 
classic  poets  available,  fell  victims  again  and 
again  to  their  misplaced  energy.^  The  rapid, 
careless  eight-syllable  couplet,  with  its  frequent 
strained  and  feminine  rhymes,  had  been  used 
in  Scarron's  travesty  and  was  promptly  accepted 
as  the  regular  burlesque  metre,  so  that  poems 
came  to  pose  as  burlesques  and  seek  popularity 
from  that  caption,  when  they  had  not  a  thing 
in  common  with  the  Vergile  except  verse  form.^ 
Such  of  the  imitations  as  were  really  travesties 
were  generally  characterized  by  a  decided 
lowering  of  tone  and  a  corresponding  increase 
in  scurrility.  Scarron  himself  did  nothing  more 
in  the  genre,  his  Roman  comique,  in  1651,  be- 
longing to  the  type  of  realistic  romance  rather 
than  burlesque. 

In  England,  as  in  France,  there  had  been, 
through  a  long  period  of  time,  indefinite  ap- 
proaches to  the  burlesque  manner;  and  as  early 
as  1640,  these  seem  to  have  embodied  many  of 
the  characteristics  of  the  genre  developed  later. 

^  A  list  of  these  travesties  is  given  by  Hanns  Heiss, 
'Studien  tiber  die  burlesque  Modedichtung  Frankreichs 
im  XVII.  Jahrhundert,"  in  Romanische  Forschungen, 
1905. 

^  Cf.  the  statements  of  Pellisson,  Histoire  de  I'Acad. 
Fran^.,  ed.  1672,  p.  108,  where  he  mentions  the  publica- 
tion in  1649  of  La  Passion  de  nostre  Seigneur,  en  vers 
Burlesques.  These  statements  are  quoted  in  Rymer's 
Short  View  of  Tragedy,  1693. 


MINOR  LITERARY  FORMS  417 

In  the  Musarum  Delicice,  compiled  by  John 
Mennes  and  James  Smith  and  published  in 
1655,  there  is  a  series  of  letters  in  burlesque 
tone,  with  titles  as  follows :  — 

To  Parson  Weeks.     An  Invitation  to  London. 
To  a  friend  upon  a  journey  to  Epsam  Well. 
To  a  friend  upon  his  Marriage. 
In  answer  to  certaine  Letters. 
The  Answer. 

The  last  of  these  bears  the  date  January  10, 
1640.  In  Wit  Restored,  compiled  by  the  same 
editors  and  published  in  1658,  there  is  another 
group  of  letters  of  the  same  sort,  this  time 
represented  as  written  by  Smith  to  Mennes, 
when  the  latter  was  in  command  of  a  troop  of 
horse  in  the  North  against  the  Scots.  A  num- 
ber of  these  letters  bear  dates,  such  as :  Decem- 
ber, 1640;  December  24;  December,  1640; 
January,  1640-1.  These  letters  all  assume 
the  regular  burlesque  point  of  view,  abound  in 
all  sorts  of  coarse  colloquialisms,  and  have 
extravagantly  strained  rhymes,  frequently 
feminine.  Indeed,  they  are  all  written  in  eight- 
syllable  rhymed  couplets,  so  that  the  chief 
thing  lacking  is  the  element  of  travesty.  As 
elsewhere  noted,^  Smith  and  Mennes  were  men 
of  rather  wide  experience,  so  that  the  place 
where  they  found  the  notion  of  this  verse  with 
its  various  characteristics  would  be  hard  to 
determine.  Of  course  the  spirit  of  the  letters 
had  in  it  little  of  novelty,  and  there  is  a  pos- 

^  Supra,  p.  411. 

2£ 


418  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

sibility  that,  without  spcific  suggestion,  the  eight- 
syllable  couplet  may  have  presented  itself  to 
them  as  a  natural  and  convenient  vehicle  for 
such  material.  This  same  couplet  was  employed 
freely  in  the  coarse  satires  of  John  Cleveland, 
later  a  close  friend  of  Samuel  Butler. 

A  statement  in  Anthony  a  Wood's  Athence 
Oxonienses  next  demands  attention.  In  his 
discussion  of  John  Denham  he  says :  — 

"In  1652  or  thereabouts,  he  returned  into  England, 
and  being  in  some  streights,  ...  he  was  kindly 
entertain 'd  by  the  earl  of  Pembroke  at  Wilton ;  where, 
and  sometimes  at  London,  he  continued  with  that 
count  more  than  a  year :  In  which  time  he  did  trans- 
late one  of  Vergil's  ^Eneids  and  burlesqu'd  it,  but 
whether  he  ever  published  it,  I  know  not."  ^ 

If  this  statement  is  correct,  Denham  occupies 
an  early  place  in  the  history  of  the  burlesque 
in  England.  His  published  work  in  transla- 
tion, however,  can  in  no  way  be  regarded  as 
burlesque,  and  he  expresses  himself  so  strongly 
regarding  the  burlesque  fashion  in  France  and 
Italy,  that  there  is  a  strong  probability  that 
Wood's  statement  is  not  to  be  relied  upon. 
Denham's  translation.  The  Destruction  of  Troy; 
an  Essay  upon  the  second  book  of  VirgiVs  jEneis, 
published  in  1656  but  written  a  number  of 
years  earlier,  was  in  fact  worked  out  according 
to  his  theory  of  modernizing  the  ancient  classics,^ 
a  theory  which  he  explains  in  the  preface  to  this 
work.  In  this  preface  he  expresses  himself 
briefly  regarding  burlesque.     Discussing  his  own 

^  Ed.  BKss,  ill.  824.  ^  j^fra,  p.  431  sq. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  419 

modernizing  of  Virgil,  he  says:  ''and  if  this 
Disguise  I  have  put  upon  him  (I  wish  I  could 
give  it  a  better  name)  fit  not  naturally  and 
easily  on  so  grave  a  Person,  yet  it  may  become 
him  better  than  that  Fools-Coat,  wherein  the 
French  and  Italian  have  of  late  presented  him; 
at  least,  I  hope,  it  will  not  make  him  appear 
deformed,  by  making  any  part  enormously 
bigger  or  less  than  life.  .  .  ."  ^  Thus  it  appears 
how  Wood  may  have  confused  Denham's  ''mod- 
ernizing" with  the  vogue  of  real  burlesque, 
which  seems  to  have  remained  a  vague  thing 
in  the  minds  of  many  men. 

In  the  collection,  Wit  Restored,  in  several 
select  Poems,  already  mentioned  as  appearing  in 
1658,  James  Smith  published  also  his  burlesque 
piece,  "The  Innovation  of  Penelope  and  Ulysses, 
a  mock  Poem."  There  seems  to  be  no  way  of 
fixing  the  date  of  writing  this  poem.  It  repro- 
duces the  characteristics  already  noted  in 
Smith's  letters  to  Mennes,  and  adds  the  im- 
portant element  of  literary  travesty  there  want- 
ing. This  is  definitely  based  on  a  classic 
author,  the  writer  explicitly  stating  his  purpose, 

"To  sing  this  new  Song,  sung  of  old  by  Ovid." 

It  is  the  novelty  of  the  undertaking  for  Eng- 
land that  seems  to  have  particularly  impressed 
Smith  and  his  friends.  He  gets  a  reference  to 
this  into  the  title  itself,  "  The  Innovation  of 
Penelope  and  Ulysses  " ;  and  various  of  the  com- 
mendatory verses  prefixed  to  the  poem  in  Wit 

1  Poems  and  Translations,  ed.  London,  1709,  p.  23  sq. 


420  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

Restored  take  pains  to  call  attention  to  the 
same  point. 

Unquestionably,  despite  the  fact  that  he  con- 
fused the  two  types  of  burlesque  generally  dis- 
tinguished, the  great  English  exponent  of  the 
form  was  Samuel  Butler,  the  author  of  Hudi- 
hras.  At  a  comparatively  early  date  he  took 
this  type  of  poetry,  then  so  popular  across  the 
Channel,  gave  it  an  English  subject  of  vital 
importance,  and  exercised  his  own  power  and 
originality  of  thought  upon  it,  until  a  great 
English  poem  was  the  result.  The  first  part 
was  published  in  1662  with  the  title :  Hudihras, 
The  First  Part.  Written  in  the  time  of  the  late 
Wars.  The  second  part  appeared  the  year 
following,  and  the  third  as  late  as  1678.  If  the 
explanatory  line  quoted  above  is  accepted  as 
correct,  the  work  falls  largely  within  the  scope 
of  this  study,  as  representing  an  influence,  prob- 
ably French,  operating  before  the  full  flood  of 
the  Restoration.  Since  there  is  some  question, 
however,  concerning  the  time  when  the  poem 
was  begun, ^  it  may  be  well  to  gather  up  what 
little  further  information  there  is  on  this  point. 

The  conventional  statement  on  the  matter  is 
that  about  1650  Butler  was  in  the  employ  of 
Sir  Samuel  Luke  in  Bedfordshire,  and  there 
drafted  at  least  the  first  part  of  his  poem, 
modeling  his  hero  upon  the  personality  of  his 
employer,  and  drawing  various  details  from  Sir 
Samuel's  guests.     Neither  Audrey  nor  Anthony 

^  Cf.  the  opinion  of  A.  Ramsey,  in  his  edition  of 
Hudihras,  London,  1846,  p.  16. 


MINOR  LITERARY  FORMS  421 

a  Wood,  however,  makes  any  mention  of  Sir^ 
Samuel  in  his  account  of  Butler,  the  information 
noted  being  first  suggested  in  an  anonymous 
life  of  this  author  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his 
works  in  1710.  The  biographer  makes  no 
statement  concerning  Sir  Samuel  Luke,  as 
Butler's  model,  but  merely  states  that  when 
in  his  employ  Butler  ^'is  said  to  have  composed 
this  loyal  poem."  Five  years  later  there  were 
published  two  volumes  of  Butler's  Posthumous  i 
Works,  —  practically  none  of  them  genuine, — 
and  in  the  second  volume  appeared  a  ^4<:ey  to 
Hudibras,"  said  to  have  been  obtained  bv  ^'the 
learned  Dr.  Midgeley"  from  Butler's  contem- 
porary, Sir  Roger  L'Estrange.  In  this  key, 
amid  a  mass  of  detail  positively  absurd,  Sir 
Samuel  Luke  is  named  as  the  original  of  Butler's 
doughty  hero.  These  are  the  only  known 
sources  for  the  statements  above. 

Since  Butler's  connection  with  Luke  is  rather 
definitely  attached  to  the  question  of  the  time 
of  the  poem,  attention  may  be  called  to  a  bit  of 
possible  evidence  that  is  often  quoted.  In  the 
first  canto  of  the  poem,  Butler  has  Hudibras 
say  of  himself :  — 

"  'Tis  sung  there  is  a  valient  Mameluke, 
In  foreign  land  yclep'd  .  .  . 
To  whom  we  have  been  oft  compar'd 
For  person,  parts,  address  and  beard; 
Both  equally  reputed  stout, 
And  in  the  same  cause  both  have  fought : 
He  oft  in  such  attempts  as  these 
Came  off  with  glory  and  success. "  * 

^  Canto  i.  11.  903  sg. 


422  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

This  certainly  looks  like  an  attempt  by  But- 
ler to  point  out  the  original  of  his  hero;  and 
the  easy  way  in  which  the  rather  rare  ten- 
syllable  couplet  may  be  filled  out  by  ''Sir 
Sammy  (or  Sam'l)  Luke  "helps  considerably  to 
make  the  general  theory  plausible.  Of  course 
the  best  evidence  of  early  composition  should 
be  Butler's  own  statement  in  his  title;  but  one 
or  two  other  points  may  be  mentioned.  Thus, 
there  occur  in  the  first  part  of  the  poem  numer- 
ous descriptions  of  sects,  conditions,  and  the 
like,  which  were  familiar  during  the  Common- 
wealth, and  these  Butler  consistently  phrases 
in  the  present  tense. ^  A  reference  to  the  French 
in  the  third  canto  of  the  first  part  scarcely 
seems  to  suggest  the  devoted  post-Restoration 
tone  people  sometimes  profess  to  find  in  Hudi- 
hras. 


(I 


And  as  the  French  we  conquer 'd  once 
•  Now  give  us  laws  for  pantaloons, 

The  length  of  breeches  and  the  gathers, 
Port-cannons,  periwigs,  and  feathers; 
Just  so  the  proud  insulting  lass 
Array 'd  and  dighted  Hudibras.''  ^ 

Even  after  the  Restoration,  however,  Butler 
was  not  so  wedded  to  courtly  ways  as  to  con- 
done French  imitation,  as  appears  from  his 
poem  on  ''  Our  ridiculous  imitation  of  the 
French."  ^ 

^  E.g.  11.  192  sq.,  descriptive  of  the  religious  sect  of 
Hudibras  ;  11.  387-390,  concerning  Hudibras's  dagger  ; 
11.  479  sq.,  of  Ralph's  religion.  2  jj   923  sq. 

^  Cf.  Butler,  Genuine  Poetical  Remains,  ed.  Thyer, 
London,  1827,  p.  98  sq. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  423 

As  stated,  the  poem  Hudihras  is,  from  the  / 
critic's  point  of  view,  a  strange  confusion  of  ■ 
types/  In  spirit  it  is  mock-heroic.  Characters 
presented  to  us  as  low,  bigoted,  and  generally 
unattractive,  are  portrayed,  together  with  their 
experiences,  in  an  apparently  exalted  strain. 
Their  speeches,  especially,  rise  to  this  manner. 
Yet  the  verse  is  rapid  and  careless  eight-syllable 
couplet,  with  all  kinds  of  extravagances  in  its 
rhymes,  and  the  lines  display  hosts  of  colloquial 
and  vulgar  expressions,  often  as  coarse  as  in 
the  extreme  of  burlesque.  There  is  powxr  and 
vigor  throughout,  but  the  poem  shows  little 
depth  of  feeling  or  delicacy  of  touch.  It  is 
hardly  to  be  treated  as  resulting  from  society 
impulse;  yet  it  represents  a  vogue  that  came 
from  France  to  England  in  the  wake  of  the 
culture  migration.  That  the  knowledge  of  this 
form  as  an  approved  French  fashion  was  then 
pervading  England  may  be  inferred  from  the 
next  citation. 

Very  soon  after  the  Restoration,  Davenant's    \ 
The  Play-house  to  he  Let,  was  placed  upon  the    ' 
stage. ^     It  consisted  of  four  independent  short    ] 
pieces,  serving  as  the  last  four  ''acts,"  with  a   ' 
first  act  representing  them  to  be  the  various 
attempts  of  those  who  elected  to  occupy  the 
otherwise  empty  theater  during  vacation.     Of 
these  pieces  two  are  known  to  have  been  written 

*  Cf.  Addison,  in  Spectator,  no.  249. 

^  Halliwell,  Dictionary  of  Old  English  Plays,  mentions 
it  as  "first  acted  in  1663."  Cf.  the  discussion  of  the  date 
in  Davenant's  Works,  ed.  London,  1873,  iv.  3. 


424  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

and  offered  among  Davenant's  musical  plays 
during  Cromwell's  time.  Another  is  a  version 
in  broken  English  of  Moliere's  Sganarelle,  and 
the  last  is  a  dramatic  burlesque  in  eleven- 
syllable  couplets,  with  feminine  rhymes  through- 
out, the  subject  being  the  amours  of  Antony 
and  Cleopatra.  The  date  of  writing  this  par- 
ticular part  is  unknown,  but  it  may  also  have 
been  composed  before  the  Restoration.  The 
first  act,  no  doubt  written  not  long  before  the 
time  of  presentation,  provides  some  interesting 
statements  concerning  burlesque.  The  poet 
presenting  the  burlesque  is  in  conversation  with 
those  who  have  the  house  to  rent :  — 

"Poet. —     Wit  will  not  do  your  work  alone. 
You  must  have  something  of  a  newer  stamp  to  make 

your 
Coin  current.     Your  old  images  of 
Love  and  honour  are  esteem 'd  but  by  some 
Antiquaries  now.     You  should  set  up  with  that 
Which  is  more  new.     What  think  you 
Of  romances  travestie? 

Player.  —  Explain  yourself ! 

Poet.  —     The  garments  of  our  fathers   you  must 
wear 
The  wrong  side  outward,  and  in  time  it  may 
Become  a  fashion.  .  .  . 

You  shall  present  the  actions  of  the  heroes, 
Which  are  the   chiefest  themes  of  tragedy, 
In  verse  burlesque. 

Player,  —  Burlesque   and    travestie  ?      These    are 
hard  words, 
And  may  be  French,  but  not  law-French. 
Take  heed,  sir,  what  you  say ;   you  may  be  questioned 

for't. 
We  would  do  nothing  sir  but  what  is  legal." 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  425 

There  follows  a  conversation  regarding  the 
value  of  plays  formally  translated  from  the 
French,  and  all  agree  that  the  speeches  in  them 
are  too  long.     Then:  — 

"Poet.  —  If  I  agree  with  you  in  finding  your 
Disease,  it  is  some  sign  that  I  may  know 
Your  remedy;  which  is  the  travestie, 
I  mean  burlesque,  or  more  t'  explain  myself, 
Would  say,  the  mock-heroique  must  be  it 
Which  draws  the  pleasant  hither  i'  th'  vacation, 
Men  of  no  malice  who  will  pay  for  laughter. 
Your  busy  termers   come  to  theatres. 
As  to  their  lawyer's  chambers,  not  for  mirth, 
But,  prudently,  to  hear  ad^dce. 

Player.  —  You'd   take   our  house  for  poetry-bur- 
lesque ? 

Poet.  —  I  would,  and  introduce  such  folly  as  shall 
Make  you  wise;   that  is,  shall  make  you  rich." 

It  may  be  seen  that  by  this  time  the  popularity 
of  the  various  burlesque  types  was  such  as  to 
be  appreciated  by  theater-goers.  Of  course  the 
influence  of  the  Restoration  was  present  in  this. 
Davenant's  poet  confuses  the  terms  burlesque, 
travesty,  and  mock-heroic,  as  the  French  prob- 
ably still  did  at  this  time.  That  he  speaks  of 
bmdesquing  only  romances  and  stage-pieces  is 
of  little  consequence  at  this  point;  stage  pro- 
duction is  all  he  has  in  mind. 

About  this  same  time,  it  would  seem,  Dave- 
nant  wrote  his  descriptive  poem  in  the  burlesque 
manner,  "  The  Long  Vacation  in  London."  The 
idea  of  a  travesty  being  absent,  the  poem  sug- 
gests the  general  manner  Df  the  letters  of 
Mennes    and    Smith,    written    twenty    years 


\ 


426  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

earlier.  Of  course  there  is  a  possibility  that 
Davenant's  poem  too  belongs  to  the  period 
before  the  closing  of  the  theaters.  That  Dave- 
nant  had  high  regard  for  the  work  of  Scarron 
"^i  is  shown  by  his  comedy,  The  Man^s  the  Master, 
\  acted  in  1668,  which  is  drawn  from  two  comedies 
of  Scarron,  Uheritier  ridicule  and  Jodelet,  ou 
he  maitre  valet. ^ 

From  this  time  in  England  the  burlesque 
seems  to  have  passed  through  a  popularity  and 
corresponding  decadence  such  as  it  had  seen 
in  France.  In  1664  Charles  Cotton  published 
what  purported  to  be  a  translation  of  the  first 
book  of  the  Vergile  travesti  into  English.  In 
the  process  of  localizing,  however,  he  lowered 
the  tone  sadly,  and  may  well  have  set  a  pattern 
for  his  successors  in  the  type.  The  piece  was 
reprinted  in  1670,  with  the  addition  of  the 
fourth  book.  There  is  among  Cotton's  works  a 
burlesque  letter,  ''Upon  the  Great  Frost,"  ad- 
dressed to  John  Bradshaw,  Esq.  It  is  undated 
and  shows  considerable  general  resemblance 
to  the  Smith-Mennes  correspondence.-  Among 
other  works  may  be  noted :  — 

James  Scudamore,  —  Homer  a-la-mode.  A  mock 
Poem  upon  the  first  and  second  Books  of  Homer's  Iliads. 
Oxon.,  1664. 

John  Phillips,  —  Maronides,  or  Virgil  travestie, 
being  a  new  paraphrase  upon  the  fifth  hook  of  Virgil, 
London,   1672. 

Naso  Scarronnomimus,  —  Ovidius  exulans;  or  Ovid 

^  Cf .  C.  T.  M.  Schmerbach,  Das  Verhdltniss  von  Dave- 
nants  The  Man's  the  master  zu  Scarrons  Jodelet^  ou  le 
maitre  valet.     Halle,  1899. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  427 

travestie,  a  mock  poem  on  five  epistles  of  Ovid.     London, 
1673. 

Cotton,  —  Burlesque  upon  Burlesque,  or  the  Scoffer 
Scoft,  being  some  of  Lucian's  Dialogues,  newly  put  into 
English  Fustian.     London,  1675. 

In  this  year  the  lowest  ebb  was  reached,  in  the 
scurrilous  Mock  Tempest  of  Thomas  Duffet; 
so  that  in  1683  Dryclen,  localizing  Soame's 
translation  of  Boileau's  Art  Poetique,  was  able, 
correctly  enough,  to  apply  to  England  all  that  / 
Boileau  had  said  against  burlesque  in  France, 
and  to  find  English  illustrations  as  substitutes 
for  the  French  ones. 

In  connection  with  this  discussion  of  the 
burlesque,  some  further  attention  should  be 
given  to  the  conception  closely  related  to  it  in 
spirit,  —  the  modernizing  theory  of  translation 
and  the  gradually  developing  contempt  for  the 
ancients.  At  the  root  of  the  whole  matter 
seems  to  lie  an  unquestioned  satisfaction  with 
the  standards  of  the  moment.  Where  the  time- 
honored  classics  fail  to  conform,  they  should  be 
made  over;  or  if  too  extravagant,  held  up  for 
jest.  If  history  fails  to  recount  the  amours 
and  heart-struggles  of  her  heroes,  they  must 
have  had  them  anyway,  and  the  romancer  is 
j  ustified  in  supplying  such  e:k:per iences .  Ancients 
who  must  so  constantly  be  made  over  to  fit  the 
proprieties,  can  hardly  have  deserved  the 
praises  less  enlightened  centuries  have  lavished 
upon  them.  Obviously  this  was  not  the  opin- 
ion of  all  of  France.  Indeed,  the  list  of  those 
who   emphatically  thought   otherwise   includes 


428  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

the  names  of  Corneille,  Racine,  Boileau,  Bos- 
suet,   practically  all  the  group   of  great   men 
whose  genius  gave  renown  to  the  century.     But 
this  must  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  public 
taste,  directed  largely  by  individuals  of  inferior 
ability  —  the  romancers,   the  makers  of   bur- 
lesques,  the   innovators   generally  —  was   in  a 
vigorous  rebellion  against  antiquity.^     Barclay's 
Euphormio,  1603,  and  the  Fragments  of  Theo- 
phile  de  Viau,  in  1620,  expressed  opposition  to 
)   the   worship   of  the   ancients.     In   1635   Bois- 
robert,  under  the  influence  of  Tassoni's  Pensieri 
j    Diver  si,   published   in  1612,    embodied    in   his 
\   formal  address  before  the  New  French  Academy 
\   an   attack  upon  the   ancients  on  the   ground 
I  that  they  lacked  taste  and  delicacy.^    Perrot 
'  d'Ablancourt,  a  rather  zealous  translator  from 
the    classics,    soon    became    convinced    of  the 
need  of  modernizing  these  products  to  prevent 
them  from  offending  contemporary  taste. 

Even  before  1660  these  notions  had  a  large 
following  in  France.  Besides  the  numerous 
devotees  of  the  Scudery  romances,  who  must 
have  accepted  the  general  principle,  more 
decided  groups  of  disciples  were  found  about 
such  men  as  Desmarets  de  Saint-Sorlin,  with  his 
lately  acquired  religious  bent,^  and  the  Abbe 
d'Aubignac  in  his  rival  academy.^  ^The  latter, 

^  Cf .  H.  'RigSiVilt,  Histoire  de  la  quereUe  des  anciens  et 
des  modernes,  Paris,  1856,  p.  49  sq.      ^  Ibid.,  p.  70  sq. 

^  Cf.  his  Delices  de  l' esprit,  1658,  and  his  epic  Clovis 
in  1657. 

*  D'Aubignac  in  his  Discours  au  Roy,  asking  the 
privilege  of  estabUshing  his  academy   (1656)  mentions 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  429 

in  a  letter  to  D'Ablancourt,  written  December 
27,  1661,  has  to  say  of  translations :  '^11  ne  faut 
jamais  laisser  un  grand  autheur  avec  cle  pet  its 
defauts:  quand  il  en  a,  il  en  faut  soutenir  les 
foiblesses,  relever  les  chutes,  epurer  les  baga- 
telles, nettoyer  les  t aches  et  aller  tou jours  au 
plus  parfait;  il  faut  faire  ce  qu'il  a  voulu  faire, 
quand  il  ne  Fa  pas  connu."  ^ 

With  the  other  manifestations  of  this  modern 
and  mondaine  spirit,  the  new  theory  of  trans- 
lation found  its  way  into  England,  although  its 
early  adherents  acknowledge  no  indebtedness 
to  France  for  it.  It  appears  in  mild  form  in 
the  1650  edition  of  Howell's  Epistolce  Ho-  '" 
Eliance,  in  a  letter  dated  from  the  Fleet  Prison, 
March  25,  1646.  This  letter,  addressed  to  Sir 
Paul  Neale,  concerns  a  translation  from  the 
Italian  just  completed  by  Howell.  After  dis- 
cussing the  unsatisfactory  and  lifeless  nature 
of  translation  as  compared  to  the  original,  he 
says :  — 

"I  have  heard  of  an  excess  among  Limners,  call'd 
too  much  to  the  Life,  which  happens  when  one  aims 
at  Similitude  more  than  Skill :  So  in  version  of  Lan- 
guages, one  may  be  so  over-punctual  in  words,  that  he 
may  mar  the  matter.  The  greatest  fidelity  that  can 
be  expected  in  a  Translator,   is  to  keep  still  a-foot 

those  "qui  sent  attaches  opinio, trement  aux  maximes 
que  les  anciens  ont  laissees  dans  leurs  ecrits,  et  ne  veulent 
rien  chercher  au  dela."  His  idea  of  the  ancients  is 
given  at  some  length  in  his  Conjectures  academiques  sur 
Vlliade,  which  was  not  printed  until  1715.  Cf.  Livet, 
Precieux  et  Precieuses,  pp.  203-204. 
^  Quoted  in  Livet,  op.  cit.,  p.  191. 


430  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

and   entire   the   true   genuine   sense   of    the   Author, 
with  the  main  design  he  drives  at."  ^ 

Davenant's  Gondihert,  begun  in  1646  in 
France,  and  given  to  the  public  in  1651,  was 
represented  by  its  author  as  a  distinct  reaction 
against  the  authority  of  the  ancients;  and  the 
preface,  addressed  to  Thomas  Hobbes  in  1650, 
is  full  of  suggestions  of  this  independence. 
Near  the  end  of  the  reply  by  Hobbes,  also 
written  in  1650,  there  are  these  significant 
sentences :  — 

"Having  thus  made  way  for  the  admission  of  my 
testimony,  I  give  it  briefly  thus ;  I  never  yet  saw  poem, 
that  had  so  much  shape  of  art,  health  of  morality, 
and  vigour  and  beauty  of  expression  as  this  of  yours. 
And  but  for  the  clamour  of  the  multitude,  that  hide 
their  envy  of  the  present,  under  a  reverence  of  an- 
tiquity, I  should  say  further,  that  it  would  last  as 
long  as  either  the  iEneid,  or  Iliad,  but  for  one  dis- 
advantage; .  .  .  The  languages  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  (by  their  colonies  and  conquests)  have  put 
off  flesh  and  blood,  and  are  become  immutable,  which 
none  of  the  modern  tongues  are  like  to  be.  I  honour 
antiquity,  but  that  which  is  commonly  called  old  time, 
is  young  time.  The  glory  of  antiquity  is  due,  not  to 
the  dead,  but  to  the  aged."  ^ 

Both  Davenant's   preface  and  this   reply  were 
written  in  Paris. 

It  was  probably  more  than  ten  years  before 
the  appearance  of  Gondihert  that  Denham  had 
made  his  modernizing  translation  of  the  second 
book  of  the  JEneid,  but  it  was  1656  before  he 

^  Familiar  Letters,  ed.  Jacobs,  London,  1892,  ii,  544. 
2  Chalmers,  English  Poets,  vi,  372. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  431 

put  this  into  print,  with  the  preface  in  which 
he  explained  his  principles.  This  translation 
and  preface  have  been  already  noted  as  per- 
haps confusing  Anthony  a  Wood  on  the  matter 
of  burlesque.^  Some  of  Denham's  statements 
follow :  — 

"  I  conceive  it  is  a  vulgar  error  in  Translating  Poets, 
to  affect  being  Fidus  Interpres;  let  that  care  be  with 
them  who  deal  in  matters  of  Fact,  or  matters  of  Faith : 
but  whosoever  aims  at  it  in  Poetry,  as  he  attempts 
what  is  not  required,  so  he  shall  never  perform  what 
he  attempts ;  for  it  is  not  his  business  alone  to  translate 
Language  into  Language,  but  Poesie  into  Poesie;  and 
Poesie  is  of  so  subtile  a  Spirit,  that  in  the  pouring  out 
of  one  Language  into  another,  it  will  all  evaporate ; 
and  if  a  new  Spirit  be  not  added  in  Transfusion,  there 
will  remain  nothing  but  a  Caput  Mortuum,  there 
being  certain  Graces  and  Happinesses  peculiar  to 
every  Language,  which  gives  life  and  energy  to  the 
words;  .  .  .  And  as  Speech  is  the  apparel  of  our 
Thoughts,  so  are  there  certain  Garbs  and  Modes  of 
speaking,  which  vary  with  the  Times ;  the  fashion  of 
our  Clothes  being  not  more  subject  to  alteration  than 
that  of  our  Speech ;  .  .  .  and  therefore  if  Virgil  must 
needs  speak  English,  it  were  fit  he  should  speak  not 
only  as  a  Man  of  this  Nation,  but  as  Man  of  this 
Age;  and  if  this  Disguise  I  have  put  upon  him  (I 
wish  I  could  give  it  a  better  name)  fit  not  naturally 
and  easily  on  so  Grave  a  Person,  yet  it  may  become 
him  better  than  that  Fools-Coat,  wherein  the  French 
and  Italians  have  of  late  presented  him.''  ^ 

Although  Denham  was  not  an  English  courtier 
poet  in  the  strict  sense,  it  will  be  recalled  that 

^  Supra,  p.  418  sq. 

2  Denham,  Poems  and  Translations,  ed.  London,  1709, 
p.  23. 


432  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

Y  his  tragedy  Sophy,  in  1642^  gives  evidence  of 
Corneille's  influence.^  Some  critics  have  sug- 
gested that  Cooper^ s  Hill  has  many  things  in 
V  common  with  Maynard's  Alcippe,^  and  it  may 
be  added  that  Denham's  verse,  hke  that  of 
Waller,  shows  the  French  reaction  toward  con- 
ciseness and  lucidity. 

In  the  same  year  with  Denham's  preface, 
appeared  Cowley's,  to  his  Pindaric  Odes,  then 
first  published.     In  this  he  says :  — 

''We  must  consider  in  Pindar  the  great  Difference 
of  Time  betwixt  his  Age  and  ours,  which  changes  as 
in  Pictures,  at  least  the  Colours  of  Poetry;  the  no  less 
Difference  betwixt  the  Religions  and  Customs  of  our 
Countries,  and  a  thousand  Particularities  of  Places, 
Persons,  and  Manners,  which  do  but  confusedly  appear 
to  our  Eyes  at  so  great  a  Distance.  And  lastly  (which 
were  enough  alone  for  my  purpose)  we  must  consider 
that  our  Ears  are  Strangers  to  the  Musick  of  his  Num- 
bers. .  .  .  And  when  we  have  considered  all  this, 
we  must  needs  confess,  that  after  all  these  Losses 
sustained  by  Pindar,  all  we  can  add  to  him  by  our 
Wit  or  Invention  (not  deserting  still  his  Subject) 
is  not  like  to  make  him  a  Richer  Man  than  he  was  in 
his  own  Country.  This  is  in  some  measure  to  be 
apply'd  to  all  translations;  and  the  not  observing  of 
it,  is  the  Cause  that  all  which  ever  I  yet  saw  are  so 
much  inferior  to  their  Originals.  The  like  happens 
too  in  Pictures  from  the  same  Root  of  exact  Imitation ; 
which  being  a  vile  and  unworthy  kind  of  Servitude, 
is  incapable  of  producing  anything  good  or  noble. 
I  have  seen  Originals  both  in  Painting  and  Poesie, 
much  more  beautiful  than  their  natural  Objects; 
but  I  never  saw  a  Copy  better  than  the  Original, 
which  indeed  cannot  be  otherwise;   for  Men  resolving 

1  Of.  p.  383. 

2  Cf.  Edmund  Gosse,  From  Shakespeare  to  Pope,  p.  102. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  433 

in  no  case  to  shoot  beyond  the  Mark,  it  is  a  thousand 
to  one  if  they  shoot  not  short  of  it.  It  does  not  at 
all  trouble  me  that  the  Grammarians  perhaps  will  not 
suffer  this  libertine  way  of  rendring  foreign  Authors, 
to  be  called  Translation ;  for  I  am  not  so  much  enamour 'd 
of  the  Name  Translator,  as  not  to  wish  rather  to  be 
Something  Better,  tho'  it  want  yet  a  Name.''  ^ 

Chiabrera,  Cowley's  Italian  predecessor  in 
the  Pindaric,  had  recognized  the  differences 
between  the  spirit  of  his  original  and  that  of 
his  own  Italy,  but  his  aim  was  rather  to  cele- 
brate contemporary  affairs  by  lifting  them  to 
the  heights  of  Pindar.  Some  close  resemblances 
may  be  noted  between  Cowley's  discussion  and 
that  of  Denham,  resemblances  which  may  have 
called  out  Bishop  Sprat's  defense  of  Cowley's 
priority  in  the  matter.  In  the  Life  of  Cowley, 
first  published  in  1G68,  Sprat  says :  — 

"This  way  of  leaving  Verbal  Translations,  and 
chiefly  regarding  the  Sense  and  Genius  of  the  Author, 
was  scarce  heard  of  in  England,  before  this  present 
Age.  I  will  not  presume  to  say,  that  Mr.  Cowdey 
was  the  absolute  Inventor  of  it.  Nay,  I  know  that 
others  had  the  good  luck  to  recommend  it  first  in 
Print.  Yet  I  appeal  to  you,  Sir,  whether  he  did  not 
conceive  it,  and  discourse  of  it,  and  practice  it  as  soon 
as  any  man."  ^ 

From  this  point  the  modernizing  spirit  con- 
tinued to  grow,  following  the  lines  of  its  de- 
velopment in  France.  Passing  through  the 
period  of  the  Restoration,  it  received  fresh  im- 
pulses from  across  the  Channel,  and  reached  its 

1  Cowley,  Works,  ed.  1710,  i.  183-184. 

2  Ihid.,  p.  xxiii. 
2f 


434  MINOR   LITERARY   FORMS 

greatest  triumph  in  the  vogue  of  the  heroic 
plays  and  in  the  Enghsh  controversy  of  the 
Ancients  and  Moderns,  which  followed  close 
upon  the  similar  discussion  in  France.  Indeed 
there  was  much  of  this  spirit  even  in  the  Res- 
toration fancy  for  modernizing  Shakespeare  and 
his  contemporaries  to  suit  the  refined  tastes  of 
a  later  age. 

One  important  literary  fashion  is  left  for  dis- 
cussion, that  of  Letter-Writing.  In  its  begin- 
ning this  was  a  classic  practice,  in  which  men 
wrote  to  real  friends  with  a  depth  of  thought 
and  finish  of  rhetoric  that  contemplated  pub- 
licity; in  its  Renaissance  period,  a  Humanistic 
following  of  Cicero  or  Seneca,  in  which  pohsh 
of  style  was  the  first  requisite,  and  the  letters, 
addressed  perfunctorily  to  acquaintances  or 
exalted  superiors,  were  composed  primarily 
with  the  view  of  publication  after  the  author's 
death  or  even  during  his  lifetime.  In  the  six- 
teenth century,  vernacular  tongues  replaced  the 
Latin.  A  group  of  Italians,  among  them  Aretino, 
sought  polish  of  style  in  emulation  of  Cicero; 
while  the  Spanish,  led  by  Guevara,  strove  after 
the  deeper  content  they  professed  to  find  in 
Seneca.  Montaigne  in  France  was  urged  to 
put  the  material  of  his  Essais  into  epistolary 
form,  but  declined.^  Pasquier  took  up  the 
form,  and  his  letters,  dealing  chiefly  with  im- 
portant happenings  of  the  day,  appeared  from 
1586  to  1615.  He  objected  to  the  Italian  letters 
then   current   as  too    courtly   and   fulsome   in 

^  Essais,  bk,  i,  essay  39. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  435 

flattery,  as  well  as  empty  of  content.     In  his  \ 
wake    came    Balzac,    Voiture,    and    the    other 
literary  correspondents  of  the  coteries,  and  with 
them   the    Italian   tradition    was    restored   to 
popularity.^ 

So  long  a  paragraph  of  introduction  seems 
justified  in  this  instance,  by  the  fact  that  so 
many  of  these  hues  of  activity  exercised  an 
influence  upon  England.     Cicero's  letters,  known  ? 
in  the   original   by   English   Humanists,   were  ; 
translated  at  least  as  early  as  1620;  and  Seneca's  1 
by  1639.     Guevara's  epistles  were  translated  by 
Edward  Hellowes  in  1574,  and  the  year  after  I 
appeared    Geoffrey    Fenton's    Golden    Epistles, 
gathered  as  well  out  of  the  Remaynder  of  Antonio 
de    Geuvara^s    Works    as    other    authors    Latin, 
French,    and    Italian.     Aretino    and    Pasquier     i 
were  both  very  generally  known;   but  with  the     j 
knowledge  of  Balzac  and  Voiture  arose  a  vogue 
which  rapidly  crowded  all  the  others  into  the  » 
background. 

Letter- writing  was  a  favorite  literary  amuse- 
ment in  the  circles  of  the  precieuses.  There 
was  a  public  upon  which  no  delicacy  of  compli- 
ment or  beauty  of  phrase  would  be  lost,  —  a 
public  that  would  constantly  demand  the  best 
one  had  to  give.  Printing  was  a  matter  of  no 
consequence  under  such  conditions,  and  the 
letters  were  real  enough  in  occasion  and  ad- 
dressed to  actual  friends.     The  term  "  familiar," 

^  Cf .  a  good  general  discussion  in  the  opening  pages  of 
Georg  Jiirgen's  dissertation,  Die  EpistolcB  Ho-Eliance, 
Marburg,  1901. 


436  MINOR  LITERARY    FORMS 

SO  empty  of  significance  among  the  Humanists, 
could  there  be  revitahzed.  Amid  this  society 
Balzac  and  Voiture,  essentially  different  as  they 
were,  stood  side  by  side  as  the  leaders  in  cor- 
respondence. Just  as  Balzac's  temperament 
kept  him  for  a  long  time  aloof  from  the  gayety 
of  the  Hotel  de  Ramhouillet,  so  his  literary  style 
avoided  entirely  the  light  badinage  of  society. 
The  letters  are  seldom  to  ladies,  usually  to  per- 
sons in  high  station,  and  are  obviously  conscious 
of  an  audience.  The  line  of  thought  tends 
toward  the  serious  and  philosophical;  the 
rhetoric  is  polished,  with  an  abundance  of 
lavish  but  stately  compliment.  Voiture 's  let- 
ters, while  contemplating  a  public  hearing,  have 
always  a  convincing  tone  of  cordial  familiarity, 
whether  they  recount  personal  experience  or 
discuss  public  matters  from  the  personal  point 
of  view.  There  is  no  pompous  rhetoric,  but  a 
brilliant  phrasing  of  warm  human  sympathy 
or  cleverly  turned  compliment.  Sometimes  the 
tone  is  mocking,  but  never  offensive.  There  is 
much  plausibility  in  the  frequently  repeated 
/'distinction:  ^'People  praised  Balzac;  they 
sought  to  imitate  Voiture." 

In  England,  after  the  decline  of  the  Hu- 
manists, the  first  letter-writer  with  serious  in- 
tent appears  to  have  been  Bishop  Hall,  whose 
Six  Decads  of  Epistles  appeared  1607-1610, 
with  later  editions  in  1613,  1614,  and  1615. 
These  letters,  apparently  under  the  influence  of 
Guevara,  were  full  of  moral  precepts  and  dis- 
cussions, and  conferred  upon  their  author  the 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  437 

^  .. 

title  of  ''The  English  Seneca."^  The  next 
printed  collection  of  letters  was  that  of  James  y 
Howell,  in  1645.  In  the  meantime  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French,  especially  of  Balzac,  had 
seized  upon  England.  In  1634  had  appeared 
The  Letters  of  Mounsier  de  Balzac,  Translated  ^ 
into  English,  according  to  the  last  edition.  By 
W.  T[yrwhit],  Esq.  In  his  preface,  ''the  Trans- 
lator to  the  Reader,"  Tyrwhit  says :  — 


"finding  his  stile  right  eloquent,  and  altogether  un- 
afected,  his  conceptions  high,  and  the  whole  Booke 
richly  adorned  with  great  varietie  of  learning,  appear- 
ing almost  in  every  Page:  It  raised  no  small  desire 
in  mee  to  try  how  his  way  of  writing  would  sute  with 
our  language :  .  .  .  But  I  was  not  long  left  in  peace 
with  this  resolution,  before  certaine  my  noble  friends 
understanding  I  had  travailed  on  this  subject;  did 
importunately  solicite  me  to  put  these  Letters  into 
Print,  perswading  me  I  should  herein  performe  no 
unacceptable  service  to  my  Countrey,  especially  to 
such  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  French  Language." 

That  this  "importunate  soliciting"  was  based 
on  good  judgment  is  revealed  by  subsequent 
developments.  In  the  Stationers^  Register  for 
March  15,  1636-1637,  are  entered :  — 

"The  second  parte  of  the  Letters  of  Monsieur  du 
Balsac  written  by  him  in  French  and  translated  into 
English  by  Sir  R  :  B  : ''  2 

"A  supply  to  the  second  parte  or  the  third  parte 
of  Mounseiur  du  Balsac  Letters  translated  into  English 
by  the  said  Sir  R :  B : " 

*  Jiirgens,  op.  cit.,  p.  17.        ^  Sir  Richard  Baker. 


438  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

Under  date  of  December  15,  1638,  appears :  — 

"  A  Recuell  or  Collection  of  new  Letters  of  Mounsieur 
du  Balzack  being  the  fourth  parte  never  before  published 
twenty  of  them  translated  out  of  Latyn  and  the  rest 
out  of  French  into  Enghsh." 

Another  edition  of  these  collected  letters  was 
printed  in  1655,  represented  as  '^  by  Sir  Richard, 
and  others." 

Before  proceeding  to  a  discussion  of  Howell's 
work,  attention  must  be  called  to  another  sort 
of  published  letter,  then  prevalent  in  England, 
and  perhaps  having  a  bearing  on  the  Epistolce 
Ho-EliancB.  The  ^' handy  letter- writer,"  with 
its  models  of  correspondence  for  all  occasions, 
was  even  then  in  demand.  A  dozen  different 
manuals  of  this  kind  appeared  in  little  more  than 
half  a  century  before  Howell's  letters,  and  sev- 
eral of  them  enjoyed  a  number  of  editions.  One 
of  these  books,  Angel  Day's  English  Secretoriej 
first  issued  in  1586,  seems  to  have  had  a  long 
period  of  popularity  and  to  have  been  well 
known  by  Howell. 

The  first  part  of  the  Epistolce  Ho-Eliance  ap- 
peared in  1645,  three  years  after  the  author's 
incarceration  in  the  Fleet.  It  bore  the  title: 
^'Epistolse  Ho-Elianse  |  Familiar  Letters  |  Do- 
mestic and  Forren  |  Divided  into  |  Six  Sections  | 

Historical 
Partly  Political      |  Upon  emergent  Occasions  | 

Philosophicall 
J.  H.  Esq."     A  more  extended  announcement 
reads :  — 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  439 

''These  Letters,  for  their  principall  subject,  contain 
a  Relation  of  those  Passages  of  State  that  happened 
a  good  part  of  King  James  His  Raign,  and  of  his 
Majesties  now  Regnant :  As  also  of  such  Outlandish 
Occurrences  that  has  reference  to  this  Kingdom : 
Wlierein  ther  goes  along  a  Legend  of  the  Authors  life, 
and  of  his  severall  employments,  with  an  account  of 
his  Forren  Tra veils  and  Negotiations;  wherin  he 
had  occasion  to  make  his  addresses  to  these  Personages, 
and  Persons  underwritten.''  ^ 

This  announcement  characterizes  adequately 
the  epistles  in  the  collection.  It  is  followed  by 
some  verses,  ^'To  the  knowing  Reader  touching 
Familiar  Letters,"  in  which  the  various  excellent 
possibilities  of  letters  are  enumerated.  That 
Howell  was  not  unacquainted  with  the  history 
of  the  form  is  shown  by  these  lines :  — 

"In  Seneca's  rich  Letters  is  enshrined 
Whatever  the  ancient  Sages  left  behind : 
Tully  makes  his  the  secret  Symptoms  tell 
Of  those  Distempers  which  proud  Rome  bef el ; 

*^^0  ^^#  fcfj  *s^ 

^n  ^^  ^2^  ^v 

Great  Antonine  the  Emperor  did  gain 
More  glory  by  his  Letters  than  his  Reign. 

*^t^  ^£#  ^fi  9^0 

^^  ^%  ^^  ^tt 

Aurehus  ^  by  his  Letters  did  the  same, 
And  they  in  chief  immortalise  his  Fame." 

In  the  third  edition  (1650)  of  the  EpistolcB, 
which  by  this  time  had  grown  to  three  volumes 
or  parts,  dates  were  for  the  first  time  attached 
to  the  various  letters.     As  the  opening  letter 

*  A  list  of  the  names  follows. 

^  A  reference  to  Guevara's  Golden  Book  of  Marcus 
Aurelius,  in  letter  form. 


440  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

of  the  first' volume  there  was  at  this  time  intro- 
duced an  epistle  to  Sir  J.  S.,  with  the  date 
July  25,  1625,  several  years  later  than  those  of 
the  series  of  letters  previously  beginning  the 
volume.  This  letter  is  a  discussion  of  letter- 
writing,  and  suggests  matters  of  interest.  The 
criticism  of  French  letter-writers  is  especially 
severe :  — 

"Others  there  are  among  our  next  transmarine 
Neighbors  Eastward,  who  write  in  their  own  Language, 
but  their  Style  is  soft  and  easy,  that  their  Letters  may 
be  said  to  be  like  Bodies  of  loose  Flesh  without  Sinews, 
they  have  neither  Joints  'of  Art  nor  Arteries  in  them ; 
they  have  a  kind  of  simpering  and  lank  hectic  Ex- 
pressions made  up  of  a  Bombast  of  Words,  and  fmical 
affected  Compliments  only :  I  cannot  well  away  with 
such  sleazy  Stuff,  with  such  Cobweb-compositions, 
where  there  is  no  Strength  of  Matter,  nothing  for  the 
Reader  to  carry  away  with  him,  that  may  enlarge 
the  Notions  of  his  Soul.  One  shall  hardly  find  an 
Apothegm,  Example,  Simile,  or  anything  of  Philosophy, 
History,  or  solid  knowledge,  or  as  much  as  one  new 
created  Phrase,  in  a  hundred  of  them :  and  to  draw 
any  Observations  out  of  them,  were  as  if  one  went 
about  to  distill  Cream  out  of  Froth;  insomuch,  that 
it  may  be  said  of  them,  what  was  said  of  the  Echo, 
that  she  is  a  mere  Sound  and  nothing  else." 
Then  follows  a  particular  thrust  at.  Balzac :  — 

"I  return  you  your  Balzac  by  this  Bearer:  and 
when  I  found  those  Letters,  wherein  he  is  so  familiar 
with  his  King,  so  flat :  and  those  to  Richlieu,  so 
puffed  with  prophane  Hyperboles,  and  larded  up  and 
down  with  such  gross  Flatteries,  with  others,  besides, 
which  he  sends  as  Urinals  up  and  down  the  World 
to  look  into  his  Water  for  discovery  of  the  crazy 
Condition  of  his  Body,  I  forebore  him  further."^ 

*  Howell,  Familiar  Letters,  ed.  Jacobs,  i.  18. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  441 

Rather  vigorous  language  this  from  an  active, 
somewhat  hard-headed  literary  hack  and  royal 
factotum,  who  could  view  the  heights  of  Bal- 
zac's finished  rhetoric  only  from  a  considerable 
distance,  and  whose  attempts  at  gallant  protesta- 
tions present  the  empty  and  confusing  phrase- 
ology from  which  quotation  has  been  made 
elsewhere/  Evidently  Howell's  mind  was  not 
entirely  easy  when  he  introduced  this  letter  at 
the  head  of  his  list. 

Elsewhere  in  the  epistle  he  goes  at  some  length 
into  the  theoretical  classification  of  letters: 
'^  Now,  Letters,  tho'  they  be  capable  of  any  Sub- 
ject, yet  commonly  they  are  either  Narratory, 
Objurgatory,  Consolatory,  Monitory,  or  Con- 
gratulatory. ..."  This  is  very  much  in  the 
manner  of  Day's  introduction  to  his  English 
Secretorie,  where  he  classifies  letters  as  ^'Hor- 
tatorie,  Dehortatorie,  Laudatorie,  Vituperatorie, 
Suasorie,  Petitorie,  Monitorie,  Accusatorie,  Ex- 
cusatorie,  Consolatorie,  Invective,  and  such 
like";  and  then  proceeds  to  state  the  character- 
istics of  each  class,  and  illustrate  them  by 
approved  epistolary  models.^  But  Howell  gives 
no  sign  of  having  for  a  moment  intended  a 
"model  letter-writer,"  and  this  theorizing  is  only 
an  afterthought. 

A  fairly  reasonable  line  of  explanation  sug- 
gests itself,  but  it  is  not  exactly  favorable  to 
Howell.     Being  interested    from   youth  in   the 

*  Supra,  p.  339  sq.  The  letters  in  question  appear 
in  ed.  cit.,  ii.  414-415,  534,  558. 

2  Angel  Day,  English  Secretorie,  ed.  1607,  p.  3  sq. 


442  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

art  of  correspondence,  he  probably  gave  par- 
ticular care  to  composing  his  numerous  letters, 
and  kept  copies  of  most  of  them.  It  is  likely, 
indeed,  that  he  recognized  the  resemblance  of  his 
matter  to  that  of  Pasquier,  and  modeled  some- 

>  what  upon  his  style/  The  ^^  History  of  the  French 
Language,"  which  he  prefixed  to  his  edition  of 
Cotgrave's  Dictionary  in  1650,  was  taken  chiefly 

><f  from  Pasquier's  Recherches.  Upon  his  confine- 
ment in  the  Fleet,  Howell  turned  his  attention  to 
literary  hack-work.  Balzac's  letters  must  have 
been  popular  in  England  at  that  time,  both  in 
the  original  and  in  translation.  Howell  had  a 
vast  collection  of  correspondence  at  command. 
Why  should  he  not  profit  by  this  popularity 
and  publish  these  letters  of  his  ?  He  did  so,  and 
the  venture  was  successful.  Between  1645  and 
1650,  however,  people  must  have  said  some  un- 
pleasant things.  That  they  sometimes  did  so 
is  clearly  suggested  by  the  comment  of  Wood, 
in  1691,  that  Howell's  writings  were  ^Wery  trite 
and  empty,  stolen  from  other  authors  without 
acknowledgment,  and  fitted  only  to  please  the 
humours  of  novices."  ^  Whether  in  this  par- 
ticular instance  they  insinuated  that  Howell 
had  borrowed  from  Balzac  and  his  friends,  or 
charged  that  he  had  profited  by  their  popularity, 
or  instituted  unpleasant  comparisons  between 
him  and  them,  is  not  to  be  discovered.  At 
any  rate  Howell  vented  his  spleen  against  the 

^  This  resemblance  to  Pasquier  is  suggested  by  Joseph 
Jacobs  in  his  edition  of  Howell's  Letters,  i.  lix. 
^  Athenoe  Oxon.,  ed.  1817,  iii.  744. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  443 

Frenchmen  and  thus  bore  abundant  testimony 
to  England's  admiration  of  them  at  this  time.^ 

Howell  had  ardent  admirers  as  well  as  severe 
critics.  Thus  in  1664,  Payne  Fisher,  in  the 
preface  to  Howell's  Poems,  says:  ^'He  teacheth 
a  new  way  of  Epistolizing ;  and  that  Familiar 
Letters  may  not  only  consist  of  Words  and  a 
bombast  of  Compliments,  but  that  they  are 
capable  of  the  highest  Speculations  and  solidest 
kind  of  Knowledge."  John  Evelyn,  writing  to 
Lord  Spencer,  in  1688,  recalls  the  adverse  state- 
ments of  Wood:  ^' James  Howell  published  his 
'Ho-Elianae'  for  which  he  indeed  was  laughed 
at  (not  for  his  letters  which  acquainted  us  with 
a  number  of  passages  worthy  to  be  known).  .  .  ."^ 

The  vogue  of  Balzac  in  England  seems  to  have 
continued  for  some  years,  giving  way  in  time 
before  that  of  Voiture.  There  was  a  translation 
of  Balzac's  treatise.  The  Prince,  by  Henry  Greis- 
ley,  in  1648.  Thomas  Powell,  who  died  almost 
immediately  after  the  Restoration,  is  credited  / 
by  Wood  with  a  translation,  Recueil  de  novelles 
Lettres,  or  the  last  Letters  of  Monsieur  de  Balzac. 
In  1657,  as  we  may  gather  from  a  letter  of 
that  date  in  Loveday's  Letters,  it  was  consid- 
ered a  high  honor  to  be  characterized  as  "an 
English  Balzac."  ^ 

^  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Howell's  phrase  "pro- 
phane  Hyperboles,"  for  Balzac's  flatteries  of  Richelieu, 
he  has  used  elsewhere  in  a  letter  dated  from  Paris, 
April  1,  1641,  referring  to  the  poetic  flatteries  applied  to 
the  Cardinal. 

2  Quoted  in  ed.  Jacobs,  i. 

^  Loveday,  Letters,  4th  ed.,  London,  1669,  pt.  i.  The 
title  was  not  so  much  of  a  compliment  in  1668;  Voiture 


444  MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS 

Sir  John  Suckling,  who  died  in  1640,  wrote  a 
number  of  letters,  which  seem  to  have  been  in- 
tended for  circulation,  but  were  not  published 
for  many  years  after  his  death.  As  in  his  verses, 
he  appears  to  follow  Voiture,  with  a  somewhat 
broader  tone  of  mockery  and  daring.  Those 
letters  in  which  he  is  the  serious  lover  abound 
in  graceful  gallantry;  but  in  many  specimens 
he  affects  the  mocking  spirit  of  the  anti-Pla- 
tonics. The  elegance  and  wit  of  the  clever 
courtier  are  present  everywhere.  There  is  a 
mere  mention  of  Balzac  in  one  of  the  letters.* 
However  popular  Voiture's  letters  may  have 
been  about  the  English  court,  they  did  not  get 
into  translation  until  1655,  at  the  hands  of  John 
Davies. 

An  interesting  product  of  this  vogue  among 
the  courtiers  is  Sir  Toby  Matthew's  collection  of 
letters,  which  did  not  appear  in  print  until 
1660,  five  years  after  his  death.  It  was  then 
published  with  the  title:  ^^A  Collection  of  Let- 
ters made  by  S''  Tobie  Matthews,  Kt.,  with  a 
Character  of  the  most  excellent  Lady,  Lucy 
Countess  of  Carleile:  to  which  are  added  many 
Letters  of  his  own  to  several  Persons  of  Honour 
who  were  contemporary  with  him."  Some  of 
the  letters  were  probably  from  originals,  others 
mere  epistolary  exercises,  in  emulation  of  the 
French  models.  Names  and  dates  were  re- 
moved, and  so  far  did  Sir  Toby's  desire  for 

was  then  in   vogue.      Cf.   Mrs.   Evelyn's  letter  to  Mr. 
Bohun,  May  21,  1668;    cited  by  Jiirgens,  op.  cit.,  p.  16. 
^  Suckling,  Works,  ed.  1719,  p.  83. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  445 

ingenuity  and  rhetorical  excellence  carry  him, 
that  the  general  effect  is  again  that  of  a  manual 
of  polite  correspondence,  which  in  part  it  was. 
As  has  been  noted, ^  the  '^ character"  that  ac- 
companies the  book  is  not  one  of  the  usual 
English  abstractions,  but  is  a  portrait  after  the 
manner  of  the  French  romances. 

The  collections  of  letters  by  Robert  Loveday 
and  Thomas  Forde  appear  to  have  been  modeled 
on  Howell's  collection.  Loveday's  book,  pub- 
lished posthumously  in  1659,  indicates  this  even 
in  the  title:  ^'Loveday's  Letters,  Domestick 
and  Forrein,  to  several  persons,  occasionally 
distributed  in  subjects  Philosophicall,  His- 
toricall,  and  Morall."  Forde 's  Familiar  Let- 
ters, published  a  year  later,  contain  one  epistle 
full  of  praise  addressed  to  J.  H.,  apparently 
Howell  himself.  Regarding  a  proposed  cor- 
respondence between  them,  he  says:  ''I  am 
not  ignorant  that  all  kind  of  Learning  hath  been 
wrapped  up  in  Letters.  And  I  assure  you, 
Sir,  I  shall,  in  the  enjoyment  of  yours,  think 
myself  little  less  honoured  than  I  do  Lucillius 
by  Seneca's.^ 

In  many  ways  the  most  attractive  English 
collection  of  the  period  was  written  without 
the  remotest  thought  of  publicity,  and  did  not 
appear  in  print  until  very  recently.^  Dorothy 
Osborne,   writing   to   Sir   William   Temple,    to 

^  Supra,  p.  351. 

^Familiar  Letters,  ed.  1600,  p.  85. 
^  Letters  from  Dorothy  Osborne  to  Sir  William  Temple 
(1652-1654),  ed.  E.  A.  Parry,  London,  1888. 


446  MINOR   LITERARY   FORMS 

whom  she  was  then  betrothed,  displays  a  re- 
markable charm  of  manner,  grace  of  style,  and 
acuteness  of  thought.  But  she  too  was  a 
devotee  of  French  literary  forms,  to  which  she 
makes  constant  reference  in  her  letters;  and 
may  well  have  acquired  some  of  her  ease  and 
sprightliness  of  style  from  a  familiarity  with 
French  models.  She  is  a  worthy  predecessor 
of  Madame  de  Sevigne. 

This  study  cannot  close  without  mention  , 
of  the  correspondence  of  our  English  coterie- 
leader,  'Hhe  Matchless  Orinda,"  with  her 
favorite  friend  Poliarchus.  The  letters  in  the 
collection  were  written  from  one  to  four  years 
after  the  Restoration,  but  the  circle  in  which 
^Jihey  were  inspired  was  in  existence  some  time 
before.^  Mile,  de  Scudery,  after  whom  Mrs. 
Phillips  seems  usually  to  have  modeled,  carried 
on  an  extensive  correspondence  with  her  nu- 
merous friends,^  and  it  is  this,  perhaps,  that  ; 
Orinda  had  in  mind  in  inaugurating  her  series 
of  letters.  But  Mile,  de  Scudery's  epistolary 
style  is  rather  easy,  simple,  and  direct,  with 
very  little  attempt  at  lofty  eloquence  or  lavish  ^ 
compliment.^  Mrs.  Phillips,  however,  must  have 
conceived  of  such  correspondence  on  the  basis 
of  the  Scudery  romances,  for  it  is  the  spirit  and 
manner  of  these  that  is  constantly  giving  color 
to  her  letters.     Of  course  only  a  part  of  the 

^  See  chap.  vii. 

2  Cf.  Rathery  et  Boutron,  Mile,  de  Scudery,  sa  vie  et 
sa  correspondence.     Paris,  1873. 

3  Cf.  her  letters  to  Godeau,  op.  cit.,  pp.  210-240,  249- 
254,  271-272. 


MINOR  LITERARY   FORMS  447 

letters  go  so  far  as  this,  and  it  is  possible  that 
certain  of  the  extreme  "precieuses,  both  in  France 
and  England,  made  a  practice  of  indulging  in  such 
correspondence.  But  many  of  the  letters  suggest 
an  almost  direct  influence  from  the  romances. 


CHAPTER  X 

Conclusion 

The  plan  adopted  for  this  study  has  had  the 
effect  of  subordinating^  often  perhaps  to  an  un- 
fair degree,  numerous  unrelated  details  of  French 
influence  in  English  literature.  It  has  likewise 
placed  emphasis  upon  the  progress  of  certain 
literary  types  or  lines  of  activity,  with  little 
attention,  thus  far,  to  the  entire  significance  of 
the  French  influence  at  various  stages  of  its 
history.  In  apology  it  may  be  said  that  the 
plan  made  itself,  as  one  line  of  influence  or  ac- 
tivity after  another  rose  out  of  the  tangle  of 
Elizabethan  literary  effort,  representing  a  vital 
factor  in  the  complicated  process.  The  four- 
score years  that  make  up  the  actual  scope  of 
the  study  are  not  so  long  a  period,  nor  is  the 
chronology  of  the  writers  involved  so  intricate, 
that  there  is  any  real  difficulty  in  summing  up 
the  content  of  French  literary  influence  at  any 
point  desired,  or  in  its  successive  stages. 

For  twenty  years  from  the  accession  of  Eliza- 
beth, there  was  little  evidence  of  English  interest 
in  France,  apart  from  numerous  translations  of 
the  writings  of  John  Calvin,  and  occasional 
borrowings  from  Marot  among  the  makers  of 
eclogues.     Then  came  the  community  of  inter- 

448 


CONCLUSION  449 

est  and  effort  involving  Sidney  and  Spenser  and 
their  little  following,  —  a  community  animated 
in  at  least  one  of  its  enterprises,  and  perhaps  in 
its  whole  conception,  by  the  example  set  by  the 
French  Pleiade  and  its  later  adherents.  The 
classic  versifying  of  this  group  of  English  inno- 
vators was  quickly  allowed  to  decline.  But 
the  encouragement  and  practice  of  these  kindred 
spirits  were  largely  instrumental  in  furthering 
three  literary  forms  in  England:  the  French- 
Senecan  tragedy,  the  sonnet,  and  the  long  re- 
ligious poem.  The  first  of  these  was  out  of 
place  in  the  England  of  that  time,  and  was  given 
up  with  some  reluctance  early  in  the  next 
century.  It  may  have  played  its  part  in  urging 
regularity  of  form  upon  the  successful  dramatic 
product.  The  sonnet  enjoyed  immense  popu- 
larity in  the  last  fifteen  years  of  the  century. 
Italian  models  exercised  chief  influence  over 
this  development,  but  in  numerous  cases  there 
is  positive  evideng^e  of  direct  impulse  from 
French  specimens  and  of  the  introduction  of 
French  peculiarities.  Ronsard  and  Desportes 
were  particularly  well  known.  "^ 

Sidney  and  his  following  were  emphatically 
Protestant.  The'  period  of  their  earliest  en- 
deavors was  one  of  great  significance  to  all  of 
that  faith,  and  France  was  for  years  the  battle- 
ground of  the  religious  conflict.  Besides  the 
documents  related  directly  to  the  struggle,  there 
also  came  from  France  to  England  the  impulse 
to  color  regular  literary  forms  with  the  ideals 
and  doctrines  of  Protestantism.  In  the  sonnet 
2g 


^ 


450  CONCLUSION 

this  vogue  came  to  England  somewhat  confused 
with  the  similar  tendency  resulting  from  the 
Catholic  Reaction;  but  in  other  forms,  such  as 
the  long  poem  of  Biblical  narrative,  the  influ- 
ence of  France  was  direct,  and  on  the  basis  of 
style  is  hardly  mistakable.  The  effect  of  the 
Semaines  of  Du  Bartas,  both  in  French  and 
translated,  appears  to  have  been  far  more  sig- 
nificant than  has  been  generally  supposed. 
Both  in  spirit  and  in  style,  this  work  was  in 
harmony  with  tendencies  already  prevalent  in 
England,  and  only  emphasized  and  exaggerated 
these  and  spread  them  broadcast.  Various 
adherents  of  the  Sidney  circle  in  its  later  days 
were  affected  by  this  poetry.  Not  Spenser 
alone,  but  Spenser's  disciples,  felt  its  influence. 
In  Scotland  there  was  a  parallel  line  of  depend- 
ence, encouraged  by  King  James  VI.,  and  no 
doubt  partly  effective  later  in  producing  the 
Doomesday  of  the  Earl  of  Stirling.  Other  verse 
products  of  the  seventeenth  century  reveal  in- 
debtedness to  Du  Bartas;  and  Donne,  Quarles, 
and  even  Milton  may  with  some  safety  be 
reckoned  in  his  extensive  following. 

With  the  new  century,  the  power  of  the 
Essais  of  Montaigne  became  manifest.  Even 
before  Florio's  translation  was  published,  Eng- 
lishmen were  familiar  with  the  work.  After 
publication,  this  became  an  abundant  store- 
house, readily  accessible  to  all  who  sought  speci- 
mens of  philosophical  speculation,  illustrative 
incident,  or  citation  of  authority.  Not  all  who 
drew  upon  it  kept  to  the  English  version^  as 


CONCLUSION  451 

many   preferred   the   more  lucid   style   of   the 
original.     "  ^Sgsazs^_were__^opidar    forms    of 
composition 'iiLjEngland  for  a  numBer  ot  yeafs7 
largely  on  account  of  Montaigne's  example,  and 
his  work  furnished  a  model  by  which  most  of 
the   writers   worked.     About   the   time   of   the 
Restoration,    when    the    work    of    Montaigne's  i 
interpreter    Pascal    came   into    English   hands,    ' 
interest  revived  once  more  in  the  Essais.     In- 
deed it  is  but  fair  to  suppose  that  in  England, 
as  in  France,  they  had  prepared  men's  minds 
for  the  favorable  reception  of  Pascal's  doctrines. 
Some  time  before  1600,  Rabelais's  work  ap- 
pears to  have  been  known  and  utilized  in  Eng-   ' 
land,  not  as  an  inspiration  to  further  work  of 
the  sam^e  type,  but  rather  as  a  model  and  en-  • 
couragement    to    those    drawn    toward    coarse 
realism,  scurrilous  invective,  or  crudely  fantastic 
methods    of    expression.     Various    dramatists, 
including    Shakespeare,    seem    to    have   found 
minor  suggestions   in  the  adventures   of    Gar- 
gantua  and  Pantagruel.     It  was  Nash  in  the  six- 
teenth and  Taylor  the  Water  Poet  in  the  seven-  i 
teenth  century,   however,  to  whom  the  spirit 
and  methods   of  Rabelais  appealed   most,   al- 
though  neither   man   acknowledged   obligation 
to  him,  and  Taylor  explicitly  denied  acquaint- 
ance with  French.     Rabelais,  like   Montaigne, 
did  not  pass  out  of  men's  knowledge  toward  the 
close  of  the  period.     Rather,  acquaintance  with 
him  made  English  minds  receptive  to  the  new 
French    importation    of    burlesque     products.    , 
Not  until  this  later  time  did  Rabelais  appear  in 


452  CONCLUSION 

a  recognized  English  translation,  the  work  of 
Urquhart  and  his  successor  Motteux. 

As  the  reign  of  James  I.  drew  to  a  close,  these 
two,  Montaigne  and  Rabelais,  were  the  only 
significant  French  authors  exercising  appreciable 
influence  in  England.  The  classic  tragedy,  en- 
couraged by  Lady  Pembroke,  had  disappeared; 
sonnets,  however  inspired,  had  lost  popularity; 
and  the  following  of  Du  Bartas  and  Sylvester 
had  scattered  toward  obscurity.  Yet  French 
books  were  being  widely  read  and  some  were 
being  translated,  while  England  followed  closely 
the  details  of  French  political  affairs,  often  by 
means  of  English  renderings  of  important  docu- 
ments. To  minds  predisposed  to  pastoral  ro- 
mance, by  familiarity  with  the  Arcadia  in  par- 
ticular, had  come  one  or  more  translations  of 
D'Urfe's  Astree,  which  was  then  being  so  sin- 
cerely admired  at  home.  The  new  King  Charles, 
romantic  even  in  his  wooing,  brought  to  Eng- 
land, as  his  queen,  Henrietta  Maria,  princess  of 
France,  young,  full  of  spirits,  and  imbued  with 
the  ideals  encouraged  by  the  Astree  and  domi- 
nant in  the  Hdtel  de  Ramhouillet. 

This  marriage,  as  has  been  seen,  may  be  held 
largely  responsible  for  a  group  of  potent  literary 
influences  which  almost  immediately  became 
operative  in  England.  The  nobility  of  England 
had  only  to  overcome  an  initial  prejudice,  to  be 
thrown  into  vital  contact  with  the  life  and  ac- 
tivities of  France.  If  against  their  will,  they 
found  themselves  molded  into  a  social  structure 
modeled  in  some  measure  at  least  after  the 


CONCLUSION  453 

precieuse  coteries  of  Henrietta's  native  land, 
with  a  premium  placed  on  the  minutiae  of  gal- 
lantry, the  phraseology  of  badinage,  and  the 
clever  turns  of  light  occasional  verse.  Masques 
and  pastoral  plays  were  promptly  encouraged. 
The  revived  Platonism  cultivated  in  the  circle 
of  Madame  de  Rambouillet,  and  distorted  and 
exaggerated  by  the  femmes  savantes  among  her 
imitators,  was  quickly  recognized  by  English 
courtiers  as  an  essential  featm-e  of  this  influence. 
It  reacted  variously  in  different  places,  produc- 
ing serious  devotees  and  mocking  opponents, 
and  lent  color  to  a  considerable  number  of  Eng- 
lish masques  and  dramas.  Vers  de  societe  was  | 
assiduously  cultivated  among  the  courtiers,  1 
much  of  it  dealing  with  this  Platonism  from  one 
point  of  view  or  another.  Literary  correspon- 
dence was  attempted,  based  on  French  models. 
There  even  arose  several  aspiring  coterie  leaders  j 
in  England,  similar  to  the  numerous  hourgeoise  } 
imitators  of  Madame  de  Rambouillet. 

The  French  romance  achieved  a  remarkable 
vogue  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury.   The  pastoral  romance  gave  way  to  the  x 
heroic,    and    larger    and    less    possible    adven-  j 
tures  were  introduced  into  the  artificial  atmos- 
phere   already    saturated     with     exaggerated 
sentiment.       The  spirit  of  this  new  type  in-  j 
fluenced  both  drama  and  narrative  poem,  and  ' 
penetrated  easily  into  the  later  circles  of  the 
precieuses.     With  equal  freedom  it  passed  into 
England.     There    the    French    romances    were 
eagerly  read  in  the  original  or  in  the  frequent 


I 


454  CONCLUSION 

translations.  Various  plays  colored  with  this 
romantic  character  found  their  way  to  the  stage 
while  the  theaters  were  yet  open;  and  were  still 
printed  and  read  when  these  were  closed.  Here 
and  there,  Englishmen  attempted  original  ro- 
mances in  their  own  language.  The  heroic 
poem  was  attempted,  even  before  the  type  was 
popular  in  France,  and  introduced  this  same 
spirit  into  the  windings  of  epic  narrative.  In- 
deed there  was  little  wanting  in  England,  years 
before  the  Restoration,  toward  the  production 
of  the  heroic  drama  afterward  given  such  promi- 
nence by  Dryden.  The  exaggerated  sentiment, 
the  exalted  dignity  of  characters,  the  subordina- 
tion of  everything  to  love,  the  pageantry  of  a 
stage  full  of  activity,  the  tendency  to  flights  of 
eloquence,  —  all  these  were  present  and  familiar 
enough  in  earlier  plays.  An  unrestricted  theater 
and  the  use  of  rhymed  couplets  appear  to  mark 
the  chief  distinction;  and  even  the  latter  was 
supplied  in  Davenant's  operatic  pieces. 

Other  features  of  Restoration  literature  were 
clearly  anticipated  some  time  before  the  recall 
of  the  Stuarts.  The  burlesque  and  the  mock- 
heroic,  partly  reactionary,  partly  the  natural 
result  of  freedom  in  making  over  great  historical 
events  and  personages,  found  their  way  into 
English  literature  soon  after  they  began  to 
flourish  in  France.  The  new  theory  of  transla- 
tion, which  took  liberties  with  classic  literature 
to  modernize  it  for  the  general  reader,  found 
many  adherents  among  English  writers.  Indeed 
the   whole   controversy   of   the   Ancients   and 


CONCLUSION  455 

Moderns,  soon  to  rage  bitterly  in  both  countries, 
was  entirely  prepared  for  in  pre-Restoration 
England,  as  it  was  in  France  at  the  same  period. 
Even  the  first  steps  toward  English  opera,  and 
a  preliminary  appearance  of  women  on  the 
stage  were  ventured  by  Davenant  under  his 
privilege  from  the  Commonwealth. 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  fourscore  years  in- 
volved in  this  study,  however  much  their 
literary  hegemony  w^as  Italian,  were  never  en- 
tirely free  from  prominent  and  significant  lines 
of  French  influence.  In  the  first  glow  of  Italian 
inspiration,  these  were  the  accessory  impulses 
added  in  transition.  Then  certain  great  figures 
appeared  in  France,  whose  work  appealed  par- 
ticularly to  the  English  genius  and  was  drawn 
upon  extensively  to  influence  English  creative 
effort.  By  the  time  of  the  accession  of  Charles, 
Italian  impulses  had  lost  their  effectiveness,  so 
that  the  French  influence  brought  in  with  the 
queen  found  little  to  dispute  its  sway  in  the 
court  party,  where  alone  literature  was  still 
cultivated  with  any  particular  zeal.  The  exile 
of-  the  Stuarts  and  the  leaders  of  this  party  really 
encouraged  French  domination  by  the  actual 
contact  afforded  with  life  and  thought  across 
the  Channel.  But  even  before  the  exiles  re- 
turned triumphant  in  1660,  the  developments 
noted  above  as  essentially  French  had  already 
appeared  on  English  soil  as  features  of  English 
literary  activity. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Alden,  R.  M,,  The  Rise  of  Formal  Satire  in  England  under 
Classical  Influence.  (Penn.  Univ.  Publ.,  philology, 
literature,  and  archseology  series,  vol.  vii,  no.  2.) 
Philadelphia,  1899. 

Alexander,  William,  Earl  of  Stirling,  Poetical  Works. 
Glasgow,  1870-1872.     3  vols. 

Ancien  Theatre  Frangois,  ed.  VioUet  le  Due.  Paris, 
1854-1857.     10  vols. 

Anders,  H.  R.  D.,  Shakespeare's  Books.     Berlin,  1904. 

Arber,  Edward,  A  Transcript  of  the  Registers  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Stationers  of  London,  1554-1640  A.D.  Lon- 
don, 1875-1894.     5  vols. 

Archceologia  Scotica,  vol.  iv.      (Drummond  material.) 

Ascham,  Roger,  Works,  ed.  GUes.  London,  1864.  3 
vols,  in  4  parts. 

Bacon,  Francis,  Essays,  ed.  Reynolds.     Oxford,  1890. 

Bacon,  Francis,  Works,  ed.  J.  Spedding,  R.  L.  Ellis,  and 
D.  D.   Heath.     Boston,    1860-1864.     15  vols. 

Baif,  Jean-Antoine  de,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-La veaux. 
Paris,  1881.     5  vols. 

Balzac,  Jean  L.  de.  Letters,  trans,  by  W.  T.    London,  1634. 

Barnes,  Barnabe,  Poems,  ed.  Grosart.  (Occasional 
Issues,  vol.  i.)     London,  1875. 

Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  Works,  ed.  Weber.  Edinburgh, 
1812.     14  vols. 

Benger,  Elizabeth  O.,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Anne 
Boleyn,  Queen  of  Henry  VIII.     Philadelphia,  1822. 

Berdan,  J.  M.,  "Doni  and  the  Jacobeans,'*  in  Publ.  Mod. 
Lang.  Assn.,  June,  1907. 

Binet,  Alfred,  "  Vie  de  Pierre  Ronsard,"  in  Archives  cu- 
rieuses  de  Vhist.  de  France,  1834-1840.  1st  series, 
vol.  X. 

Boileau,  Nicolas,  Works,  ed.  Amar.     Paris,  1851. 

Borghesi,  Peter,  Petrarch  and  his  Influence  on  English 
Literature.     Bologna,  1906. 

Bourgeois,  A.  F.,  "Rabelais  en  Angleterre,"  in  Revue 
des  Etudes  Rabelaisiennes ,  vol.  iii. 

457 


458  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Boyle  (Orrery),  Roger,  Parthenissa.     London,  1676. 

Brant6me,  Pierre  de  Bourdeille,  GEuvres  completes,  ed. 
Ludovic  Lalanne.  (Societe  de  Thistoire  de  France.) 
Paris,  1864-1882.     2  vols. 

Brant6me,  Pierre  de  Bourdeille,  (Euvres,  ed.  Bibl.  Elz6v. 
Paris,  1890. 

Breton,  Nicholas,  Works,  ed.  Grosart.  (Chertsey  Wor- 
thies Libr.)  1877.     2  vols. 

Brome,  Alexander,  Songs  and  Other  Poems.  2d  ed., 
London,  1664. 

Brome,  Richard,  Dramatic  Works.   London,  1873.   3  vols. 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  Works,  ed.  Wilkins.  London, 
1835.     4  vols. 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  Religio  Medici  and  Other  Essays,  ed. 
D.  L.  Roberts.     London,  1898. 

Browne,  William,  Poems,  ed.  G.  Goodwin.  London, 
1894. 

Brunhuber,  K.,  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Arcadia  und  ihre 
Nachldufer.     Niirnberg,  1903. 

Bullen,  A.  H.,  Lyrics  from  Elizabethan  Song-Books. 
London,  1897. 

Butler,  Samuel,  Hudibras,  ed.  Waller.  (Cambridge  Eng. 
Classics.)     Cambridge,  1905. 

Butler,  Samuel,  Hudibras,  ed.  A.  Ramsay.  London, 
1846. 

Butler,  Samuel,  Posthumous  Works.     London,  1754. 

Butler,  Samuel,  Genuine  Poetical  Remains,  ed.  Thyer. 
London,  1827. 

Burton,  Robert,  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  ed.  A.  R. 
Shilleto.     London,  1893.     3  vols. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic. 
^^--Ganfield,  Dorothea  Frances,  Corneille  and  Racine  in  Eng- 
land.    New  York,  1904. 

Capell,  Edward,  Notes  and  Various  Readings  to  Shake- 
speare.    London,  1783.     3  vols. 

Carew,  Thomas,  Poems,  ed.  W.  C.  Hazlitt.  (Rox- 
burghe  Libr.)     London,  1870. 

Cartwright,  William,  Works.     London,  1651. 

Cavendish,  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Newcastle,  True  Relation 
of  the  Birth,  Breeding,  and  Life  of,  ed.  Brydges.  Kent, 
1814. 

Cavendish,  Margaret,  Plays  never  before  Printed.  Lon- 
don, 1668. 

Cavendish,  Margaret,  Life  of  William  Cavendish,  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  ed.  C.  H.  Firth.     London,  1886. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  459 

Chalmers,  Alexander,   The  Works  of  the  English  Poets. 

London,  1810.     21  vols. 
Chamard,   Henri,   Joachim  du  Bellay.    Univ.    de   Lille, 

1900. 
Charlanne,  Louis,  U Influence  Frangaise  en  Angleterre  au 

XVIP  siecle.     Paris,  1906. 
Gibber,  Theophilus,  Lives  of  the  Poets  of  Great  Britain  and 

Ireland  to  the  Time  of  Dean  Swift,  2d  ed.     London, 

1753.     5  vols. 
G16ment,  Louis,  Henri  Estienne  et  son  oeuvre  frangaise. 

Paris,  1899. 
Gierke,  William,  Polimanteia,  ed.  Grosart.     Manchester, 

1881. 
Gloria  and  Narcissus,  written  by  an  Honourable  Person. 

London,  1653. 
Gollier,  J.  P.,  Bibliographical  and  Gritical  Account  of  the 

Rarest   Books   in    the   English   Language.     London, 

1865.     2  vols. 
Gollier,  J.  P.,  History  of  English  Dramatic  Poetry.     Lon- 
don, 1831.     3  vols. 
Collins,  J.  Ghurton,  Introduction  to  Poems  of  Lord  Her- 
bert of  Gherbury.  1881. 
Constable,  Henry,  Poems,  ed.  Hazlitt.     London,   1859. 
Cornwallis,  Sir  William,  Essays.     London,  1631.      (Un- 
paged.) 
Goryat,  Thomas,  Grudities.     London,  1776.     3  vols. 
Gourt  and  Times  of  Gharles  I.     London,  1848.     2  vols. 
Gourthope,  William  J.,  History  of  English  Poetry.     New 

York,  1895-1903.     4  vols. 
Cousin,    Victor,   La    Societe  frangaise  au   XVIP   siecle. 

(ifetudcs  sur  les  femmes   illustres   et   la   societe   au 

XVIP  siecle.)     Paris,  1886.     2  vols. 
Cowley,     Abraham,     Works.     London,     1708-1710.     3 

vols. 
Cowley,  Abraham,  Poems,  Cambridge  Eng.  Classics,  1905. 
Crow,  Martha  F.,  Elizabethan  Sonnet  Gycles.     London, 

1896-1898.     4  vols. 
Cunliffe,  J.  W.,  Influence  of  Seneca  on  Elizabethan  Tragedy. 

London,  1893. 
Daniel,  George,  Poems,  ed.  Grosart.     Boston,  England, 

1878.     4  vols. 
Daniel,    Samuel,    Works,   ed.    Grosart.     London,    1885- 

1896.     5  vols. 
Dante,  Tutte  le  Opere,  per  cura  di  E.  Moore.     Oxford, 

1897. 


460  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Daurat,  Jean,  (Euvres,  ed,  Blanchemain.   (Bibl.  Elz§v.) 

Paris,  1865. 
Davenant,  William,  Dramatic  Works,  ed.  Maidment  and 

Logan.     Edinburgh,  1872-1874.     5  vols. 
Davies,    John,    Hymen's   Prceludia,   9th   to    12th   parts. 

(Trans,  of  La  Calpren^de's  Cleopdtre.)    London,  1659. 
Davies,  John,  of  Hereford,  Works,  ed.  Grosart.     1876. 

2  vols. 

Day,  Angel,  English  Secretorie.     London,  1607.     2  vols. 
Denham,  John,  Poems  and  Translations.     London,  1709. 
Desportes,  Philippe,  (Euvres,  ed.  Michiels.     Paris,  1858. 
De   Mornay,    Madame,    Memoirs  de  Mme.   de   Mornay. 

Paris,  1868-1869.     2  vols. 
'\)(^      Dieckow,    F.,    John   Florios    englische    Uebersetzung   der 

Essais  Montaignes   und  Lord  Bacons,  Ben  Jonsons, 

und    Robert    Burtons     Verhdltniss     zu     Montaigne. 

Strassburg,  1903. 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  ed.  Leslie  Stephen  and 

Sidney  Lee.     63  vols. 
Disraeli,    Isaac,    Amenities    of   Literature.     New    York, 

1847. 
Dodsley,   R.,   Old  Plays,   ed.   W.   C.  Hazlitt.     London, 

1874-1876.     15  vols. 
Donne,    Jolin,    Poems,    ed.    Grosart.     (Fuller    Worthies 

Libr.)     1872-1873.     2  vols. 
Donne,  John,  Works,  ed.  Alford.     London,  1839. 
Doumic,  Rene,  "  Un  Histoire  du  sonnet,"  in  Revue  des 

deux  mondes,  March  15,  1904. 
Drayton,  Michael,  Poems,  Spenser  Soc.  Publ.,  1888.     2 

vols. 
Drayton,   Michael,     The  Muses  Elizium.     (Spenser  Soc. 

Publ.)     Manchester,  1892. 
Drummond,  William,  Poems,  ed.  Ward.     (Muses'  Libr.) 

London,  1894.     2  vols. 
Drummond,  William,  Works,  folio  ed.     Edinburgh,  1711. 
Dryden,  John,   Works,  ed.  Scott  &  Saintsbury.     Edin- 
burgh, 1882-1893.     18  vols. 
Dryden,  John,  Prose  Works,  ed.  Malone.     London,  1800. 

3  vols,  in  4  parts. 

Du  Bartas,  Guillaume  de  Salluste,  sieur,  (Euvres.     Paris, 

1593. 
Du  Bartas,  Premiere  Semaine.     Paris,  1583. 
Du  Bellay,  Joachim,   La  Deffence    et   Illustration  de  la 

langue   Frangoise,    suivie   du   Quintil    Horatin    par 

Emile  Person,  2d  ed.     Paris,  1892. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  461 

Du  Bellay,  Joachim,  La  Defence    et   Illustration  de  la 

Langue  frangoyse,  ed.  Henri  Chamard.     Paris,  1904. 
Du  Bellay,  Joachim,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty- La veaux.     Paris, 

1866-1867. 
Dunster,  Charles,  Considerations  on  Milton's  Early  Read- 
ing.    London,  1800. 
D'Urfe,  Honore,  L'Astree,  ed.  Abb6   Souchay.      Paris, 

1733.     10  vols. 
Einstein,   Lewis,    The  Italian  Renaissance  in  England. 

New  York,  1902. 
Elizabethan  Sonnets,  ed.  Sidney  Lee.     (New  English  Gar- 
ner.)    New  York,  1904.     2  vols. 
Erskine,  John,  The  Elizabethan  Lyric.     New  York,  1903. 
Estienne,    Henri,    Deux    dialogues    du    nouveau    langage 

frangois.  Paris,  1883. 
Estienne,  Henri,  La  precellence  du  langage  frangois,  ed. 

Feugere.     Paris,  1850. 
Evelyn,  John,   Memoirs,  ed.    Bray.     London,    1827.    4 

vols. 
Faguet,  Emile,  Le  seizieme  Siecle.    (Nouvelle  biblioth^que 

litteraire.)     Paris,  1894. 
Feis,     Jacob,     Shakspere     and     Montaigne.      London, 

1884. 
Flamini,  Francesco,  Studi  di  Storia  letteraria.     Livorno, 

1895. 
Flamini,  Francesco,  "Di  alcune  imitazione   italiane  nei 

poeti  francesi  del  Cinquecento,"  in  Atti  dellCongresso 

Inter  nazionale.     Rome,  1903. 
Fleay,    Frederick   Gard,    Biographical    Chronicle   of  the 

English  Drama.     London,  1891. 
Fleay,  Frederick  Gard,  Chronicle  History  of  the  London 

Stage.     1890. 
Fletcher,  Giles,   Poems,   ed.  Grosart.     (Fuller  Worthies 

Libr.)     1868. 
Fletcher,  Giles,  Poems,  ed.  Grosart.  (Early  English  Poets.) 

London,  1876. 
Fletcher,  J.  B.,  "Precieuses  at  the  Court  of  Charles  L,'^ 

in  Journal  of  Comparative  Literature,  vol.  i,  part  2. 
Fletcher,  J.  B.,  "Areopagus  and  Pleiade,"in  Journal  of 

Germanic  Philology,  vol.  ii. 
Fletcher,     Phineas,      Poems,     ed.      Grosart.        (Fuller 

Worthies  Libr.)     1869.     4  vols. 
Fox-Bourne,  Henry  Richard,  Philip  Sidney.     (Heroes  of 

the  Nations.)     New  York,  1891. 
Fraunce,  Abraham,  The  Countess  of  Pembroke's  Emanuel, 


462  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Grosart's  Miscellanies,  Fuller  Worthies  Libr.    1870- 

1873.     3  vols. 
Friedmann,  Paul,  Anne  Bolyen.     London,  1884.     2  vols. 
Frith,     I.,     Life    of     Giordano    Bruno.        (English    and 

Foreign    Philosophical    Libr.,   vol.   xxxi.)     London, 

1887. 
Garnier,  Robert,  Les  Tragedies,  ed.  Forster.      (Sammlung 

franzosischer    neudrucke.)       Heilbronn,  1882-1883. 

4  vols,  in  2. 
Gascoigne,    George,    Poems,   ed.    Hazlitt.       (Roxburghe 

Library.)     London,  1869-1870.     2  vols. 
Gebhart,  Emile,  Rabelais,  la  Renaissance  et  la  Reforme. 

Paris,  1877. 
Gifford,    Humphrey,    Posie   of  Gilliflowers,   ed.  Grosart. 

(Occasional  Issues,  vol.  i.)     Manchester,  1875. 
Glapthorne,  Henry,   Plays  and  Poems.     London,   1874. 

2  vols. 
Gosse,     Edmund,    From     Shakespeare    to    Pope.      New 

York,  1885. 
Gosse,  Edmund,  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Donne.     New 

York,  1899.     2  vols. 
Gosse,    Edmund,    Seventeenth  Century  Studies.    London, 

1883. 
Graf,  A.,  Attraverso  il  cinquecento.     Turin,  1888. 
Greg,  W.  W.,  Pastoral  Poetry  and  Pastoral  Drama.     Lon- 
don, 1906. 
Greville  Fulke,  Life  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  ed.  Grosart. 

(Eliz.  Libr.)     London,  1894. 
..^Grierson,  Herbert  J.  C,  The  First  Half  of  the  Seventeenth 

Century.     (Periods  of  European  Literature,  vol.  vii.) 

New  York,  1906. 
Guggenheimer,    J.,    Quellenstudien    zu    S.    Daniels  .  .  . 

Delia.     Berlin,  1898. 
Guilpin,   Edward,   Skialetheia,  ed.    Grosart.    (Occasional 

Issues,  vol.  vi.)     Manchester,  1878. 
Habington,  William,  Castara,  ed.  C.  A.  Elton,     Bristol, 

1812. 
Hall,   Joseph,   Works,  ed.   Wynter.     Oxford,   1863.     10 

vols. 
Hall,  Joseph,  Complete  Poems,  ed.  Grosart.     (Occasional 

Issues,  vol.  ix.)     Manchester,  1879. 
Halliwell,  Dictionary  of  Old    English    Plays.      London, 

1860. 
Hannay,  David,  The  Later  Renaissance.    (Periods  of  Euro- 
pean Literature,  vol.  vi.)     New  York,  1898. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  463 

Harrington,    Sir    John,    Orlando    Furioso;     in    English 

Heroical  Verse.     London,  1633-1634. 
Harrison,  John  S.,  Platonism  in  English  Poetry  of  the 

Sixteenth    and    Seventeenth    Centuries.     New    York, 

1903. 
Harvey,    Gabriel,   Works,    ed.    Grosart.     (Huth    Libr.) 

London,  1884.     3  vols. 
Harvey,  Gabriel,  Letter  Book,  ed.  E.  J.  L.  Scott.   (Camden 

Soc.  Publ.)     London,  1884. 
Hauvette,  ii.,Luigi  Alamanni,sa  vie  et  son  ceuvre.  Paris, 

1903. 
Hazlitt,  William  C,   Handbook  to  the  Popular  Poetical 

and  Dramatic  Literature  of  Great  Britain.      London, 

1867. 
Hazlitt,  William  C,  Collections  and  Notes,  1st,  2d,  and  3d 

series  and  supplements.     London,  1876-1892. 
Hazlitt,  William  C,  General  Index  to  his  Handbook  and 

Bibliographical  Collections,  by  G.  J.  Gray,     London, 

1893. 
Heiss,  Hans,  "Studien  liber  die  burlesque  Modedichtung 

Frankreichs  im  XVII.  Jahrhundert,"  in  Romanische 

Forschungen,  1905. 
Henrietta  Maria,  Letters,  ed.  Mary  A.  E.  Green.     London. 

1857. 
Herrick,  Robert,  Hesperides.     Boston,  1856.     2  vols. 
Hoffman,  O.,  "Studien  zu  Alex.  Montgomery,"  in  Englische 

Studien,  vol.  xx. 
Hooker,  Elizabeth  R.,  "The  Relation  of  Shakespeare  to 

Montaigne,"  in  Publ.  Mod.  Lang.  Assn.,  x  (n.s.),  3. 
Howell,    James,    Familiar   Letters,    ed.    Joseph    Jacobs. 

London,  1892.     2  vols. 
Ingraham,  E.  S.,  The  Sources  of  les  Amours  de  J .  A.  de 

Ba'if,  Univ.  of  Penn.  dissertation,  1903. 
James  I.,  King,  Works,  ed.  James  Montagu,  Bp.  of  Win- 
ton.     London,  1616. 
James  I.,  King,  The  Essayes  of  aPrentiseintheDivine  Art 

of  Poesie,  Arber's  English  Reprints,  vol.  x.     Lon- 
don, 1870. 
Jasinski,   Max,   Histoire  du  sonnet  en  France.     Douai,      ^' 

1903.. 
Jodelle,    Etienne,  (Euvres,    ed.    Marty-Laveaux.     Paris, 

1868.     2  vols. 
Jonson,  Ben,  Works,  ed.  Gifford -Cunningham.     London, 

1875.     9  vols. 
Jonson,  Ben,  Works,  ed.  Whaley.     London,  1756. 


rrV^ 


464  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

JuUeville,  Louis  Petit  de,  Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la 

Litterature  frang.  des  origines  a  1900.     Paris,   1896- 

1899.     8  vols. 
Jiirgens,    George,    Die  Epistoloe  Ho-Eliance  .  .    .      Mar- 
burg, 1901. 
Jusserand,  J.  J.,  English  Novel  in  the  Time  of  Shakespeare, 

trans,  by  E.  Lee.     London,  1890. 
Jusserand,  J.  J.,  Shakespeare  in  France  under  the  Ancien 

Regime.     London,  1899. 
Jusserand,  J.  J.,  "  French  Ignorance  of  English  Literature 

in    Tudor    Times,"    in    Nineteenth  Century,    April, 

1898. 
Kastner,  Abraham,  in  Athenceum,  October  22,  1904. 
Koeppel,  Emil,  in  Englische  Studien,  vol.  xv. 
Koeppel,    Emil,    "Studien    zur     Geschichte    des    engL 

Petrarchismus  im  16.  Jahrh.,"  in  Romanische  For- 

schungen,  vol.  v. 
Koeppel,   Emil,   Zur   Quellenkunde  des  Stuart  Dramas. 

Brunswick,   1896. 
Koeppel,  Emil,  Quellenstudien  zu  den  Dramen  Chapmans, 

Massingers  und  Fords.     Strassburg,  1897. 
Koeppel,  Emil,  Quellenstudien  zu  den  Dramen  Jonsons, 

Marstons  und  Beaumont  und  Fletchers.     Erlangen, 

1895. 
Koerting,  P.  H.,  Geschichte  des  Franzosischen  Romans  im 

XVII.  Jahrh.     Oppeln  and  Leipzig,  1891. 
Konig,    W.,     "  Ueber     die     Entlehnungen     Shaksperes 

insbesondere  aus  Rabelais  and  einigen  italienischen. 

Dramatikern,"  in  Shak.  Jahrbuch,  vol.  ix  (1874). 
Kyd,  Thomas,  Cornelia,  ed.  Hein.  Gassner,  1894. 
Languet,    Hubert,    Epistolce    Politicce    et    Historicoe    ad 

Phillippum  Sidnoeum.     Francofurti,  1633. 
Languet,  Hubert,  Correspondence  of  Sidney  and  Languet, 

trans,  by  S.  A.  Pears.     London,  1845. 
Lee,  Sidney,  Life  of  William  Shakespeare.     New  York, 

1898. 
Lefranc,    Abel,     "La    Platonisme    et    la    litterature    en 

France,"  in  Rev.  d'histoire  litt.  en  France,  1896. 
Library,  The,  of  James  VI.  of  Scotland,  ed.  G.  T.  Warner. 

Edinburgh,  1893. 
/^Littleboy,  A.   L.,  Relations  between  French  and  English 

Literature  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries. 

London,  1895. 
Littre,  E.,  Dictionnaire  de  la   langue  frangaise,  abr6g4 

par  A.  Beau  jean.     Paris,  1875. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  465 

Livet,    Charles    Louis,    Precieux   et   Precieuses,   3d    ed. 

Paris,  1895. 
Lodge,  Thomas,  Works,  ed.  Hunterian  Club.     Glasgow, 

1883. 
Lodge,  Thomas,    The  Margarite  of  America,  ed.   J.   O. 

Halliwell.     London,  1859. 
Loveday,  Robert,  Letters,  Domestick  and  Forrein,  4th  ed. 

London,  1669. 
Loveday,  Robert,  Persuasive  Secretary.     London,  1659. 
Loyal  Garland,  Halliweirs  Reprint   for   the    Percy  Soc. 

London,  1850. 
Luce,    Alice   H.,    The   Countess   of  Pembroke's   Antonie. 

Weimar,  1897. 
Maiberger,  Max,  Studien  iiber  d.  Einfiuss  Frankreichs  auj 

d.  Elizabethan.  Literatur.     Frankfurt  A.  M.,  1903. 
Marston,  John,  Works,  ed,  A.  H.  Bullen.     London,  1887. 

3  vols. 

Marty-La veaux,  Charles  Joseph,  La  Langue  de  la  Pleiade. 

Paris,  1896.     2  vols. 
Massinger,    Phillip,    Dramatic    Works.     London,    1779. 

4  vols. 

Masson,   David,  Drummond  of  Hawthornden.     London, 

1873. 
Matthew,  Tobey,  Collections  of  Letters  with  a  Character  of 

the  Most  Excellent  Lady  Lucy,  Countesse  of  Carleile. 

London, 1660. 
McBryde,  J.  M.,  Jr.,  "A  Study  of  Cowley's  Davideis,"  in 

Jour.  Germ.  Philol.,  vol.  ii. 
Milton,    John,    Poems,    ed.    Browne-Bradley,     Oxford, 

1894. 
Milton,  John,  Works,  ed.  Todd.     London,  1801. 
Meres,  Francis,  Palladis  Tamia,  Arber's  English  Garner, 

vol.  ii.     London,  1879, 
Mirror  for  Magistrates,  ed.  Joseph  Haslewood,     London, 

1815,     2  vols,  in  three. 
Moffat,  Thomas,  The  Silkworms  and  their  Flies.     London, 

1599. 
Montague,   Walter,   The  Shepherd's  Paradise.     London, 

1659. 
Montaigne,  Michel,    Sieur  de,  Essays,  Florio's  Translation, 

Tudor  Translations.     London,  1893.     3  vols. 
Montaigne,  Michel,  Sieur  de,  Essais,  ed.  Courbet  et  Royer. 

Paris,  1872-1900.     5  vols. 
"Montaigne  und  Bacon,  eine  Parallele,"  in  Archiv  f.  d. 

Stud.  n.  Sprach.  u.  Litt.,  vol,  xxxi,  1862. 


466  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Montegut,  Jean  Baptiste  Joseph  Emile,  La  Duchesse  et 

le  Due  de  Newcastle.     (In  Le  marcchal  Davout,  son 

caractere  et  son  genie.)     1895. 
Montgomery,  Alexander,  Poems,  ed.  J.  Cranstoun.   (Scot. 

Text    Soc.   Publ.)     Vols,    ix,  x,  xi  in  one.     Edin- 
burgh, 1887. 
Morley,    Henry,    "Spenser's    Hobbinol,"   in  Fortnightly 

Review,  March,  1889. 
Morley,  Henry,  English  Writers,  vol.  ix.     London,  1887- 

1895. 
Nash,    Thomas,    Works,    ed.     Grosart.       (Huth    Libr.) 

London,    1883-1885.     6  vols. 
Nash,  Thomas,   Works,  ed.  McKerrow.     London,  1904- 

1905.     3  vols. 
Nichol,  John,  Progresses  of  James  I.     London,   1828.  4 

vols. 
Nucius,  Nisander,  Travels,  Camden  Soc.  Publ.,  1841. 
NugcB  Antiquce.     London,  1804. 
Osborne,  Dorothy,    Letters  to  Sir   William   Temple,  ed. 

Parry.     London,  1888. 
Parfaict,  Frangois,   Dictionnaire  des   Thedtres  de  Paris. 

Paris,  1756.     7  vols. 
Pellissier,  G.,  La  vie  et  les  ceuvres  de  Du  Bartas.  Paris, 

1883. 
Pellisson  Fontanier,  Paul,  Histoire  de  Vacademie  frangaise, 

2d  ed.     Paris,  1730. 
Pepys,  Samuel,  Diary,  ed.  Braybrooke  and  Bright.     New 

York,  1884.      10  vols. 
Phillips,  Mrs.  Catherine,  Poems.     London,  1678. 
Phillips,  Mrs.  Catherine,  Letters  of  Orinda  to  Poliarchus, 

2d  ed.     London,  1729. 
Prynne,  William,  Histriomastix.     London,  1633. 
Puttenham,   G.,   Arte  of  English  Poesie,   ed.   E.   Arber. 

(English  Reprints,  vol.  vii.)     London,  1869. 
Quarles,  Francis,  Divine  Poems.     London,  1674. 
Rabelais,  Frangois,  (Euvres,   ed.   Duchat.     Amsterdam, 

1741.     3  vols. 
Rabelais,  Francois,  (Euvres,  ed.   Marty-La veaux.  1868- 

1903.     6  vols. 
Rabelais,  Frangois,  Works,  Tudor  Translations.     London, 

1900.     3  vols. 
Rabelais,  Frangois,    Works,  trans,    by  W.    F.    Smith. 

London,   1893. 
Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  Works,  ed.  Birch.     London,  1751. 

2  vols. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  467 

Randolph,  Thomas,  Poetical  and  Dramatic  Works,  ed.  Haz- 

litt.     London,  1875.     2  vols. 
Rathery,  Edme  Jacques  Benoit,  "Des  Relations  sociales 

et  intellectuelles  entre  la  France  et  I'Angleterre," 

in  Revue  contemporaine,  1855. 
Rathery,  Edme  Jacques  Benoit,  Influence  de  V Italic  sur  les 

lettres  frang.  .  .  .     Paris,  1853. 
Rathery  et  Boutron,  Mile,  de  Scudcry,  sa  vie  et  sa  corre- 
spondence.    Paris,  1873. 
Return  from  Parnassus,  ed.  W.  D.  Macray.     Oxford,  1886. 
Rigault,  H.,  Histoire  de  la  querelle  des  Anciens  et  des 

Modernes.     Paris,  1856. 
Robertson,  J.  M.,  Montaigne  and  Shakespeare.     London, 

1897. 
Ronsard,  Pierre  de,  (Euvres,  ed.  Marty-La veaux.     Paris, 

1887-1893.     6  vols. 
Ronsard,  Pierre  de,    (Euvres,   ed.    Bibl.   Elz^v.      Paris, 

1857-1867.    8  vols. 
Rossel,  Virgile,  Histoire  de  la  litter ature  frangaise  hors  de 

France,  2d  ed.     Paris,  1897. 
Royal  Garland   or   a  Choice  Collection   of  Songs,  Halli- 

well's  Reprint  for  Percy  Soc.     1850. 
Saint- Amant,  Marc  Antoine  Girard  sieur  de,  (Euvres,  ed. 

Livet.     (Bibl.  Elzev.)     Paris.     2  vols. 
Saintsbury,    George    E.,    Minor    Poets    of  the    Caroline 

Period,  vols,  i  and  ii.     Oxford,  1905-1906. 
Saintsbury,    George    E.,    Miscellaneous    Essays.      New 

York,  1892. 
Scarron,  Paul,  Comical  Romance,  trans,  by  Tom  Brown, 

John  Savage,  and  others.     London,   1892.     2  vols. 
Schelling,  Felix  Emanuel,  Poetic  and  Verse  Criticism  of 

the  Reign  of  Elizabeth,  Univ.  of  Penn.,  1891. 
Schelling,  Felix  Emanuel,  Elizabethan  Lyrics.     Boston, 

1895. 
Schelling,  Felix  Emanuel,  Elizabethan  Drama,  1658-1642. 

Boston,  1908. 
Schipper,  J.,  Neuenglische  Metrik.     Bonn,  1888.     2  vols. 
Schmerbach,  C.  T.  M.,  Das  Verhdltniss  von  Davenant's 

"  The  Man's  the  Master"  zu  Scarron' s  "  Jodelet;  ou  Le 

maitre  valet."     Halle,  1899. 
Schmidt,  Charles,  La  vie  et  les  travaux  de   Jean  Sturm. 

Strassburg,  1855. 
Schoenfeld,  Hermann,  ''Die  Beziehung  der  Satire  Rabe- 
lais zu  Erasmus'  Encomium  Moriae  u.  Colloquia/' 

in  Transac.  Mod.  Lang.  Assn.  Amer.,  1893. 


468  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Sebillot,  Paul,  Gargantua  dans  les  traditions  populaires. 
1883. 

Segre,  Carlo,  Studi  Petrarcheschi.     Florence,  1903. 

Shakespeare,  William,  Works,  Globe  ed.  London  and 
New  York,  1900. 

Shirley,  James,  Dramatic  Works,  ed.  GifiFord  and  Dyce. 
London,  1833.     6  vols. 

Sidney,  Philip,  Miscellaneous  Works,  ed.  W.  Gray.  Ox- 
ford, 1829. 

Sidney,  Philip,  Arcadia.     London,  1613. 

Sidney,  Philip,  An  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  ed.  Arber.  (Eng- 
lish Reprints.)     London,  1868. 

Sidney,  Philip,  Defense  of  Poesy,  ed.  A.  S.  Cook.  Boston, 
1890. 

Simonds,  W.  E.,  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  and  his  Poems, 
1889. 

Smith,  W.  F.,  "  Rabelais  et  Shakespeare,"  in  Revue  des 
Etudes  Rabelaisiennes,  vol.  i,  1903. 

Smith,  G.  Gregory,  Elizabethan  Critical  Essays.  Oxford, 
1904.     2  vols. 

Somaize,  Antoine  Baudcan  de,  Le  Dictionnaire  des  Pre- 
cieuses,  ed.  Livet.  (Bibl.  Elz4v.)  Paris,  1856.  2 
vols. 

Soothern,  John,  Pandora,  1584. 

Spenser,  Edmund,  Works,  Globe  ed.  London  and  New 
York,  1906. 

Spenser,  Edmund,  Complete  Works,ed.  Grosart.  (Spenser 
Soc.  Publ.)     London,  1882-1884. 

Spingarn,  J.  E.,  History  of  Literary  Criticism  in  the  Re- 
naissance.    New  York,  1899. 

Stanyhurst,  R.,  Trans,  of  First  Four  Books  of  the  jEneid  of 
P.   Virgilius  Maro,  ed.  E.  Arber.     London,   1880. 

Stedefeld,  G.  F.,  Hamlet;  ein  Tendenzdrama  Shakespeares 
gegen  die  skeptische  und  kosmopolitische  Weltan- 
schauung des  Michel  de  Montaigne.     Berlin,   1871. 

Stiefel,  A.  L.,  Review  of  Koeppel's  "  Quellenstudien  zu 
den  Dramen  Ben  Jonsons,  John  Marstons  und  B.  & 
F.,"  in  Zeits.  f.  vergleich.  Litt.,  1898. 

Stiefel,  A.  L.,  "  Zur  Quellenfrage  von  John  Fletchers  Mon- 
sieur Thomas,"  in  Eng.  Stud.,  vol.  xxxvi,  2d  part. 
1906. 

Strickland,  Agnes,  Lives  of  the  Queens  of  England,  from 
the  Norman  Conquest,  ed.  Parker.     New  York,  1867. 

Strype,  John,  Life  of  Sir  John  Cheke.     London,  1705, 

Strype,  John,  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith.     Oxford,  1820. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  469 

Suckling,  Sir  John,  Poems,  ed.  Hazlitt.     London,  1892. 

2  vols. 
Suckling,  Sir  John,  Works.     London,  1719. 
Sylvester,  Joshua,  Du  Bartas  his  Divine  Weeks  and  Works. 

London,  1641. 
Sylvester,  Joshua,  Works,  ed.  Grosart.   (Chertsey  Worthies 

Libr.)     London,  1880.     2  vols. 
Taylor,  Jeremy,  Works,  ed.  Heber.     London,  1822.     15 

vols. 
Taylor,    John,   the   Water   Poet,    Tracts,    Spenser   Soc. 

Publ.     Manchester,  1870-1878.     5  vols. 
Taylor,  John,  the  Water  Poet,  Works,  reprint  of  folio  ed. 

of  1630,  Spenser  Soc.  Publ.,  1869. 
Temple,   Sir   William,    Works.     London,    1757.     4  vols. 
Texte;,    Joseph,    ''La    Descendance   de    Montaigne,"    in 

Etudes  de  litterature  Europeenne.     Paris,   1898. 
Texte,  Joseph,  J.  J.  Rousseau  et  le  cosmopolitisme  litte- 

raire,  Eng.  trans,  by  J.    W.     Matthews.     London, 

1899. 
Thomson,    James,    Biographical    and    Critical    Studies. 

London,  1896. 
Tilley,    Arthur,    Literature   of  the   French    Renaissance. 

Cambridge,  1904.     2  vols. 
Vaganay,  Hugues,  Le  Sonnet  en  Italic  et  en  France  au 

seizieme    siecle;     essai    de    bibliographic     comparee. 

(Bibl.    de    Faculte    Catholique   de   Lyon.)       Lyon, 

1902-1903. 
Vianey,    Joseph,    "L'infiuence   italienne   chez   les   pr^-. 

curseurs  de  la  Pleiade,"  in  Bulletin  italien,  vol.  iii, 

1903. 
Vianey,  Joseph,  "Les  sources  italiennes   de  I'Olive,"  in 

Annates  internationales  d'histoire,  vol.  vi,  1901. 
Vianey,  Joseph,  "L'Arioste  et  la  Pleiade,"  in  Bulletin 

italien,  vol.  i,  1901. 
Vianey,  Joseph,  "La  part  de  I'imitation  dans  les  'Re- 
grets,' "  in  Bulletin  italien,  vol.  iv,  1904. 
Vianey,  Joseph,   "Desportes  and   Pamphilo   Sasso,"  in 

Rev.  hist,  litt.,  vol.  x,  1903. 
Viau,   Theophile   de,  (Euvres,  ed.    M.    Alleaume.    (Bibl. 

Elzev.)     Paris,  1855-1856.     2  vols. 
Voiture,  Vincent,    Lettres,   ed.    Octave   Uzanne.     Paris, 

1880.     2  vols. 
Walpole,  Horace,  Royal  and  Noble  Authors. 
Ward,   A.   W.,  History  of  English  Dramatic  Literature. 

London  and  New  York,  1899.     3  vols. 


470  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Warton,  Thomas,  Observations  on  the  Faerie  Queene. 
London,  1807. 

Warton,  Thomas,  History  of  English  Poetry.  Lon- 
don, 1824.     3  vols. 

Watson,  Thomas,  Hecatompathia  or  Passionate  Century  of 
Love,  Spenser  Soc.  Publ.     Manchester,  1869. 

Weller,  P.,  J.  Sylvester's  Englische  Uebersetzung  der  Reli- 
giosen  Epen  des  Du  Bartas.     1902. 

Whibley,  ^Charles,  "  Rabelais  en  Angleterre,"  in  Revue 
des  Etudes  Rabelaisiennes,  1903. 

Willan,  Leonard,  Astraea  or  True  Love's  Mirror.  Lon- 
don, 1651. 

Wood,  Anthony  a,  Athenae  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bliss.  Lon- 
don, 1817-1820.     5  vols. 

Zocco,  I.,  Petrarchismo  e  Petrarchisti  in  Inghelterra. 
Palermo,  1906. 

Zouch,  Thomas,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Philip 
Sidney.     York,  1609. 


V 


APPENDIX  A 

TRANSLATIONS ' 

1556.  Calvin,    The    Catechisme    or    Manner    to    teache 

children  the  Christian  religion.  Other  eds. 
1560,  1563,  1564  (Edin.),  1575  (Edin.),  1578, 
1580,  1582,  1594. 

1557.  Don  Anthony  de  Guevara,  The  Diall  of  Princes. 

Translated  from  the  French  version.  (Thomas 
North.)  Revised  ed.  with  fourth  book,  The 
favoured  Courtier.      1568. 

(1560).    Calvyn,  Sermons. 

(1560).    Calvyn,  Two  Sermons. 

1560  (?).    Calvin,    An    Admonicion    against    Astrology 
ludiciall  and  other  curiosities,  that  raigne  now 
in  the  world.     (G[oddred]  G[ilby].) 
1560.     Calvin,    Sermons   upon   the   Songe   that   Ezekias 
made. 

1560.  The  Civilitie  of  Childehode,   with  the  discipline 

and  institution  of  Children.     (Thos.  Paynell.) 
(1561).    Calvyn,  Two  bookes. 
(1561).    Calvin,  Four  Sermons. 

1561.  Calvin,  Four  godly e  sermons  agaynst  the  polution 

of  idolatries,  .  .  . 
(1562).    The  perfett  newes  out  of  Fraunce. 

1562.  A  Complaint  of  the  Church,  against  the  tiranny 

.  .  .  in  France  .  .  . 

^  This  list  of  French  material,  chiefly  translations  from 
French  works  or  French  versions,  makes  no  claim  to  complete- 
ness. It  grew  out  of  the  investigations  detailed  in  the  chap- 
ters, and  was  compiled  from  various  sources.  Such  works  as 
Arber's  Reprint  of  the  Register  of  the  Stationers'  Company  and 
Hazhtt's  Handbook  and  Bibliographical  Collections  formed  the 
basis  of  the  compilation.  In  many  instances  titles  have  been 
abbreviated,  but  the  spelling  of  names  has  usually  been  left 
as  it  was  found.  Dates  of  entry  and  names  of  translators,  where 
noted,  are  printed  in  parentheses.  Unless  stated  otheri^ase, 
the  place  of  pubUcation  may  be  assumed  to  be  London. 

471 


472  APPENDIX  A 

1562.     Calvin,    The   Institution   of  Christian   Religion. 
(T.  N.)     Other  ed.  1579. 

1562.  Theo.   de    Beza,  An   Oration   made  .  .  .  in   the 

'presence  of  the  King  .   .   . 

1563.  The  Secretes  of  the  Reverende  Maister  Alexis  of 

Piemount.  (Wm.  Warde.)  Other  eds.  1566, 
1568,  1569. 

1564.  The  translation  of  a  letter  written  by  a  Frenche 

Gentilwoman  to  another  .  .  .  upon  the  death 
of  the  .  .  .  Ladye,  Elenor  of  Roye.  (Henry 
Myddelmore.) 

1564.  Theo.  de  Beza,  A  Discourse  containing  the  Life 

and  Death  of  John  Calvin,  with  Testament 
and  Last  Will  and  the  Catalogue  of  his 
Books.     (I.  S.) 

1565.  Ane  Brief  Gathering  of  the  Halie  Signes,  Sac- 

rifices, and  Sacramentis  institutit  of  God  for 
the  Creation  of  the  worlde.  (ane  Faithfull 
Brother.)     Edinburgh. 

1565.  Certayn  and  tru  good  neus,  fro  the  syege  of  the  Isle 

Malta,  wyth  the  goodly  vyctorie  wyche  the  Chris- 
tenmen  .  .  .  have  obtayned  agaynst  the  Turks. 
Gaunt. 

1566.  Pierre    Boaystuau,     Theatrum    Mundi.     (John 

Alday.)     Other  eds.,   1574,  1581   (1587). 
(1567).    Treasurie  of  Amadis  of  Fraunce,  from  the  French 

version.      (Thomas  Paynel.) 
Second  Book  of  Amadis  de  Gaule.     (L[azarus] 

P[yott]),  1595. 
Books  3  &  4.     Dated  1618.     Folio  1619.     First 

four  books  (1589). 
Book  5  (Francis  Kirkham),  1664. 
Book  6  (Francis  Kirkham),  1652. 
Amadis  of  Gaul,  Bks.  2-12  (1594). 

1567.  Geffray   Fenton,   Certaine   Tragicall  Discourses. 

Other  ed.  1579. 
,  1569.      The  Pleasaunt  and  wittie  Plaie  of  the  Cheastes 

' "  with  Instrucions  to  learne  .  .   .  and  to  plaie  it 

wel.     (J.  R.) 
(1570).    Calvyn,  Comentary  upon  the  psalmes. 
1570.     Antonio  Corrano,   Tableau  de  VCEuvre  de  Dieu. 
1570.     A  Discourse  of  the  Civil  Wars  and  Late  troubles  in 

France.      (Geffray  Fenton.) 
(1571).    An    oration     pronounced     before     the     Frynshe 
kynge. 


APPENDIX  A  473 

1571.  The  Foreste  or  Collection  of  Histories.  .  .  .   (Thos. 

Fortescue.)     Other  ed.  1576. 

1572.  Histoire  de  Marie  Royne  d'Escosse.     Touchant 

la  conjuration  faicte  contre  le  Roy  &  I'adultere 
commis  avec  Comte  de  Boihwel,  histoire  vraye- 
ment  tragique.  (Printed  abroad;  sold  at 
Edin.) 

1572.  Estienne  Pasquier,  Monophylo :  a  philosophical 
discourse  and  division  of  Love.  (Geffray 
Fenton.) 

1572.  Morgan  Philippes,  L'Innocence  de  la  Tresil- 
lustre,  treschaste  et  debonnaire  Princesse, 
Madame  Marie  Royne  d'Escosse  .   .   . 

1572.  "  One  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Vincent  in  Fraunce," 

A  Booke  of  the  Arte  and  Maner,  howe  to  plant 
and  graffe  trees,  .  .  .  set  stones  and  sowe  Rep- 
ines .  .  .  (Leonard  Moscall.)  Other  eds.  1575, 
1590,  1596. 

1573.  King  Charles  IX.  of   France,  The  Edict  of  the 

French  King,  for  the  appeasing  of  the  troubles 
of  his  Reabne. 

1574.  A  forme  of  Christian  pollicie.     (Geffray  Fenton.) 

1574.  Eurebe     Philadelphe,     Le     Reveille-Matin     des 

Francois  et  de  leurs  Voisins.     Edinburgh. 

1575.  A  Mervaylous  discourse  upon  the  lyfe,  deedes,  and 

behavior  of  Katherine  de  Medicis. 
1575.     Prince    Francis,    The   Protestation   of  the    Most 

High  and  Mightie  Prince  Frauncis. 
1575.     Golden  Epistles,  Contayning  varietie  of  discourse 

both   Morall,   Philosophicall   and  Divine.     In 

part    from    Guevara,     Some    from    French. 

(Geffray  Fenton.) 

1575.  Anth.  de  Guevara,  A  Looking-Glass  for  the  Court. 

Original  in  Spanish.  (Anthony  Alaygre,  tr. 
into  Fr.)  (Sir  Francis  Briant  knight,  tr.  into 
Eng.) 

1576.  The  Lyfe  of  the  most  Godly,  valeant  and  noble 

capteine  .   .   .  Jasper  Colignie  Shatilion,   .   .   . 

Translated  out  of  Latin.      (Arthur  Golding.) 
1576.     Pierre  de  la  Place,  A  Treatise  of  the  Excellencie 

of  a  Christian  man,  and  how  he  may  be  knowen 

....     (L.  Tomson.) 
1576.      The  Mirrour  of  Madness,  or  a  Paradoxe,  main- 

tayning  Madness  to  be  most  excellent.     (James 

Sanford.) 


474  APPENDIX  A 

(1577).    Calvyn,  The  Commentaries  uppon  the  first  booke 

of  Moyses  called  Genesis. 
(1577).    Calvyn,    The   Commentaries   uppon   the   prophet 
Esaie. 
The  booke  of  the  revelation  of  the  prophet  Esaie. 
(1608.) 
(1577).    John  de  I'Espine,  A  treatise  of  Christian  righteous- 
ness.     (John  Field.) 
(1577).    Ffoure   straunge   and   lamentable    Tragicall   his- 
tories.     (R.  Smj^the.) 
1577.     King  Henry  III.  of  France.     The  Edict  or  Proclor- 
mation  set  forthe  by  the  Frenche  king  upon  the 
pacifying    of    the    trouble    in    Fraunce,  .  .  . 
(Arthur  Golding.) 
1577.     Theo.  de  Beza,  A  Tragedie  of  Abraham's  Sacri- 
fice.    (Arthur  Golding.) 
1577.     Francis  de  Tlsle,  A   Legendarie,  Conteining  an 
aynple  Discourse  of  the  life  and  behaviour  of 
Charles  Cardinal  of  Lorraine. 

1577.  Philip  de  Mornay,  The  Defence  of  Death.     Con- 

tayning  a  moste  excellent  discourse  of  life  and 

death.     (E[dward]  A[ggas].) 
(1578).    Calvin,     Lectures     upon     the     Prophete    Jonas. 

(N.  B.) 
(1578),    Cahdn,  A  Commentarie  upon  Josue. 

1578.  A   Christian  Discourse  upon  certaine  poynts  of 

Religion.     Presented  unto   the  most  high   and 
puissant  Lorde,  the  Prince  of  Conde.     (John 
Brooke.) 
1578.     Politique  Discourses,  treating  of  the  differences  and 
inequalities    of  vocations.      (-^gremont    Rat- 
cliff  e.) 
1578.     Pierre  du  Ploiche,  A   treatise   in    Englishe   and 
French  right  necessarie  and  profitable  for  all 
young  children.     (Dewes?) 
1578.     Remberte  Dodvens,  A  Newe  Herball  or  Historic 
of  Plantes.     Original  in   Dutch.     Translated 
from  French  version.      (Henry  Lyte.) 
(1579).    Daniel   Toussaint,   L'exercice  de  Vame  fidele,   a 
scavoir,  prieres  et  Meditations  pour  se  conso- 
ler en  toutes  sortes  des  afflictions,  .  .  . 
(1579).    P.    Viret,    Ye    Lordes    supper    and    against    ye 

masse. 
(1579).    Calvin,  Twenty  two  sermons  upon  a  psalm. 
(1579).    Treize  Sermons  de  Monsieur  J.  Calvin  Traitans 


APPENDIX  A  475 

de  U election  gratuite  de  Dieu  en  Jacob  et  de  la 
r election  d'Esau. 
(1579).  Calvin,  Psycopancecia.  A  Treatise  of  ye  dwell- 
ings of  ye  soule  after  yt  departeth  from  ye 
bodye. 
(1579).  Calvin,  Four  sermons  of  matters  profitable  for  our 
tym,e  with  an  exposicon  of  the  87  psalme. 

1579.  Calvin,  Sermons  Upon  the  X  Commandements 
of  the  L awe.      (J[ohn]  H[armar].) 

1579.     Theo.  de  Beza,  A  Little  Catechisme. 

1579.  Plutarch,  Lives  of  the  Noble  Grecians  and  Ro- 
manes. From  the  French  of  Amyot.  (Thos. 
North.)     Another  ed.  enlarged,  1603. 

1579.  The  Praise  and  Dispraise  of  Women.  (John 
Allday.) 

1579.  An  Apology  or  defence  for  the  Christians  of  France 
which  are  of  the  Evangelicall  or  reformed  reli- 
gion, for  the  satisfying  of  such  as  wil  not  live  in 
peace  and  concord  with  them.  (Sir  Hierom 
Bowes.) 

1579.  David  Chambre,  Histoire  Abbregee  de  tous  les 
Roys  de  France,  Angleterre  et  Escosse,  mise 
en  ordre  par  forme  d' Harmonic;  contenant 
aussi  un  brief  discourse  de  Vancienne  alliance 
&  mutual  secours  entre  la  France  &  VEsrosse. 

1579.  Antwerpes  Unitye.     An  Accord  or  Peace  in  Reli- 

gion and  Governement. 

(1580).  Calvin,  Sundry  sermons  touchinge  the  birthe,  pas- 
sion, deathe,  resurrection,  ascension  and  last 
cummynge  of  our  Lord  Jhesus  Christ  .   .   . 

(1580).    Calvin,  Three  proposit  ons  or  speeches.     (T.  W.) 

1580  (?).    Mons.   Fountaine,   A   Catechisme  and  playne 

instruction  for  children  which  prepare  theselves 

to  communicate  in  the  holy  supper.      (T.  W.) 

1580.  Jacques  Cartier,  A  shorte  and  brief  narration  of 

the   two    Navigations    and   Discoveries    to    the 

Northweast  partes  called  New  Fraunce.     (John 

Florio.) 
1580.     Prudens     Choiselat,      A    Discourse  of    House- 

bandrie  ...       (R.  E.) 
1580.     Translations  from  the  French  in  Humphrey  Gif- 

ford's  Posie  of  Gilliflowers. 
(1581).    A    Ballad  entitled    the    Entertainemente    of   the 

Frenchemen. 
(1581).    A  familiar  Christian  instruccon. 


476  APPENDIX  A 

(1581).  Theo.  de  Beza,  XIIII  holy  psalmes  chosen  forth 
of  the  new  and  old  testament. 

(1581),  Calvin,  Commentaries  uppon  bothe  the  epistles  to 
the  Corinthians,  on  all  Paules  epistles  and  on 
Deuteronomy  and  upon  Esay. 

(1581).  Calvin,  A  Commentary  uppon  the  epistle  to  the 
Galathians. 

(1581).  Nicholas  Nicholay  Dauphinois,  The  Naviga- 
tions, Peregrinations  and  Voyages  made  into 
Turkey. 

(Thos.  Washington.)     1585. 
1581.     Jacques  Bellot,  Le  Jardin  de   Vertu  et   Bonnes 
Moeurs   plein   de   Plusieurs    Belles    Fleurs   & 
riches  sentences  avec  le  sens  d'icelles,  recueillies 
de  plusieurs  autheurs  &  mises  en  lumiere. 
1581.      Ten    books    of   Homer's    Iliades.     Based    on    a 

French  verse  translation.     (A.  H[all].) 
1581  (?).    The  History  (Mystory)  of  the  Most  Noble  and 
valyant  Knyght  Arthur  of  Little  Britaine.  Trans- 
lated from  the   French.     (John  Bourghcher, 
Knight,  Lorde  Berners.) 

1581.  Jean  Cartheny,   The    Voyage  of  the    Wandering 

Knight.      Translated      from      the      French. 

(W[m.]   G[oodyear].)     Other  eds.    1550    (?), 

1607,  1620. 
(1582).    Calvin,  Against  the  annabaptistes. 
(1582).    Theo.  de  Beza,  Predestination, 

1582.  Theo.    Beza,    Christian   meditations   upon   eight 

Psalmes  of  the  Prophet  David.      (J.  S.) 

1582,  The  joyful  and  royal  entertainment  of  the  right  high 

and  mightie  prince  Frauncis  the  Frenche  Kings 

only  brother,  ,   .  .      (Leonard  Gibson.) 
(1583).    Calvin,  Praiers  used  at  the  end  of  his  Readings 

upon  Ho  see  .  ,  .      (John  Fielde.) 
(1583).    Anthony   Ffytzherbet,    L'office   et   Authorite  de 

Justices  de  peas.     (Law  French.) 
(1583).    Pierre  Viret,  Metamorphose  Christienne  fait  par 

Dialogues. 
(1583),    Pierre  Viret,  Le  monde  et  L'empire,  et  le  monde 

Deynoniacle  fait  par  Dialogues. 
(1583),    De  la  Popelliniere,  Les  Trois  Mondes. 

1583.  Bonad venture  de  Periers,  The  Mirrour  of  Mirth, 

and  pleasant  Conceits  .  .  .     (R.  D.) 
1583.      Steven  de  Maison  Neufve  Bordelois,  The  Pleas- 
ant and  Delectable  History  of  Gerileon  of  Eng- 


APPENDIX  A  477 

land.  Second  part,  1592.  (A.  Munday.) 
First  and  third  parts.  (1599.) 
1583.  R.  Crompton,  De  commun  bank  et  ores  enlarge 
cybien  avec  les  estatutes  faitz  Decylus  son  temps 
comme  avec  Divers  cases  de  comen  loy.  (Law 
Fr.) 

(1585).    Calvin,  The  actes  of  the  apostles. 

(1585).  Lamentations  of  the  prophet  Jeremye  with  a  para- 
phrase upon  the  same.     (Ff.  S.) 

(1585).    Praiers  and  christian  consolations.     (G.  Copelin.) 

1585.     King    Henry  III.  of  France,  A    Declaration  set 

forth  by  the  Frenche  kinge,  shewing  his  pleasure 

concerning    the    new   troubles    in    his    Realme. 

(E.  A.) 

1585.     A  Declaration  and  Protestation,  published  by  the 

king  of  Navarre,  the  L.  Prince  of  Conde,  and 

the  L.   Duke  of  Montmorency  concerning  the 

peace  concluded  with  the  house  of  Lorrayn  .  .  . 

1585.  Richard  Bellewe,  Les  Ans  Du  Roy  Richard  Le 

Second. 
(1586).    Book  of  Pretie  Conceiptes,  taken  out  of  Latin,  Fr. 

Dutch  and  Eng.  Other  eds.  1585  (?),  1615, 1630. 
(1586).    L'Histoire  D'Aurelio  et  Isabelle.      (To  be  pr.  in 

London  in  French,  Ital.  and  Eng.) 

1586.  Martin  Cognet,  Politique  Discourses  upon  Truth 

and  Lying.      (Sir  Edward  Hoby.) 

1586  (?).  An  Aunswere  to  the  League:  Written  by  a 
French  Gentleman. 

J1586.  Pierre  Erondelle,  A  Declaration  and  Catholick 
exhortation  to  all  Christian  Princes  to  siiccour 
the  Church  of  God  and  Realme  of  France. 
(E.  A.) 

1586.      King  Henry  of  Navarre,  Three  Letters.     (E.  A.) 

1586.  A  most  straunge,  rare,  and  horrible  murther  com- 
mitted by  a  Frenchman  .  .  . 

1586.  Le  vrai  purtraict  d'un  ver  M onstreux  qui  a  este 
trouve  dans  le  coeur  d'un  cheval  qui  est  mart  en 
la  ville  de  Londres  le  17.    de  Mars. 

1586.  La  Clef  des  Champs,  pour  trouver  plusieurs  Ani- 
maux,  tant  Bestes  qu'Oyseaux,  avec  plusieurs 
Fleurs  &  Fruits. 

1586.  Pierre  de  la  Primaudaye.  The  French  Aca- 
demic wherein  is  discoursed  the  institution  of 
manners,  .  .  .  (Thos.  Bowes.)  Five  eds.  by 
1614.     Second  part  of  The  French  Academic, 


478  APPENDIX  A 

pr.  1594  &  1603.     Third  volume  of  The  French 

Academie,pr.  1601.  Four  books  complete,  1618. 
(1587).    Discourses  Des  Dissencions  et  confusions  De  la 

Papaute. 
(1587).    King  Henry  III.  of  France,  The  Ffrench  kinges 

edict  touching  the  Pacificacion  of  the  Troubles  of 

his  Realme. 
(1587).    An  oration  latelie  pronounced  by  the  Ambassa- 

dours  of  the  protestant  Prynces  of  Germanye 

unto  the  French  kynge  .  .  . 
(1587).    Responce  a  la  profession  defoy  publiee  contre  ceux 

de  Veglise  reformee. 
(1587).    Le  magnificent  Du  pape  et  De  Sainte  mere  eglise 

Romayne. 
(1587).    La  main  Chrestienne  aux  tombez. 
(1587).    Traicte  pour  ohter  La  Crainte  de  la  mort  et  la  f aire 

desirer  a  I'homme  fidele. 
(1587).    Claude  Colet,  The  Famous  Pleasant  and  Delight- 
ful History  of  Palladine  of  England.     Trans- 
lated   from    the    French.      Other    eds.    1588 

(A.  M.),  1664  (A.  M.). 
1587.    A  Letter  written  by  a  French  Gentleman  [S.  C.  P.] 

to  a  friend  of  his  at  Rome  .  .  . 
1587.     Lord  de  la  Noue.     The  Politicke  and  Militarie 

Discourses  .  .  .  (E.  A.). 
1587.     Louise  Labe,  Debat  entre  Amour  et  Folic.    (Robt. 

Greene.) 
1587.     A  Brief e  discourse  of  the  merveylous  victorie  gotten 

by  the  king  of  Navarre  against  those  of  the  holy 

League. 
1587.     M.  Laudonniere,  A  Notable  Historic  containing 

foure  voyages  made  by  certayne  French  cap- 

taynes  unto  Florida.     (R.  H[akluyt]). 
1587.     Theo.  Beza,  Sermons  on  the  three  first  chapters  of 

the  Canticles.      (John  Harmar.)     Oxford. 
1587.      P.  de  Mornay,  A  Worke  concerning  the  trewnesse 

of  the  Christian  Religion.     (Sir  Philip  Sidney 

&  Arthur  Golding.)     Other  eds.   1592,   1604. 
1587.      The  pictures  of  a  yonge  man  and  a  nurse. 
(1587).    Frederick    de    Vinciolo,    Les    singulieres    Pour- 

traicts  et  ouvrages  de  L'ingerie. 
(1588).    Que  Valleance  D' Angleterre  est  plus  Duisible  De 

Valleance  entre  France  et  VHispagne. 
(1588).    Auscuns  articles  proposez  par  les  chefs  de  la  ligue  en 

I'assemblee  De  Nancye  en  Januier  1588  pour 


APPENDIX  A  479 

estre   arrestez   en   la   generalle   de    Mars    pro- 
chain.     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1588).  Lettre  D'un  Gentilhome  Catholique  Ffransois  a 
messieurs  De  La  Sorhonne  De  Paris.  (To  be 
translated  into  English.) 

(1588).  Premier  volume  du  Recuell  contenant  les  chases 
memorables  advenues  soubs  la  ligue.  Qui  s'est 
faicte  et  elevee  contra  la  Relegion  Reformee  your 
Vaholir.     (To  be  translated   into  English.) 

(1588),  De  L'authorite  Du  Roy,  et  Crimes  De  Lez 
Maieste. 

(1588).  M.  T.  [J.]  L'Espine,  A  very  Excellent  and  Learned 
Discourse  touching  the  Tranquilitie  and  Conten- 
tation  of  the  Minde.  (Ed.  Smyth.)  1592. 
(1588).  Du  Bartas,  Premiere  Semaine.  (Sir  Philip  Sid- 
ney.) (For  complete  list  of  translations  of  Du 
Bartas,  see  p.  152  sq.) 

1588.  A  Caveat  for  ^France,  upon  the  present  evils  that  it 
now  suffereth.      (E.  Aggas.) 

1588.  King  Henry  III.  of  France,  A  Declaration  of  the 
kings  pleasure  published  after  his  departure 
from  Paris.      (E.  A.) 

1588.     A  Discourse  upon  the  present  state  of  France. 

1588.  A  necessary  Discourse  concerning  the  right  which 
the  house  of  Guyse  pretendeth  to  the  Crowne  of 
France.     (E.  A.) 

1588.  A  true  Discourse  of  the  Armie  which  the  King  of 
Spaine  caused  to  be  assembled  in  the  Haven  of 
Lisbon  .  .  .   (Daniel  Archdeacon.) 

1588.  Discours  politique,  ires  excellent  pour  le  temps 
present;  compose  par  un  gentilhomme  Frangois 
contre  ceulx  de  la  Ligue,  .   .  , 

1588.  M.  de  Bellieure,  Harangue  faicte  a  la  Royne 
d'  Angleterre. 

1588.  Palmerin  D'Oliva.  Written  in  Spanish,  Italian 
and  French  and  translated  from  them  into 
English.  (A.  M.)  Other  eds.  1579  (second 
part),  1637. 

1588.  A  True  report  of  the  Taking  of  Marseilles  by  the 
favourers  of  the  league  togither  with  the  releve 
therof  by  the  kings  faith  full  subiects.  (E.  A.) 
(1589).  Deux  Traitez,  L'un  de  la  guerre  I'autre  du  Duel, 
au  Roy  de  Navarre.  (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 
(1589).   Jacques   Hurault,   Des  Offices  D'estat  avec  un 


480  APPENDIX  A 

sommaire  des  strategemes.     (To  be  translated 

into  English.) 
(1589).    A  Frenche  mans  songe  made  upon  the  deathe  of  the 

French  kinge.     In  English. 
(1589).    Henry  III.  of  France,  Le  vray  'Agnus  DeV  pour 

desarmer  le  peuple  Frangois. 
(1589).    The  second  Collection  conteyning  the  history  of  the 

most  notable  thinges  happened  under  the  league. 
(1589).    Discours  brief  mais  tressolide,  monstrant  claire- 

ment  qu'il  est  .   .   .  necessaire  an  Roy  de  s'allier 

au  Roy  de  Navarre.     In  French  and  English. 
(1589).    The  French  history  menconninge  the  outrage  under 

the  name  of  Wynnynge  Sainct  James  street. 
(1589).    A  Letter  sent  to  the  good  townes  that  are  in  obedience 

to  the  kinge. 
(1589).    De  PEspine,  A  Treatise  of  faythe. 
(1589).    Traite  pour  consoler  les  malades,  et  les  Asseurer 

contre  les  frayeurs  et  apprehensions  de  leurs 

peches,  et  de  la  mort.     (To  be  translated  into 

English.) 
(1589).    Examen  pacifique  de  la  doctrine  des  Huguenots ; 

provant  contre  les  Catholiques  Rigoureux.     In 

French  and  English. 
(1589).    A  comparison  of  the  English  and  Spanishe  Na- 
tion.    (R.  Ashley.) 
(1589).    Lettres  Patentes,  de  Declaration  Du  Roy,  pour  la 

Remise  de  la  assemblee  generate  .  .  . 
1589.     Newes  sent  unto  the  Ladye  Princesse  of  Orange. 

(I.  E.) 
1589.     A  Letter,  written  by  afrench  Catholicke  gentleman. 
1589.      William  de  Beliay,  Instructions  for  the  Warres, 

.  .  .  discoursing  the  method    of  Militarie  Dis- 
cipline.    (Paule  Ive.) 
1589.      King  Henry  of  Navarre,   A   Letter  to  the  three 

estates  of  Fraunce:  .   .  .   (G.  R.) 
1589.     Lord  de  la  None,  The  Declaration  of  the  Lord  de 

la  Nou^  upon  his  taking  Armes  for  the  just 

defence  of  the  Townes  of  Sedan  and  lametz  .  .  . 

(A.  M.) 
1589.     A  Discourse  upon  the  Declaration,  published  by 

the  Lord  de  la  Noue. 
1589.     An   Admonition   given   by   one   of  the   Duke   of 

Savoy es  Councel  to  his  Highnesse,  Tending  to 

disswade  him  from  enterprising  against  France. 

(E.A.) 


APPENDIX  A  481 

1589.  Advise  given  by  a  Catholike  Gentleman  to  the 
Nohilitie  &  Commons  of  France,  to  ioyne  to- 
gether and  take  armes  .  .  .  against  theeves  and 
robbers,  ...      (I.  Eliote.) 

1589.  The  Contre-League  and  answere  to  certaine  letters 
sent  to  the  Maisters  of  Renes  ...      (E.  A.) 

1589.  King  Henry  III.  of  France,  The  French  Kinges 
Declaration  upon  the  Riot,  Felonie,  and  Rebel- 
lion of  the  Duke  of  Mayenne,  .  .  . 

1589.  Kings  of  France  &  Navarre,  The  Declarations 
as  well  of  the  French  king  as  of  the  king  of 
Navarre,  Concerning  the  Truce  agreed  upon  be- 
twene  their  maiesties  .   .  . 

1589.  A  Politicke  Discourse  most  excellent  for  this 
time  present:  Composed  by  a  French  Gentle- 
man. 

1589.  A  True  Discourse  of  the  most  happy  victories  ob- 
tayned  by  the  French  king.     (T.  D.) 

1589.  King  Henry  III.  of  France,  A  Letter  from  the  king, 
to  his  Court  of  Parliament  of  Burdaux,  touching 
the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Guyse. 

1589.     John  Fregeville,  The  Reformed  Politicke. 

1589.      The  Restorer  of  the  French  Estate  ... 
(1590).    Thecopieof  a  lettre  sent  into  England  .  .  .wherein 
is  set  forthe   the   good   successe  of  the  kinges 
maiesties  forces    against   the    liguers    and   the 
prince  of  Parmas  power. 
(1590).    The  Decree  of  the  courte  of  parliament  of  Nor- 
mandiefor  the  seasinge  of  ye  rebelles  goodes,  and 
two  canticles  touchinge  the  said  Vyctorye. 
(1590).    Deploration  De  La  mort  dufoy,  Henry  Troisiesme, 
et  Du  Scandale  qu'en  a  L'eglise.     (To  be  trans- 
lated into  English.) 
(1590).    Discours  au  vray  de  ce  qui  s'est  pasee  en  Varmee. 
Conduitte  par  sa  maieste  Depuis  son  advene- 
ment  a  la  courone  iusques  a  prinse  de  fauxe 
bourge  de  Paris.     In  French  and  English. 
(1590).    Les  Lauriers  Du  Roy,  Contre  les  foudres  pratiques 

par  I'Espagnol.  In  French  and  English. 
(1590).  Sommaire  Discours  au  vray  De  ce  qui  est  advenu 
en  Varmee  Du  roy  tres  christien,  Depuis  que  le 
Due  de  Parma  sest  ioynt  a  celle  des  enemies  lus- 
que  au  17  du  Septembre  envoy ez  par  sa  maies- 
tie  au  Monsieur  De  Beavoir. 
(1590).    Discours  veritable  des  horribles  meurtres  et  massa- 


482  APPENDIX  A 

cres  comis  et  perpetrez  de  sang  froid,  par  les 

troupes  de  Due  de  Savoy  .  .  . 
(1590).    King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  The  Frenche  hinges 

lettre    to    monsieur    de    Vernue    touchinge    the 

vyctorye  againste  the  rehelles  and  leagers. 
(1590).    Memoires  de  Ce  qui  et  advenu  en  L'armee  du  roy. 

(To  be  translated  into  English.) 
(1590).    King  Henry  IV.  of    France,     The  oration  and 

declaracon  of  Henrie  .  .  . 
(1590).    Ce  qui  est  advenu  en  la  retraicte  De  Due  de  Parma 

Depuis  le  20  Novemhris  Jusques  au  27  Dudict 

mois   1590  Avec  les  Novelles  d'Auphine.     In 

French  and  English. 
(1590).    Les  Rodomontades  Du  Capitaine  Viques,  and  a 

letter  of  a  Frenche  gent  to  my  lady  Jacquet  Cle- 
ment. 
(1590).    A  brief  Instruction  profitable  and  necessarie  for 

such  as  delight  in  planting  of  gardens,  .  .  . 
1590.     John  Taffin,  Of  the  Markes  of  the  Children  of  God 

and  of  their  Comforts  in  Afflictions .     (Anne 

Prowse.) 
1590.     An   Abstract   of  the   proceedings   of  the   French 

king  .   .   .     Written  by  a  French  Gentleman. 
1590.      The  letters  Patients  of  the  Kings  Declaration  for 

the  referring  of  the  generall  assemblee  of  the 

Princes,  .  .  . 

1590.  Newes  from  Rome,  Spaine,  Palermo,  GenevcB  and 

France.     With    the    miserable    state    of  .  .  . 

Paris,  and  the  late  yeelding  uppe  of  sundrie 

Towns  of  great  strength  unto  the  King. 
(1591).    Description    Veritable  Des   Batailles   victoires   et 

Trophees  Du  Due  De  Parme.     In  French  and 

English. 
(1591).    Response  a  la  Supplicacon   Contre  celux  lequel 

faisant  semblant  De  Doner  advis  au  Roy  de  ce 

faire  Catholic  veult  exciter  ses  bons  subiectes 

a  rebellion. 

1591.  A  Discourse  Uppon  a  Question  of  the  Estate  of  this 

time.      (E.  A.) 
1591.     Bertrand  de  Loques,  Discourses    of   Warre  and 

single  Combat.      (I.  Eliot.) 
1591.     A    True   Declaration  of    the   Honorable    Victorie 

obtained   by   the  French  king  in  winning   of 

Noyan,  .  .   . 
1591.     King  Henry  IV.  of  France,   The  kings  Declara- 


APPENDIX  A  483 

tion.  Importing  a  Revocation  of  all  such 
Letters  for  Ennoblishment  as  have  not  been  veri- 
fied in  the  Chambre  of  accounts  of  Normandy. 
(E.  W.) 

1591.  Le  vray  Discours  de  la  victoire  merveilleuse  obtenue 
par  le  Roy  de  France  et  de  Navarre  Henry  4 
.  .  .  Dress e  et  envoy e  par  dega  par  un  des 
principaux  Officiers  de  sa  Maieste. 

1591.  True  Newes  From  one  of  Sir  Fraunces  Veres  Com- 
panie.  Concerning  Delftes-Isle  and  sundry  other 
townes  .   .   .  yielded  to  the  Generall  .   .   . 

1591.  King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  Ordinances  set 
foorth  by  the  king  for  the  rule  and  governement 
of  his  Maiesties  men  of  warre. 

1591.  Johii  de  TEspine,  Comfort  for  an  afflicted  Con- 
science .  .  .      (Peter  Allibond.) 

1591.  Perpetuall  and  Naturall  Prognostications  Of  the 

Change  of  weather.  (From  Ital.  by  I.  F.  To 
be  pr.  in  Ital.,  Fr.,  and  Eng.) 

(1592).  Discours  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  de  puis  le  partement 
du  Roy  treschrestien  pour  venir  rencontrer  le 
due  De  Parme  .  .  .  (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 

(1592).  Three  Treatises:  Le  Ffrancophile,  Le  Doux 
Satyric,  La  primiere  Phillippique.  (To  be 
pr.  in  English.) 

(1592).    Rabelais  (?),  Gargantua  his  prophesie. 

(1592).  M.  M.  Boiardo,  Histoire  de  Roland  Vamoureaux 
comprenant  les  Chevaleureux  faictes  d'armes  et 
d' amours  Devisee  en  trois  livres.  (To  be  trans- 
lated from  a  French  version.) 

1592.  A  Discourse  of  the  Great  overthrow  given  by  the 

French  king  unto  the  Leaguers  in  Poictiers,  .  .  . 
1592.     An   Excellent   Discourse   upon   the   now   present 

estate  of  France.     (E.  A.) 
1592.     A  lournall,  wherein  is  truly  sette  downe  from  day 

to  day,  what  was  doone  and  worthy  of  noting  in 

both  the  Armies,  .  .  .     (E.  A.) 
1592.     Good  newes  from  Fraunce.     A  True  Discourse  of 

the  winning  of  sundry  cheefe   Townes,   .  .   . 
1592,     Philip   de    Mornay.     A   Discourse   of  Life   and 

Death.     (Countess  of  Pembroke.)     Other  eds. 

1600,  1606,  1607. 
1592.     Robert  Garnier,  Antonius,  a  Tragcedie.     (Count- 

tess  of  Pembroke.) 


484  APPENDIX  A 

1592.  Confutation   of  the    Popish    Transubstantiation. 

(Peter  Allibond.) 
(1593).    Le    Thresor    et    Manuel    Des    Prieres.     (To    be 

translated  into  English.) 
(1593).    Du  Vaiz,  The  holie  philosophic  with  many  other 

treatises  of  pietie. 
(1593).    Articles  accordez  pour  la  Treve  generale.     (To  be 

pr.  in  English.) 
(1593).    M.  de  Thevines,  A  Lettre  dc  monsieur  De  The- 

vines  (and)  a  parlement  held  at  Chaalons. 
(1593).    La  Fleur  de  lice  etc. 

1593.  A  Proposition  of  the  princes,  prelates,  .  .  .  pro- 

pounded  to   the  Duke  of  Mayenne,  .   .  . 

1593.  Remonstrances     To    the    Duke    de    Mayne  .  .  . 

Wherein,  .  .  .  are  discovered  divers    priveties, 
concerning  his  proceedings  and  affayres.     (Ant- 
[hony]  Ch[ute].) 
(1594).    The  Jesuyt  displaied.     (E.  A.) 
(1594).    Rabelais  (?),  The  historic  of  Gargantua. 

1594.  Odet  de  la  None,   The  Profit  of  Imprisonment. 

(Joshua  Silvester.) 

1594.  Louis  le  Roy,  Of  the  Interchangeable  Course,  or 
Varietie  of  things  in  the  whole  World.  (R[obt.] 
A[shley].) 

1594.  The  Order  of  Ceremonies  observed  in  the  anoint- 
ing and  Coronation  of  the  most  Christian  king 
of  France  &  Navarre,  Henry  III.     (E.  A.) 

1594.  Robt.  Garnier,  Cornelia.      (Thos.  Kyd.) 
(1595).    The  third  book  of  the  Historic  of  Prince  Palmerin 

of   England.     Translated    from    the    French 

version.    Other  eds. —  First  part,  1616  (A.  M.). 

Second  part,  1616  (A.  M.). 
(1595).    Harangues   Militaires   et   Condons   De   Princes 

Capitaines,  .  .  . 
(1595).    The  Cakephachisme  Doctrinall  and  confession  of 

the  liguers  faithe. 
(1595).    Michaell,    Lord    of    Mountene,    The  Essays    of 

Michaell  Lord  of  Mountene.     (John  Florio?) 

(See  p.  266.) 
(1595).    Les   Diverses   Lessons  D'Anthonie   Du    Verdier, 

Sieur  De  Varr  Prunas.     [Vauprivaz.'] 

1595.  Court  of  Parliament,    The  Decree  of  the  Court 

.  .  .  against  John  Chastel  .  .  .  ,  upon  the 
Parricide  by  him  attempted  against  the  kings 
person. 


APPENDIX  A  485 

1595.  An  Answere  to  the  last  Tempest  and  Villanie  of 
the  League,  upon  the  slanders  .  .  .  against  the 
French  king.      (T,  H.) 

1595.  A  State  Discourse  upon  the  late  hurt  of  the  French 
king.      (E,  A.) 

1595.     The  Historic  of  France :   The  Foure  First  Bookes. 

1595.  A  Pleasant  Satyre  or  Poesie:  Wherein  is  dis- 
covered the  Catholicon  of  Spayne  and  the  chiefe 
leaders  of  the  League. 

1595.  Jacques  Hurault,  Politicke,  Moral  and  Martial 
Discourses.     (Arthur  Golding.) 

1595.  The  famous  and  renowned  History  of  Primaleon 

of  Greece,  .  .  .  Translated  from  the  French 
version.  Third  Part  (1607).  Another  ed.  1619. 
(A[nthony]  M[unday].) 

(1596).  J.  Piscator,  Aphorismes  of  Christian  Religion,  or 
a[n]  .  .  .  abridgement  of  John  Calvines  institu- 
tions .   .  . 

(1596).  Alexander  Syluain,  Epitomes  De  Cent  histoires 
Tragicques  partie  extraictes  des  Actes  des  Re- 
mains et  autres. 

(1596).  The  Historye  of  Sir  Mervyn  .  .  .  Translated 
out  of  French. 

1596.  Jacques  de   Lavardin,    The  Historic  of    George 

Castriot,     surnamed     Scanderherg,     King     of 

Albanie.     (Z.  I.) 
1596.     Romes    Monarchic,    Entituled   the   Globe   of  Re- 
nowned Glorie  .   .   .    (E.  L.) 
1596.     The  History  of  Phillip  de  Commines  Knight,  Lord 

of  Argenton.     (Thos.   Danett.)     Another  ed. 

1614. 
1596.     The  Delightful   History  of  Celestina  the  Faire. 

Translated  from  the  French.      (Wm.  Barley.) 
(1597).    Placart  et  Decret  public  en  Espagne  par  le  Roy 

Phillippe  sur  le  changes  et  levees  d' argent  par  luy 

faite  avec  les  marchandes.     Translated   from 

Spanish  into  French  and  English. 
(1597).    Recueil  des  choses  memorables  avenues  en  Ffraunce 

sous    le    regne    De    Henry  II,  .  .  .     (To  be 

pr.  in  English.) 
(1597).    The  Historye  of  the  late  troubles  of  Fraunce  under 

Henry  III  of  France  and  Poland  and  Henry  IV 

of  Ffraunce  and  Navarre. 
(1597).    Bonaventure   de   la   Perriere,    The   Mirrour   of 

Policie.     1599. 


486  APPENDIX  A 

(1597).  The  fifth  hooke  of  the  last  troubles  of  Ffraunce  con- 
teininge  ye  historie  of  the  most  memorable 
things  .  .  . 
(1597).  Jean  de  Serres,  A  generall  Inventory  of  the  his- 
tory of  France,  beautified  by  the  conference  of  the 
Churche  and  the  Empyre.  1611.  Continued 
by  Peter  Mathew  from  1598  to  1610,  and 
again  to  1622  by  Edward  Grimeston.    Pr.  1624. 

1597.  The  Theatre  of  Gods  Judgements.  (Th.  Beard.) 
Other  eds.  1612,  1648. 

1597.  Margaret  of  Valois,  Heptameron.  Another  ed. 
1654  (Robt.  Codrington). 

1597.  Madame  Maulette,  Vertues  tears  for  the  losse  of 
the  most  Christian  King  Henry  III  of  France, 
and  the  untimely  death  of  .  .  .  Walter  Devo- 
reux.     (Jervis  Markham.) 

1597.      The  Mutable  and  wavering  estate  of  France,  from 
the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1460,  untill  the  yeare  1595 
.  .  .     Collected  out  of  sundry,  both  Latin,  Ital- 
ian and  French  Historiographers. 

1597.  A  Famous  tragicall  discourse  of  two  lovers,  Affri- 
can  and  Mensola  .  .  .  (Tuscan  into  French 
by  Anthony  Guerin ;  French  into  English  by 
Jo.  Goubourne.) 

1597.  Jean  du  Bee,  The  Historie  of  the  Great  Emperour 

Tamerlan.      (H.   M.) 

(1598).  The  first  part  of  The  Historie  of  Durine  of  Greece. 
Translated  out  of  French.      (H.  W.) 

(1598).  Le  Cabinet  de  Saines  Affections.  (To  be  pr.  in 
English.) 

(1598).  The  Articles  and  conditions  of  peace  between  the 
high  and  mightye  prynces  Phillip  kinge  of 
Spayne,  and  Henry  the  IV  the  French  king. 

(1598).  De  L' Institution,  usage,  et  Doctrine,  Du  Saint  Sac- 
rament De  L' eucharistie  Du  I'eglise  Ancienne, 
.  .  .     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 

1598.  An  Historical  Collection  of  the  most  Memorable 

Accidents  and  Tragicall  Massacres  of  France 

under  the  Raignes  of  Henry  2  to  Henry  4. 
1598.      The  honorable  overthrow  of  the  Duke  of  Savoyes 

Troopes  of  Soldiers  neere  Aiguebelle  in  Savoy e. 

(W.  P.) 
1598.     Sonets  des  Grands  Exploicts  Victorieux  de  hault 

et  puissant  Seigneur  Maurice  Prince  d'Orange. 


APPENDIX  A  487 

1598.  Aristotle,    Politiques,    or   Discourses   of  Govern- 

ment. (From  Greek  into  French  by  Loys  Le 
Roy.     French  into  Enghsh  by  I.  D.) 

(1598).  Thresor  des  Remedies  secretes  pour  les  malades  des 
femmes.     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1599).  King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  Edict  du  Roy  et  Decla- 
ration sur  les  precedents  Edicts  et  Pacification. 
(To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1599).  Marot  et  de  Beza,  Les  CL.  Pseaumes  de  David 
mises  in  Rimme  Ffrancoise.     (In  French  only.) 

(1599).  Phillippe  de  Mornaye,  Response  A  Uexamen  du 
docteur  Boulenger  par  laquell  sont  Justifices  les 
allegations  par  Luy  pretendues  faulses  et  veri- 
fiees  ses  calomnies  contre  La  preface  du  Liure  de 
La  Sainte  eucharistie.  (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 

(1599).  Philip  de  Mornay,  A  booke  of  Meditations  upon 
the  CI  psalme.     (Thos.  Wilcox.) 

(1599).  J.  Piscator,  Of  Mans  justification  before  God. 
Two  booke  opposed  to  the  sophismes  of  Robt. 
Bellarmine  Jesuite. 

(1599).  Philip  de  Marnix,  The  first  tome  or  tablet  of  the 
differences  of  Religion  .   .   . 

(1599).  Henry  Stephan  [Estienne],  The  preparatif  trea- 
tise to  the  Apologie  for  Herodotus. 

1599.  A  breefe  Treatise  of  the  vertue  of  the  Crosse :  And 

the  true  manner  how  to  honour  it. 
1599.      King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  The  Speeche  which  the 
French  king  made  to  the  Lords  of  Parliament 
...     (H.  W.) 
1599.     Du  Bartas  (?),  The  Miracle  of  the  Peace  in  France 
Celebrated  by  the  Ghost  of  the  Divine  Du  Bartas. 
(Joshua  Sylvester.) 
1599.     A  True  Discourse  of  a  cruell  Fact  committed  by  a 
Gentlewoman  towardes  her  husbande,  her  father, 
her  Sister  and  two  of  her  Nephews. 
1599.     Le  Chev.  de  I'Escale,   A    Woman's   Worth,  de- 
fended against  all  the  men  in  the  world. 
(1600).    Suite    De    Vinventaire    general    de    L'istoire    de 

France.     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 
(1600).    De  Mornay,  De  L' Institution  de  La  Saincte  Eu- 
charistie de  nostre  Seigneur.     (To  be  translated 
into  English.) 
(1600).    Plutarch,    The    Morall    Woorkes    of   Plutarque. 
Translated  from  the  French  version. 


488  APPENDIX  A 

(1600).  L.  Annseus  Seneca,  Opera.  (To  be  translated 
out  of  French  and  Latin.) 

(1600).  Thresor  des  chartes.  Contenant  les  tableaux  de 
tous  pays  du  monde  enrichi  de  belles  descrip- 
tions et  nouvellement  mys  en  lumiere,  (To  be 
translated  into  English.) 

(1600).    Michael  de  Montaigne,    The  Essayes  or  Morall, 
Politike    and     Militarie    Discourses    of    La: 
Michael  de  Montaigne  .  .  .     (John  Florio.) 
1603.     Other  eds.  1613  and  1632. 

1600.  Charles  Stevens  &  John  Liebault,  Maison  Rus- 
tique,  Or,  the  Countrey  Farme.  (Gervase 
Markham.)     Another  ed.  1616. 

1600.  A  Discourse  of  the  Conference  holden  before  the 
French  king  at  Fontainebleau,  .  .  . 

1600.  King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  The  kings  Declaration 
and  Ordinance  containing  the  cause  of  his  warre 
against  the  Duke  of  Savoy  .  .  . 

1600.  Mart.  Fumee,  The  Historic  of  the  Troubles  of 
Hungarie:  ...      (R.  C.) 

1600.  The  Oracle  of  Savoy;    Containing  the  predictions 

made  for  truth  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy  as  concern- 
ing the  Estate  of  Fraunce. 

(1601).  The  Conversion  of  eight  learned  personnages 
within  the  kingdom  of  Ffraunce  .  .  .     (W.  B.) 

(1601).  A  true  discourse  of  the  occurrences  in  the  wars  of 
Savoy.     (E.  A.) 

(1601).  The  wonderful  adventure  above  all  others  of  the 
ages  past  and  present  whiche  conteineth  a  Dis- 
cours  touchinge  the  succes  of  the  king  of  Portu- 
gall  .  .  .  synce  his  voiage  of  Aphrique  .  .  . 

(1601).  H.  Belon,  The  treasure  of  a  Christian  soule. 
(Victor  Chantrell.) 

(1601).  Artimedorous,  Les  Jugements  des  Songes  Astro- 
nomiques  des  songes,  par  Artimedorus,  plus  Le 
livre  d'Auguste  Niphus,  Des  Divinations  et 
Augur es  par  Anthoine  Du  Moulin.  (To  be 
translated  into  English.) 

1601.  Henry  Constable,  Refutation  de  Vecrit  de  Maistre 

Daniel  Tilenus  contre  le  Discours  de  Monsieur 
VEvesque  d'Eureux,  touchant  les  Traditions 
Apostoliques.  Pr.  at  Eureux. 
1601.  A  True  Discourse  of  the  whole  occurrences  in  the 
Queenes  voyage  from  her  departure  from  Flor- 
ence, until  her  arrival  at  Marseilles.     (E.  A.) 


APPENDIX  A  489 

(1602).  Le  franc  et  veritable  discours  au  Roy  sur  Le  re- 
stablissement  qui  Lui  est  demand e  pour  Les 
Jesuites.     (To    be   translated    into    English.) 

(1602),  King  Henry  IV.  of  France,  Lettres  patentes  Du 
Roy.  Contenant  Defenses  faites  a  toutes  per- 
sonnes  de  quelque  qualitie  .  .  .  (To  be 
translated  into  English.) 

(1602).    S.  de  La  Broue,  Preceptes  of  horsemanship. 
1602.      A  True  and  perfect  Discours  of  the  practises  and 

Treasons  of  Marshall  Biron :  .  .  . 
1602.  Antoine  Arnauld,  Le  franc  Discours.  A  Dis- 
course, presented  .  .  .  to  the  French  king, 
in  answer  to  requests  made  for  the  restoring  of 
the  Jesuits  into  France. 
1602.  John  Crispen,  The  Estate  of  the  Church,  with 
the  Discourse  of  Times  .  .  .  (Simon  Pat- 
rike.) 

1602.  Etienne  Pasquier,  The  Jesuites  Catechisme. 

1603.  Jean  Hot  man,  The  Ambassador. 

1603.  Sr.  Pelletier,  Discours  Politicque,  a  tres-hault  & 
tres-puissant  Roy  lacques  premier. 

1603.  A  True  and  Admirable  Historic  of  a  Mayden  of 
Confolens  in  the  Province  of  Poictiers;  that 
for  the  space  of  three  yeares  and  more  hath  lived 
and  yet  doth  without  receiving  either  meats  or 
drinke  .   .  .     (Anth.  Munday.) 

1603.  Theo.  de  Beza,  Maister  Bezces  household  Prayers. 
?  Theo.  de  Beza,  A  brief e  and  piththie  summe  of  the 

Christian  faith  made  in  forme  of  a  confession. 
(R.  F.) 

1604.  The  Voluntarie  Confession  and  Severall  Recanta- 

tions, of  foure  great  learned  men  .   .  . 
(1605).    Prosopopee  de  la  Pyramide  Du  Palais  de  Paris. 

(To  be  pr.  in  English.) 
(1605).    Calvin,  A  Commentary  on  the  whole  epistle  to  the 

Hebrues. 
(1605).    Mornay,  An  Answer e  to  a  booke  published  by  the 

Lord  Bysshop  of  Eureux  uppon  a  Conference 

held  at  Fountaine  Bleau.     (Moole.) 

1605.  Pibrac,  The  Quadrains  of  Guy  de  Faur,  lord  of 

Pibrac.     1605.      (Sylvester.) 
1605.     A   Way  of  reconciliation  of  a  good  and  learned 
man,  touching  the  true  nature  and  substance  of 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament. 
(Elizabeth,  Lady  Russell.) 


490  APPENDIX  A 

1605.     Jerome  Bignon,  Briefe,  hut  an  effectual  Treatise  of 
the  Election  of  Popes. 

1605.  Pierre  de  Loier,  A  Treatise  of  Specters  or  straunge 

Sights,    Visions    and    Apparitions    appearing 

sensibly  unto  men  .  .  . 
(1606).    Pierre   Charon,    Of    Wisdom.       (Samson    Len- 

nard.)  Other  eds.  1620  (?),  1630,  fourth  ed. 

1670. 
(1606).    The  French  Inventory. 

1606.  Rene  de  Lucinge,   The  Beginning,  Continuance 

and  Decay  of  Estates.     (I.  F.) 

1606.  Miracles  lately  wrought  by  the  intercession  of  the 

Glorious  Virgin  Marie  at  Montaigu,  .  .  . 
(Robt.  Chambers.)     Antwerp. 

(1607).  The  Considerations  of  the  soule  necessary  for  every 
Christian.      (N.  B.  G.) 

(1607).    Heberman,  Prieres  Chrestienes. 

(1607).  A  Report  of  the  play  at  Lyons  by  the  Jesuites 
Certified  by  a  French  factor  to  his  master  .  .  . 
Probably  pr.  1607. 

(1607).  OUenix  du  Mont-Sacre,  The  Pastoralles  of  Ju- 
lietta.  (Gervase  Markham.)  Another  tr.  by 
Robt.  Tofte,  Honour's  Academy,  or  the  Fa- 
mous Pastoral  of  the  Fair  Shepherdess  Julietta, 
1610. 

1607,  The    Jesuites    Commedie.     Acted    at    Lyons    in 

Fraunce. 

1607.  Jean  Goulart.     Admirable  and  Memorable  His- 

tories of  our  time.      (Ed.  Grimeston.) 
(1608).    Du  Bartas,  The  Historic  of  Judith  in  Forme  of  a 

Poeme.   (Thos.  Hudson.)    Pr.  Edinburgh,  1584. 
(1608).    The  Taxe  of  the  pope  shop.     (In  Latin  and  French, 

to  be  translated  into  English.) 
(1608).    An  Epistle  of  Lady  Gratiana,  .  .  .  to  the  Ladys 

of  France  touchinge  her  conversion  frome  popery 

to  the  true  profession  of  the  gospell. 

1608.  The  Conversion  of  a  most  Noble  Lady  of  Fraunce 

•      •      • 

1608.  Henri  Estienne,  A  World  of  Wonders,  or  an  In- 
troduction to  a  treatise  touching  the  conformitie 
of  ancient  and  modern  wonders,  ...  (R  [ich- 
ard]  C[arew].)  Edinburgh, 
(1609).  The  French  kinges  Statute  touchinge  the  prohibi- 
tion and  punishment  of  single  and.  private  corn- 
bates. 


APPENDIX  A  491 


(1609),  Nova  Francia  or  The  Description  of  yat  parte  of 
newe  France  which  is  one  continent  with  Vir- 
ginia. 

1609.  Pierre  du  Moulin,  Heraclitus.  (R.  S.)  Pr.  at 
Oxford.      (1619.) 

1609.  Philip  de  Mornay,  Teares,  For  the  Death  of  his 
Sonne.  Unto  his  wife  Charlotte  Batiste.  (John 
Healey.) 

1609.  A.   I.     J[uris]  C[onsult],   Catholique  Traditions. 

(L[ewis]  0[wen]). 
?  Du    Plessis    Mornay,    Le   Pape  -des   Huguenots. 

(John  FeUde.) 
(1610).    Remonstrance  a  Messieurs  de  la  cour  de  Parle- 

ment  sur  le  Parricide  Commis  en  la  Personne  du 

Roy  Henry  le  grand.     (To  be  translated  into 

English.) 
(1610).    Anti-Mariana  or  a  confutacon  of  Marianes  opinion 

touchinge  the  killinge  of  kinges. 
(1610).    Moulin,      Theophilus      or      Love     Divine,  .  .  . 

(Richard  Goringe.) 

1610.  A.T.,  A  Letter  of  a  Catholike  Man  beyond  the  seas, 

written  to  his  friend  in  England.  Including 
another  of  Peter  Colon  Priest,   .   .   . 

1610.  Pierre  du  Moulin,  Defense  de  la  Foy  Catholique 
contenue  au  Livre  de  Trespuissant  &  Sere- 
nissime  Roy  laques  I,  Roy  de  la  grand'  Bre- 
tagne  &  d'Irlande.  C outre  la  Response  de 
F.  N.   Cceffeteau  .  .  .     (John   Digby.) 

1610.  George  Brisset,  The  Apologie  .  .  .  Written 
upon  consideration  of  the  inhumane  murther  of 
the  late  French  king. 

1610.  The  Copie  of  a  Letter  written  from  Paris  .  .  . 
Declaring  the  maner  of  the  execution  of  Francis 
Ravaillart,  .  .   . 

1610.  The  Hellish  and  horrible  Councell  practiced  and 
used  by  the  lesuites  .  .  .  when  they  would  have 
a  man  to  murther  a  king. 

1610.  Sieur  de  Pelletier.  A  Lamentable  Discourse  upon 
the  paricide  and  bloudy  assasination  committed 
on  the  person  of  Henry  the  Fourth. 

1610.  A  Discoverie  of  the  most  secret  and  subtile  prac- 
tises of  the  Jesuites. 

1610.  The  Funerall  Poinpe  and  Obsequies  of  the  Most 
mighty  and  puissant  Henry  IV. 

1610.     George  Brisset,  A  Letter    Apologeticall  of  George 


492  APPENDIX  A 

Brisset :  .  .  .  wherein  are  set  downe  the  reasons 
that  moved  him  to  turne  to  the  Reformed.  Pr. 
at  Edinburgh.     1616. 

(1611).    Moulin,  The  Sacramente  of  the  Lordes  supper. 

(1611).  Histoire  de  la  mort  deplorable  de  Henry  Quatrieme, 
(To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1611).  J.  Bede,  Le  Droit  des  Rois  contre  le  cardinall 
Bellarmyn  et  autres  Jesuites.  (To  be  trans- 
lated into  English.) 

(1611).    The  Golden  Cabynett  of  true  treasure. 

(1611).    Cayer  de  Ceux  de  L' assemble  de  Saumur,  1611. 

(1611).  Honore  D'Urfe  —  The  History  of  Astrea.  1620. 
(John  Pyper.)     1657-1658. 

(1611).  Peter  Boyssat,  The  History  of  the  knights  of  the 
order  of  Saincte  John  of  Jerusalem. 

(1611).  A  Treatise  of  the  dissolucon  of  Marriage  by  reason 
of  the  coldnes  and  insufficiency  eyther  of  the  man 
or  woman. 

1611.  Anti-Coton,  Or  A  Refutation  of  Cottons  Latter 
Declaratorie  .  .  .  for  the  apologizing  of  the 
Jesuites  Doctrine,  touching  the  killing  of  kings, 
...     (G.  H.) 

1611.  A  Discourse  to  the  Lords  of  the  Parliament.  As 
touching  the  Murther  .  .  .  of  Henrie  the 
Great  .  .  . 

1611.  The  French  Herald  summoning  all  true  Christian 
princes  to  a  generall  croisade  for  a  holy  warr 
against  the  great  Enemy  of  Christendome  and 
all  his  slaves  .  .  . 

1611.  The  Jesuites  Pater  Noster  Given  to  Phillip  III 
king  of  Spaine  for  his  new  yeares  gift  this 
present  yeare.     (W.  I.)     Oxford. 

1611.  Countesses  of  Derby  &  Cranborne,  Lady  Clif- 
ford, Three  Precious  Teares  of  Blood,  Flowing 
from  the  wounded  harts  of  three  great  French 
ladies  .  .  .  for  the  Murther  of  .  .  .  Henry 
the  Great. 
(1612).  Instruccon  de  la  Communion  que  tous  vraies 
fideles  ont  avec  leur  chef  Jesus  Christ  par  la 
participacon  au  sacrament  du  Corps  et  du  sang 
d'icelui.  (To  be  translated  into  English.) 
(1612).  A  relation  of  the  Duke  de  Mayenne  his  ambassage 
into  Spayne  for  the  accomplishment  of  the 
Mariage  of  Lewis  the  13,  the  French  king  with 
th'  Infant  of  Spayne. 


APPENDIX  A  493 

(1612).  A  Congratulacon  to  Ffraunce  upon  the  happy 
alliance  with  Spayne  dedicated  to  the  Queene. 

(1612).  Discours  veritable  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  la  ville 
de  Troyes,  sur  les  pursuittes  faites  par  les 
Jesuites  pour  a'y  establyr  depuis  Van  1603, 
iusques  au  mois  de  Juillet  1611.  (To  be  trans- 
lated into  English.) 

(1612).  Les  Feux  de  Joye  de  la  Ffraunce  sur  les  pompes  et 
magnificences  faites  a  Paris  pour  Vheureuse 
Allyance  de  son  Roy  avec  l' Infanta  d'Espagne. 
(To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1612).  Description  et  representation  de  toutes  les  victoires 
tant  par  eau  que  par  terre,  lesquelles  Dieu  a 
Octroiees  aux  nobles,  des  Provinces  Unies  du 
Pais  bas  souz  la  Conduite  et  gouvernement  de 
son  excellence  le  prince  Maurice  de  Nassau. 
(To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1612).  John  de  L'Espine,  The  Anatomic  of  the  Churche. 
(Lymon  Vegheiraan.) 

(1612).  John  de  L'Espine,  Of  the  Confessions  of  synnes 
and  afflictions.     (Lymon  Veghelman.) 

(1612).  Le  livre  de  trois  filz  des  Roys  cest  a  savoir  de 
Ffraunce  d' Angleterre  et  D'Escosse,  .  .  .  (To 
be  translated  into  English.) 

(1612).  Lettre  de  Monseigneur  V illustrisses  cardinall  Du 
Perron,  Envoyee  a  monsieur  Casaubon  estant  en 
Angleterre.     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 

(1612).  Les  Metamorphoses  d'Ovide  de  nouveau  traduytes 
en  Ffrancois  avec  XV  discours  contenans  l' ex- 
plication morale  des  fables.  (To  be  translated 
into  English.) 

(1612).    Pierre    de    la    Marteliere,    Plaidoye.       (To     be 

translated  into  English.) 
1612.     Louis  de  Mayerne-Turquet,    The  Generall  His- 
toric of  Spaine  .  .  .     (Edward  Grimeston.) 
1612.     George  Thompson,  The  Hunting  of  the  Romay.ie 

Beast. 
1612.      The  Life  and  Death  of  Lewis  Gaufredi:  .  .  . 
1612.     P.    MatthieU;    The  Heroyk   Life  and  deplorable 
death  of  the  most  Christian  King  Henry  the 
Fourth.     (Ed.  Grimston.) 
The  Trophies  of  the  Life  and  Tragedy  of  the  Death 
of    Henry   the    Great   in    verse.       (Sylvester.) 
1612.     Jacques  Guillemeau,  Child- Birth,  or  the  Happy 
Delivery  of  Women. 


494  .     APPENDIX   A 

(1613).  A  Co'pie  of  the  letter  Denunciatory  sent  by  the  great 
Turke  to  Sigismond  .  .  . 

1613.  Peter  du  Moulin,  The  Accomplishment  of  the 
prophecies  of  Daniel  and  the  Revelations.  (John 
Heath.)     Oxford. 

1613.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  French  Kinges 
Declaration  and  Confirmation  of  the  Proclama- 
tion of  N^ antes  ...      (J.  B.) 

1613.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  Kings  Declara- 
tions iipon  his  Edicts  for  Combats  ...     (E.  A.) 

1613.  Lord  of  Rosny,  A  Letter  from  the  Lord  of  Rosny, 
Great  Treasurer  of  France  to  the  Queene  Regent 
of  France.  Concerning  the  resignation  of  his 
Offices.     (E.  D.) 

1613.  Jean   de   Meun,    The  Dodochedron    of   Fortune. 

(Sir  W.  B.) 
(1614).    The  Parliament  of  Vertues  Royal  (Summoned  in 
France;   but  assembled  in  England).     (Joshua 
Sylvester.) 

1614.  Pet.  Ayrault.     A  Discourse  for  Parents'  Honour 

and     Authority    over    their    children.     (John 
Budden.) 
(1615.)    St.  Francis  de  Sales,  An  Introduction  to  a  devout 
life.     Other  eds.   1622  (I.  Y.),  1637,   1669. 

1615.  Remonstrances  made  by  the  Kings  Maiesties  Am- 

bassadour  unto  the  French  King  and  the  Queene 
his  mother,  .  .  .  Concerning  the  marriages 
with  Spaine  .  .  . 

(1616).  Articles  de  la  suspension  D'armes  accordez  entre 
les  deputez  du  Roy  et  Monsieur  le  prince,  et 
Publicacon  de  la  paix  sorbs  de  bon  plaiser  de 
Roy  et  de  Monsieur  le  prince  de  Cundee.  (To 
be  translated  into  English.) 

(1616).  Newes  from  Fraunce  or  declaration  of  2  Con- 
vertes,  Mary  Bonyvett,  the  other  Monsieur  M. 
de  Tertre  Lord  de  la  Mothe. 

1616.  La  Liturgie  Angloise. 

(1617).    The  Association  of  the  state  of  France. 
(1617).    A  Remonstrance  of  the  Princes  {the  Dukes  of  Ven- 
dome  and  Mayenne)  to  the  French  Kinge. 

1617.  The  Association  of  the  Princes  of  France,  with  the 

Protestations  and  Declarations   of  their   Alle- 
giance to  the  king. 
1617.     King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  French  Kings 
Declaration  against  the  Dukes  of  Vendosme  and 


APPENDIX  A  495 

Mayenne,  the  Marshall  of  Bouillon,  the  Mar- 
ques of  Ccenure,  the  President  le  lay,  and  all 
who  affect  them. 

1617.  The  Ghost  of  the  Marquesse  d'Ancre,  with  his 
Spirits  attending  him. 

1617.      The  French  luhile  .   .   . 

1617.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  Letter  of  the 
French  king  to  the  Parliament  of  Roan  .   .   . 

1617.  The  Oration  made  unto  the  French  king  by  the 
Deputies  of  the  National  Synode  of  the  Reformed 
Churches  of  France  upon  the  death  of  the 
Marquesse  d'Ancre,   .   .   . 

1617.  A  True  Relation  of  those  things  that  have  been  done 
in  the  Court  of  France  since  the  death  of  the 
Marshall  d'Ancre,  .   .  . 

1617.  Sir  Dudley  Carlton,  Speech  .  .  .  made  in  the 
A  ssembly  of  the  Lords  the  Estates  Generall  of  the 
united  Provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  .   .   . 

1617.     Marshall  d'Ancre,  The  Last  Will  and  Testament. 

1617.  Sieur  de  Mailliet,  Balet  de  la  revanche  du  m,espris 
d' Amour.  Dance  devant  la  Royne  de  la 
Grande  Bretaigne. 

1617.  Sieur  de  Maillet,  A  la  Louange  Du  Serenissime 

Roy  de  la  Grande  Bretaigne. 
(1618).    Francis    Mougniot,    A    Resolution    of   Doubles. 
(Coxe.) 

1618.  Newes  from  France.     Or  a  relation  of  a  marvellous 

and  feerfull  accident  of  a  disaster,  which  hap- 
pened at  Paris  .   .   . 
(1619).    Articles  concluded  and  agreed  upon  by  the  Lordes 

the   Cardinalles   De   la   Rochefoucauld   and   de 

Bethune,  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  France  to 

the  quene  Mother. 
(1619).    King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  Kinge  of  France 

his  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Espernoun  and  his 

answer  thereunto. 
(1619).    Louis  XIII.  of  France,    The  French  kings  letter 

to  his  mother,  the  17th  of  March,  1619. 
(1619).    Marie  de  Medicis,  Two  letters  of  the  Queene  Mother 

to  the  French  kinge,  as  also  four  More  to  the 

Chancellour,    Keeper   of  the    Scales,  president 

Jannin,  and  Duke  de  Mayenne. 
(1619).    Chancellor  of  France,  Letter  to  the  Queene  Mother 

the  17th  of  March  1619;  one  other  unto  her,  the 

I8th  of  March. 


496  APPENDIX  A 

(1619).  The  Oration  of  the  French  Amhassadour  to  the 
States  concerning  Barnevelt,  with  their  answere 
there  unto. 

(1619).  Pierre  de  Moulin,  Bouclier  de  la  foy,  ou  Defense 
de  la  confession  de  foy  des  Eglises  Reformes  du 
Royaume  de  France,  contre  les  obiections  du 
saint  Arnoux  Jesuite.  (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 
1619.  Newes  out  of  France :  Concerning  great  troubles 
likely  to  ensue,  by  occasion  of  the  departure  of 
the  Queene  Mother  from  Blois  .  .  . 

1619.  The  Remonstrance  made  by  the  Queene  mother  of 

France,  to  the  Kinge  her  Sonne,   .   .   . 

(1620).  P.  de  Mournay,  The  shield  and  reward  of  the 
faithful  or  a  meditacon  upon  Genesis  15  chap. 
verse  1. 

(1620).  Francis  de  Croy,  The  Three  Conformities  or  the 
harmony  and  agreement  of  the  Roman  church 
with  Gentilisme,  Judaisme  and  antient  heresies. 
(Wm.  Harte.) 

(1620).  Perspective  Spectacles  of  Special  use.  Divers 
meditacons  in  French  and  English.  (J.  Sylves- 
ter.) 

1620.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  A  Declaration  Made 

and  published  by  the  king  of  France,  Whereby 
the  Princes,  Dukes  and  Barons  therein  named 
are  all  proclaymed  Tray  tors,  .  .  . 

1620.  The  Late  Newes  from  France :  Being  an  important 

Remonstrance  or    admonition    to    the    king  of 

France,   .   .   . 
(1621).    John  Tassin,   An  Exhortation  to  love  and  good 

workes.      (C.  C.) 
(1621).    A  true  Portracture  of  the  Cittie  of  Rochelle. 
(1621).    Frangois  Voilleret,  Le  Prcau  des  fleurs  meslees, 

Contenant    plusieurs    et    differends    discourses, 

ensemble    maintes    sentences   ditz   notables   des 

Ancients,    et    autres    curieuses    reserches.     In 

French  and  English. 

1621.  A  Declaration  made  by  the  Reformed  churches  of 

France  and  the  Principalitie  of  Beam,  concern- 
ing their  uniust  persecution  by  the  Enemies 
of  the  Estate  and  of  their  Religion. 
1621.  Newes  from  France.  A  true  relation  of  the  great 
losses  which  happened  by  the  lamentable  acci- 
dent of  fire  in  the  Citie  of  Paris. 


APPENDIX  A 


497 


1621.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  Letters  Patents  made 
by  the  French  king  declaring  his  intent  touching 
those  of  the  Reformed  Religion. 

1621.  De  Nicholas  and  John  Sacharles,  The  Reformed 
Spaniard  .  .  .  (Translated  from  Latin  to 
English.  A  French  edition  entered  in 
1622.) 

1621.  M.  de  Vrillac,  An  Epistle  sent  by  Monsieur  de 
Vrillac  Advocate  in  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  to 
Monsieur  de  Vrillac  his  Father,  upon  the  occa- 
sion of  his  conversion.      (C.  C.) 

1621.  J.  Guillemard,  A  Combat  betwixt  Man  and  Death. 
(Edw.  Grimeston.) 

1621.  Simon  Goulart,  A  Learned  Summary  Upon  the 
famous  Poeme  of  William  of  Saluste  Lord  of 
Bartas.  (T.  L[odge]  D.  M.  P.)  Another  ed. 
1638. 

1621.  The  Wise  Vieillard  or  Old  Man. 

(1622).  Sam'l  Durant,  Meditation  Pour  Les  Eglises  re- 
form ees  de  Ffrance,  sur  les  Afflictions  de  ce 
dernier  temps.  (To  be  translated  into  Eng- 
lish.) 

(1622).  Pierre  Gosselin,  The  Misteries  of  the  fathers 
Jesuits. 

(1622).  Andre  we  Rinett,  Twelve  Meditations  or  homilies 
of  divers  misteries  of  our  Redemption  upon  Divers 
select  passages  of  Holy  Scriptures. 

(1622).  Action  de  graces,  en  forme  de  meditation  faite  a 
Dieu  sur  la  vie  redonnee  a  se  enfans  par  le 
benefice  de  la  Paix.  (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 

(1622).  Du  Vair,  The  1st,  2d,  and  3d  Booke  of  Con- 
stancy. 

1622.  The  Fourth  of  November.     The  Peace  of  France. 

Or,  the  Edict,  with  the  Articles  of  Peace,  granted 
by  the  French  King  .  .  . 

1622.  Denis  de  Refuges,  A  Treatise  of  the  Court,  Di- 
gested into  two  Bookes  .  .  .  (John  Rey- 
nolds.) 

1622.  The  Honour  of  Ladies.  (Abraham  Darcy.) 
(1623).  Jean  Perrin  Lionnois,  History  des  Vaudois  di- 
visee  in  trois  parties  la  premiere  est  de  leur 
origine  la  seconde  de  Vaudois  appelles  Albegois 
La  troisieme  le  doctrine  et  discipline  .  .  . 
(To  be  translated  into  English.) 


498  APPENDIX  A 

(1623).    A  Catholique  Judge.     (Sir  A.  S.) 

(1623).    Peter  du  Moulin,  A  Preparacon  to  sufferings  for 

the  Gospele  of  Jesus  Christ.     (Darcy.) 
(1623).    P.    D.    M.,   De  Uaumosne  et   Charite.     (To   be 

translated  into  English.) 
1623.     Andrew   Favine,    The    Theater   of  Honour   and 

Knighthood. 
1623.      The  Catholike  Moderator. 
1623.      The  Legend  of  the  Jesuites  .  .  . 
1623.      The  Requests  Presented  unto  the  French  king,  by 
the  General  Deputies  of  the  Reformed  Churches 
of  France  .   .  . 

1623.  The  State- Mysteries  of  the  Jesuites,  By  way  of 

Questions  and  Answers. 
(1624).    Arrest  du:    conseil  privy  du  Roy  Donne  le  27 

Septemhre  1624  pour  les  universitez  de  France 

jointes  in  cause,  .  .  .     (To  be  translated  into 

English.) 
(1624).    Wm.    Camden,    Annates   Rerum   Anglicarum   et 

Hibernicarum,  Regnante  Elizabetha  .  .  .     (Pr. 

in  Latin,  1615;    in  French,  1623;    English  tr. 

from  the  French  by  Ab.  Darcy.     Other  English 

eds.  1630,  1635.) 

1624.  Thos.  Scott,   The  Spaniards  perpetuall  designes 

to  an  universall  Monarchic. 
1624.     Pierre    du    Moulin,     The    Elements    of    Logick. 
(Nath.  De-Lawne.) 

1624.  Sr.   de   Chevalier,    The   Ghosts   of  the   Deceased 

Sieurs  de  Villemor  and  de  Fontaines.     A  most 
necessarie  Discourse    of   Duelle  ...     3d  ed. 
(Tho.  Heigham.)     Cambridge. 
(1625).    Johnathan  de   Sainct  Hernin,  Essayes   and  ob- 
servacions. 

1625.  Barclay,    Argenis.     Translated    out    of    Latin. 

(K.  Long.)  Other  eds.  1629  (Sir  R.  de  Guys), 
1636. 

1626.  King  Louis  XIII.  of  France,  The  French  Kings 

Edict  upon  the  Peace  which  it  pleased  his 
Majestic  to  grant  unto  all  those  of  the  Reformed 
Religion  .  .  . 

1626.  John  Cameron,  An  Examination  of  those  plausible 
Appearances  Which  seem  to  commend  the 
Romish  Church,  and  to  prejudice  the  Reformed. 
(Wm.  Pinke.)     Oxford. 

1626.     Nicholas  Caussin,  The  Holy  Court,  or  the  Chris- 


APPENDIX  A  499 

tian  Institution  of  Men  of  Quality.     (Sir  Thos. 
Hawkins.)     Paris. 
3d  vol.  in  1634,  4th  vol.  1638. 
(1627).    The  true  historye  of  the  tragique  loves  of  Hippolito 

and  Isabella. 
1627.     Duke    of     Buckingham,     A     Manifestation    or 
Remonstrance  .   .   .       Containing     a    Declara- 
tion of  his  Maiesties  intention  for  this  present 
Arming. 

1627.  David    Echlin,    V Adieu   Au   Monde  de    David 

Echlin,  Medecin  de  la  Royne,  aage  enveiron  de 
soixante  ans  .  .  . 
(1628).    Leonard    Marande,    The  Judgement  of  humane 
actions.     (J.  Reynolds.) 

1628.  The  Apologie  of  the  Reformed  Churches  of  France 

.  .  .     (John  Reynolds.) 

1628.  Articles  of  Agreement  made  betweene  the  French 
King  and  those  of  Rochell,  upon  the  rendition 
of  the  Towne. 

1628.  Henri,  Due  de  Rohan,  A  Declaration  of  .  .  . 
Containing  the  justnes  of  Reasons  and  Motives 
which  have  obliged  him  to  implore  the  Assistance 
of  the  king  of  Great  Britaine  and  to  take  armes 
for  the  defence  of  the  Reformed  churches. 

1628.  David  Echlin,  Echlin  par  le  Grace  de  Dieu  resus- 

cite   Avec  le  Paraphrase  Latin,  par  V Autheur 

mesme. 
(1629).    Pierre  du  Moulin,  Prieres  et  Meditation  del  Ame 

fidele.     (To  be  translated  into  English.) 
(1629).    A    Treatise  of  Artiflcall  Fire   Workes  bothe  for 

warres  and  Recreation.     (Tho.  Mathus.) 
(1629).    Ambrose  Parry,  Workes.     (Geo.  Baker.) 

1629.  French    Court    Ayres    with    their    Ditties.     (Ed. 

Filmer.) 

1630.  P.  du  Moulin,  The  Anti  Barbarian:  .  .  . 
(1631).    Hugh   Crashaw,    True   Religion   explayned   and 

defended   against   the   arch   enemies   thereof  in 
these  tymes.     (Francis  Coventry.) 
(1631).    Des  Traditions  et  de  la  Perfection  et  Sufjiciance  de 
V Escriture  Saincte.     (To  be  translated  into 
English.) 
(1631).    The  honest  man  or  the  art  to  please  in  Court. 
1632.     Nicolas    Caussin,  The   Christian  Diurnal.     (Sir 

Thos.  Hawkins.)     Paris. 
1632.     P.  Mathieu,   Unhappy  Prosperitie  Expressed  in 


500 


APPENDIX  A 


the  Histories  of  /Elius  Seianus  and  Philippa 
the  Catanian.  (Sir  Thos.  Hawkins.)  Another 
ed.  1639. 

1632.  Jean  de  Serres,  The  Sweete  Thoughts  of  Death  and 

Mternity.     Paris. 
1632-3.  Jean-Pierre    Camus,    A    Draught    of   Eternitie. 
(M.  Car),  Do  way.     Also,  The  Spiritual  Direc- 
tor disinterested.     Doan. 

1633.  Jean  A.  DuPlessis,  Emblema  Animoe  or  Morall 

Discourses  reflecting  upon  Humanitie.  (J. 
M[axwell].) 

(1634).  Arrest  of  the  Court  of  Parliament  whereby  the 
pretended  Marriage  of  Monsieur  with  the  Prin- 
cesse  Margarett  of  Lorraine  is  declared  not 
valuably  contracted. 

(1634).  Lettres  Patentes  de  Declaration  du  Roy,  pour  la 
Reformation  du  Luxe  des  Habits  et  Reglement 
d'iceux.  (To  be  pr.  in  French  and  Eng- 
lish.) 

1634.  J.     L.     Guez,    Sieur    de     Balzac,    Letters.    (W. 

T[yrwhyt].)  Other  eds.  1638,  2  and  3  parts 
(Richard  Baker),  1638,  1639,  1655  (Baker), 
1658. 
1634.  C.  N.,  A  Saxon  Historic,  of  the  Admirable  Adven- 
tures of  Clodoaldus  and  his  Three  Children. 
(Sir  T.  H[awkins].) 

1634.  Pierre  du  MouUn,   Treatise  of  the  knowledge  of 

God.  (Robt.  Codrington.) 
(1635).  Sr.  Featley,  La  M alette  de  David,  ou  sont  en- 
closes trente  deux  excellentes  Prieres  .  .  .  Re- 
cueillies  des  oeuvres  du  Sr.  Featley,  Docteur  en 
Theologie  &  Mises  en  Francois  par  Guillaume 
Herbert.     4th  ed.  pr.  1644. 

1635.  M.  Boudier,  History  of  the  Serrail  &  of  the  Court 

of  the  Grand  Seigneur,  Emperour  of  the  Turkes. 

(E.  G.) 
1635.     A  Relation  of  the  Devill  Balams  Departure  out  of 

the  Body  of  the  Mother  Prioresse  of  the  Ursuline 

Nuns  of  London. 
1635.     Scipio  du  Plesis,  The  Revolver,  or  Curiosities  of 

Nature. 
(1636).    David  Primrose.     A  Treatise  of  the  Sabath  day 

distinguished  into  four  partes.     (Doctor  Prim- 
rose.) 
(1636).    Youths  Behaviour,  or  Decency  in  Conversation 


APPENDIX  A 


501 


amongst  Men.     (Francis  Hawkins.)     4th  ed. 
pr.  1646;    6th,  1654;    10th,  1672. 
1636.     Jean  Desmarets  de  Saint  SorUn,  Ariana  in  Two 
Parts.     Another  ed.  1641. 

1636.  A  Wittie  Encounter  betweene  M.  du  Moulin  and 

M.     de     Balzac  .   .   .     Wherein     they     deliver 

things  weighty  and  important  both  in  Religion 

and  State.      (A.  S.) 
(1637).    Abridgement  of  the  life  of  Henry  the  Great  the 

Fourth   of  that   name   king   of  Fraunce    and 

Navarre. 
(1637).    Peter   Matthieu,   Historicall  and  State  observa- 

cions   upon   the   life   and   service  of  Monsieur 

Villeroy.     (Sir  Tho.  Hawkins.) 
(1637).    The  Palsgraves  protestation. 

1637.  M.    Gombaukl,    Endimion.     (Richard    Hurst.) 

Another  ed.  1639. 
(1638).    Cyrano  de  Bergerac,  The  Comical  History  of  the 

States  and  Empires  of  the  Worlds  of  the  Moon 

and  Sun.     (A.  Lovell.)     1687. 
(1638).    Du   Bosq.     The  Secretary  of  Ladies  or  a  new 

collection  of  Letters. 
(1638).    Histoire   de   Larrons   or   the    history   of  theeves. 

(P.  G.) 

1638.  Balzac,   a  Recueill   or   collection  of  new   Letters 

.   .   .  being     the     fourthe      parte  .   .   .     (Thos. 

Powell.) 
1638.     C.    N.,    The    Unfortunate    Politique.     (G[eorge] 

P[icot].)     Oxford. 
1638.     P.  Corneille,  The  Cid.     (Jos.  Rutter.)     Another 

^  ed.  1650. 
1638.     Etienne  Binet,  The  Lives  and  singular  vertues  of 

Saint  Elzear,  Count  of  Sabran,  and  of  his  Wife. 

(Sir  Thos.  Hawkins.)     Paris. 
1638.      Vital  d'Audiguier,  Love  and    Valour;    one  port 

of  the  unfained  story  of  Lisander  and  Caliste. 

(W[illiam]  B[arwick].) 
1638.     J.  P.  Serres,  Alarum  for  Ladyes.     (Thos.  Haw- 
kins.)    Paris. 
1638.     Don   Garcia,    The  Sonne   of  the   Rogue,    or   the 

Politick    Theefe  .  .  .     (Original    in    Spanish. 

Translated  from  French  into  English  by  W.  M.) 
(1639).    Boisrobert,     The    History    of   Annaxander    and 

Orazia.     (Wm.  Duncomb.)      Other  ed.  1657. 

(W.  G.) 


502  APPENDIX  A 

1639.  Monsieur  Du  Boscq,  The  Compleat  Woman. 
(N.  N.) 

1639.  Marie  de  Medicis,  A  Declaration  of  the  Queene 
Mother  of  the  most  Christian  King.  Contain- 
ing the  reasons  of  her  departure  out  of  the 
Low-Countreys. 

1639.  John  Peter  Camus,  Admirable  Events :  Selected 
out  of  Foure  Bookes.     (S[usan]  du  Verger.) 

1639.  P.  de  la  Serre,  The  Mirrour  which  flatters  not. 
(T.  Gary.) 

1639.  Jean  Puget  de  la  Serre,  Histoire  de  V Entrance  de 

la  Reyne  Mere  du  Roy  tres-Chrestien,  dans  la 

Grande- Bretaigne. 
(1640).    Peter  du  Moulin,    The  Anatomy  of  the  Masse. 

(James  Mountaine.) 
(1640).    The  French  Margarites  or  flowers  of  Eloquence. 

(Ffrancis  Halsey.) 
(1640).    Le  Sieur  Verdier,  Seven  bookes  of  the  Romant  of 

Remantes. 

1640.  J.    P.   de   la   Serre,    The   Secretary  in  Fashion. 

(John  Massinger.)     5  editions  by  1673. 
1640.     L'Abb6   Desfontaines,    The  Second  Part  of  the 
Cid.     (Jos.  Rutter.) 

1640.  Duke  of  Rohan,  The  Complete  Captain,  or,  An 

Abbridgement     of     Ccesar's     warres  ...     (J. 
C[ruso].)     Cambridge. 

1641.  Duke  of  Rohan,  A  Treatise  of  the  Interest  of  the 

Princes  and  States  of  Christendome.     (H.  H.) 
1641.     Margaret  of  Valois,  The  Memorialls  of  Margaret 
deValoys.     (Robt.  Codrington.)     Another  ed. 
1663. 

1641.  Father  Basil,    The  Converted  Capuchin,   Or  the 

Recantation  of  Father  Basil,  after  he  had  con- 
tinued nigh  forty  yeares  a  Fryer  of  that  Order,  .  .  . 

1642.  The    Ecclesiasticall    Discipline   of  the   Reformed 

Churches  in  France. 
1644.     Joh.  de  la  Fontaine,   The  pleasant  Fountain  of 
Knowledge.     (Wm.  Backhouse.^) 

1644.  Isaac  de  Caus,  Nouvelle  Invention  de  Lever  Veau 

plus  hault  que  sa  source  .   .   . 

1645.  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  present  Troubles  in  Eng- 

land.    (Thos.  Tully.)     Oxford. 

^  According  to  the  authority  of  Wood,  Athen.  Oxon.  (ed. 
Bliss,  iii.  576)  he  also  translated  The  Complaint  of  Nature,  and 
The  Golden  Fleece  by  Solomon  Trisniosin. 


APPENDIX  A  503 

1645  (?).  Isaac  de  Caus,  Hortus  Penbrochianus. 

1647.  M.  le  Roy,  Sieur  de  Gomberville,  The  History  of 

Polexander  in  five  Bookes.      (Wm.  Browne.) 

1648.  J.  F.  Senault,  A  Paraphrase  upon  Job.     (Henry, 

Earl  of  Monmouth.) 
1648.     Nicholas    Caussin,    The    Christian   Diary.     (Sir 
Thos.  Hawkins.)   Cambridge.   Other  ed.  1649. 

1648.  M.  de  Balzac,  T/ie  Pnnce.      (H[enry]  G[reisley].) 

1649.  Votilley,   Le  Parnasse  amour eaux.     (A  poem.) 

Orleans. 

1649.  M.  de  la  Mothe  de  Vayer,  Of  Liberty  and  Servi- 
tude.    (John  Evelyn.) 

1649.  Margaret  of  Navarre,  The  History  of  the  Most 
Illustrious  Lady  Queen  Margaret  Daughter  to 
Henry  II  .  .  .     (Robt.  Codrington.) 

1649.  J.   Francis  Senault,   Man  become  guilty,  or  the 

corruption  of  his  nature  by  Sin;   also  The  Use 
of  the  Passions.     (Earl  of  Monmouth.) 

1650.  Senault,  The  Christian  Man:   or  the  Reparation 

of  Nature  by  Grace.     (Henry  Greisley.) 
1650.     Rene  des  Cartes,  The  Passions  of  the  Soule,  In 
three  Books. 

1650.  John  Peter  Camus,   The  Loving  Enemie,  or,  a 

famous  true  History.     (Major  Wright.) 

1651.  A  Character  of  England.     (A  pretended  transla- 

tion, by  John  Evelyn,  of  a  French  original.) 

1651.  The  Roy  all  and  Delightfull  Game  of  Picquet. 

1652.  La  Calprenede,    The  Famous  Romance  of  Cas- 

sandra.    (Sir  Charles  Cotterel.) 
The  complete  work  printed  1661,  1676,  1725. 
Books  1  to  3  (A  Person  of  Quality).     1652. 
1652.     George  de   Scudery,  Ibrahim,  or  the  Illustrious 

Bassa.     Whole  Work,  ia  Foure  Parts.   (Henry 

Cogan.) 
1652.      The  Loves  and  Adventures  of  Clerio   &  Logia. 

(Fra.  Kirk  man.) 
1652.     John  Peter  Camus,  Natures  Paradox;    or  The 

Innocent  Imposter.     (Major  Wright.) 

1652.  Peter  le  Moyne,  The  Gallery  of  Heroick  Women. 

(Marquesse  of  Winchester.) 

1653.  Hugh-PauUin   de    Cressy,    Exomologesis ;     or   a 

FaithfuU     Narration     of    the     Occasion     and 
Motives  of  the  Conversion  .  .  .     Paris. 
1653.     Bp.  Gervais  of  Grasse,  The  Life  of  the  Apostle 
St.  Paul. 


504  APPENDIX  A 

1653.     Rabelais,  Works,  bks.  1  &  2.     (Thos.  Urquhart.) 
1653-4-5.    M.    de    Scudery,    Artamenes    or    the    Grand 
Cyrus.     (F.  G.) 

1653.  T,  Corneille,  The  Extravagant  Sheepherd.    (T.  R.) 

Another  ed.  1654. 

1654,  La  Calprenede,  Cleopdtre.     Translated    as    Hy- 

men's Prceludia:  or  Love's  Masterpiece. 
Parts  1  &  2  (R.  Loveday).  Part  3  (R.  L.), 
1655.  Parts  4  &  5  (John  Coles),  1656. 
Parts  6  &  7  (J.  C),  1658.  Part  8  (J.  Webb), 
1658.  Parts  9  &  10  (J.  D.),  1659.  Parts 
11  &  12,  1659. 

1654.  M.  de  Scudery,  Curia  Politice,  or  the  Apologies  of 
Sever  all  Princes  ...  (E.  Wolley.)  An- 
other ed.  1673. 

1654.  M.  de  Scudery,  A  Triumphant  Arch,  erected  and 
consecrated  to  the  Glory  of  the  Feminine  Sex 
.  .  .      (J.  B.) 

1654.  Charles  Sorel,  The  Extravagant  Shepherd,  or  the 
history  of  the  Shepherd  of  Lysis.  (John  Da  vies 
of  Kidwelly.)     Another  ed.  1660. 

1654.  Treatise  against  the  Principles  of  Descartes. 
(John  Da  vies.) 

1654.  Manzinie,     Discourses     upon     several     subjects. 

(From  Italian  into  French  by  Scudery,  into 
English  by  a  Lady.) 

1655.  M.  de  Moulines  (Ch.  Sorel),  The  Comical  History 

of  Francion,  wherein  the  variety  of  vices  that 
abuse  the  age  are  satyrically  limn'd  in  their  na- 
tive colours. 
1655.      The  Letters  of  Voiture.      (John  Da  vies.) 
1655.     P.  Corneille,  Polyeuctes,  or  the  Martyr.     (Sir  Wm. 
Lower.) 

1655.  Ceriziers,  The  Innocent  Lord,  or  the  Divine  Provi- 

dence, the  Incomparable  History  of  Joseph. 
(Sir  Wm.  Lower.) 

1656.  Ceriziers,  The  Triumphant  Lady,  or  the  Crowned 

Innocence.     (Sir  Wm.  Lower.) 
1656.     P.  Corneille,  Horatius,  A  Roman  Tragedie.     (Sir 

Wm.  Lower.) 
1656.     A    Relation   of  the   Life   of  Christina   Queen  of 

Sweden.     (J[ames]  H[owell].) 

1656.  The     Accomplished     Woman.       (Walter     Mon- 

tague.) 

1657.  Louis  Combache,  Sal,  Lumen  and  Spiritus  Mundi 


APPENDIX  A  505 

Philosophici,  or  the  Dawning  of  the  Day,  Dis- 
covered by  the  Beams  of  Light  .  .  .     (R.  T.) 

1657.  The  Holy  Practices  of  a  Divine  Lover:  or  The 
Sainctly  Idiots  Devotions.     Paris. 

1657.  Pascal,  Les  Provinciates :  or,  the  Mysterie  of 
Jesuitisme,  discovered  in  certain  Letters,  .  .  . 

1657.  Scarron,  Novels.  (John  Da  vies.)  3  pub.  sepa- 
rately in  1657,  4  others  in  1662,  and  the  whole 
collected  in  1667. 

1657.  Choice  French  Proverbs.     (Edw.  Leigh.) 

1658.  Cyrano   de   Bergerac,   Satyrical   Characters  and 

handsome  Descriptions  in  Letters,   .   .   . 

1658.  Margaret  de  Valois,  The  Grand  Cabinet-Counsels 
Unlocked.     (Robt.  Codrington.) 

1658,  Frangois  Perrault,  The  Devill  of  Mascon.  Or,  a 
true  Relation  .  .  .  (P.  de  Moulin.)  Ox- 
ford. 

1658.  Jean  de  Silhon,  The  Minister  of  State,  wherein  is 
shown  the  true  use  of  Modern  Policy.  (Henry 
Herbert.) 

1658.  M.  de  Marmet,  Entertainments  of  the  Cours :  Or, 
Academical  Conversations  .  .  .  (Thos.  Saint- 
serf.) 

1658.  The  French  Gardiner :  .  .  .     (John  Evelyn.) 

1659.  The  History  of  the  English  and  Scotch  Presbytery. 

Villa  Franca. 
1659.     Quinault,     The    Noble    Ingratitude.     (Sir    Wm. 

Lower.)     The  Hague. 
The   Amorous   Phantasme.     (Sir   Wm.    Lower.) 

The  Hague. 
1659.     Magdalen  de  Scudery,  Cleila,  a  Romance.     (John 

Da  vies.) 
1659.     A  Further  Discovery  of  the  Mysteries  of  Jesuitism. 

(John  Da  vies.) 
1659.     Journal  of  Proceedings  between  Jansenists  and 

Jesuits.     (John  Da  vies.) 


w. 

\A 

vA 
< 

< 

GQ 
< 

Xa 
Q 


Q 

Ph 


< 
o 

Eh 

CO 

Q 

a 

p 
o 


CO 


M 


^  03-g  !>>'^ 
O  cc  '^  O)  c3 

(D    >-i    rt  ^^ 
^^     ^^  S^n 

o  '^  a;  a;  5 
^  o  ""  ci  d 

^  -^  '^;=!  T? 
fl  ^  H   03  fl 


> 
Hi 

c3 


o 
o 


;3 


CO 
I 

CD 

CO 


+= 

f^ 

c^ 

r/5 

+-> 

<1i 

OJ 

X3 

1 

<u 

ro 

'^ 

<p 


oc2  a 


d  o 


<D  CO 


o 

o 
o 


t^    '"'  CO 
(N  -M  C^ 

■     G 


a 

o 
o 


03*^ 

a 


c3 
03 


05 

O 
O 


CO   -— H 


0) 

o 

03 

d 
d 


-d 

bD 
o3X3 

O 


c3 


3dS 


c^ 


d 
o 


T3 


bfl 

d 


be 

d 


^■3      S 


d  o)     ^  "^     ^ 


o3 
O 


03  o 
o  o3 


o3 


d 

d 


o  bO 

^  a 

f^o3 

-d  o< 
HP 


d 

d 

o 
A 

o 
A 

O 


o 
d 

rd      O 

^  A 
m  '^ 

d    CO 

xn  m 
d 

03 


CO 


A 
A 

o 


■4-3 

o3 
A 


a; 
•+3 


+3 
d 
o 


cu 
o 
d 
d 

03 

d 

;-> 

O 

8  ° 

bD^ 

;>..^ 

^   o3 


Oh 

d 
,d 

03 

<u 

bC 

d 


(P   03 
o3  b   <1^ 

^   rd      W 


03 

bO 

0 
bC 

d 
rd 


o 
o 

§ 


o 


03 

d 

d 
o 
O 


d 

a; 


e  d 
^^ 

•Ed 

CO    O) 


CO 
CO 


A 
03 


d 


S-^      .2 


o 

CO 


0 


■^        c; 


IB 

m 


I 

0  d 


d 
o 
d 

d 


1 

a; 


o 
a 

o 
;> 
d 


00 

^J  CO 

d' 


0 
d 

a:. 

0 
o 

O 

a 


0 
a 

+3 

o3. 

e4-i 

03 


ci 

CO 
lO 

CO 


0 


o 
o 


CQ 


^-^ 


'^  d 

^  0 

d  d 

o3  ^ 

TSl 


03 


O 

xn 
0 

0 

I— I 

Xtl 

d 

Q 


bO 

d 

tSJ 

•fH 

CQ 


0 

O 

4-3 

03 

N 

d 

03 


d 

0 

-d 

o 

-1-3 


A       ^)^ 


o 


m 


xn  g 

>^ 

be  0) 

0  0 

d  +3 

0 

a 


506 


APPENDIX   B 


507 


CO 

a, 


CO 

C3 


JO 
CO 


u 

O 

o 

H 
Q 

w 

Eh 

o 


(X> 
-t-i 
M 

o 
d 

-(-3 

O 

+3 


02 


13 
O 

a 


-US        IN 
^   c3^  00 

9^^  S  •'-  '^  -^ 

--'^  O  T3   >-» 
o  -^  ^  5  ^ 

M  •-*    «      ^      j;3      ^H 
y»'   <4-H  ►^    .^      l-H   ...H 


CO 

d 
o 

r— I 

CO 


PI 


Ph 

O 


I 

1  ^ 


02    •>■ 

1=1 
cr 

0^ 


ill' 

a 
o 


73 

M 
03 


O 

-t-3 

0) 

o 

d 
o 
o 

OS 
O 

.2 

O 

<    ^ 

\  a, 


Tfi 

VO 


03 


o 
o 
o 
d 
o 
O 


"o  o 

:aa 

^  S  c 
'^S  o 

o 


^      ■ 

Soo 

^^ 


O 

03    IK 


a 

o 


-d 


a  d 


d 

m 

M 
o 

03 


CO 

o 
o 
o 


02 

o 


-1-3 


d 


^  >^ 


> 

d 
o 
o 


02  ID 

M 

d  <=> 

.     CO 


d 
O 


03 

-,►^03 
W)o 

a^ 


0) 
CD  . 


?3i 


(72 


O 
pd 

03 

O   ly 

O 

.!:rO  o 

"l.a 


o3 
m 


d 

a'^ 

o  o 

<4-l 

•t^  o 

.§^ 

o 
d 
cr 


d 

a, 

o 
4^ 


a .. 


d  o,  o 

^  d 

o-d  ^H 

o  dt5  s:S 

O   O   G    -,   a> 

S    ft-"^    d    ^ 
13         c3   o   d 

^  old  '^O 
03^  <U  c3  pO 

-d    ?_       ^  K    d 

.a  o  fi  -- 


1-d    k^ 


03    bC  02 

a  *=> 

'^  'd  Q^ 

►.  ^„  C    d    !-.  ' 

c3  d^.2  K'^ 
J  ^-d-S-d 


^Id^'-d 


508  APPENDIX   B 


I  ^  bX)  ^  §)  ®  C^ 


g ^ ] 

EH 

p 

O 
1^ 


C35 


APPENDIX  B 


509 


w 
o 


H 
O 


03 


o 
d 


■^   O   O    Q- 


^ .. 

o  5  c! 
o  a.  - 

2  >  =^ 

O   " 

^  <1^  ^ 

^^^'^ 


o 

^   OJ   " 
rH   o  tn 

•^  c3^ 


O 
w 


o 


M  en 


c3 


ill 

_^    C3    M    M 
C3    t,    S^    ^ 

o  c  d  >» 


05 

.00 

fl  ft 


cr 

;^ 

o 
ft 

o 

en 

ra 
to 

I 

o 

c3 

I— ( 


I 


d    d    mOS 

>  ft 


g)^ 


d 
o 
d 


ft 


5j  02  rd 

SI— (    ^ 

.d  -M  pj 
-M  pd  ^ 

d   bJD^ 

d  d-p 
o  o 

^^ 

ft  ryj 

d  cu 
ft> 


o 

,d 


d 

d 
o 


o 

cd 

Oj 

ft 

> 
o 


+3 

d 


bD-2 
*-•        0^7=! 

^  <p  >^  ft3  -d  ^  o 
^:g  o      ^ 


o^-g 


^  ^  d 
«2  W)-d 

-i^.S  d 

o3  o  o 

d  o 

d  o  t2 
O  CI  -^ 

ftO  o 

^  o3  d 
1^  a;  -^ 

03    i-i    r^ 
pd  ^    O 

t«  cjid 


^- 


'::l^2ft 

^  d.S  d  d 

^   03   ^   O^ 
O  cc  >  o  o 

O-^   ^.t^  03 

cu  j=|'-^  d"^ 

b    O)    (K    ^  -d  , 

g^^  ^  d  bc 

Ot3   O   O   2 
-^^    rt  -t^  -d    d 


d^ 

o  « 
73  O 

CO  rd 

o  ^ 

si 

O)  o3 
r<  +-^ 
d    d 


bD 

d 


(-1 

CI 

-(J 


m 

O 
O 

pq 
d  d 

O  c3 

d,o3 


o3 


^    0-2 


3^S?r* 


d^^ 


m 

ft 


m 


a 


o 

03 


o 


610  APPENDIX  B 


•<s> 


> 

Hi 


?3i 

CO 

t^ 

CO 

IN 

1 

rd 

o 

e3 

a 

o 

-tJ 

CQ 

o 

^ 

-4-= 

bO 

PI 

•— < 

"o 

o 

o 

CQ 

^ 

^ 

OJ 

^ 

<o 

^ 

02 

■+3 

o 

• 

^ 

o 

p 

K 

-1-3 

S] 

che 

ine. 
end 

t: 

lesl 
sq. 

t^ 

a 

> 
o 

a 

o3 

i:      art      o:=i  o«o 

> 

'une    : 

d'une 
sans  fi 

homm 
nterva 
.ntes  r 
i.  6. 

§ 

;-( 

^                X.r^               ^"^^ 

H! 

,    qui 

cheveu 
fin,  qu 

icy  tou 
■  divers 
nos  par 

T3 

o 

a 

u 

-1-3               m     to               r-(     H 

CD           <D    a           pJ    03  -JJ 

0 

OUS  r 

able    au    ventel 

aleine 

te  en  plain  Est6  1 

ion  qui  prend  sai 

esprit, 

i  le  change  fait  q 

t  qui  s'agitant  p 

;onner  doucemen 

o 

•I—a 

3 
o 

O 

>> 

c3 

oux 
3re    nui 

PI 

a    S    ^3    ^?.t^ 

r^ 
PM 

(U         MO        if   O   "3 

APPENDIX  B 


511 


CO 


80 
-to 

e 


CO 


W) 


o 


<v 
m 

CD 

Xfl 

a 

03 


I 

(-1 

d 


+3 

o3 


o 


d    C3    M 


rt 

O 
;-( 

o 
A 


Pi 
o  •• 

m 
o  c3 


bO 


P! 

"m 


I  ^  • 

o3t^ 

:;  bC 

a; 
> 


&. 


-  > 

bJO  o3 


o 


m 


O)  o  rt  d 
<D    t-i    3   c3 

o  o  d 

o    .       o 
,,  S  <i^  o 

;-i    CD 
"^3    C3  •'^     CQ 

>    -o3':g 

bJDO^ 

^^ 
O   1=1 


o3 


a; 


03 
O 


o 


W      HH<Ia2 


T3 

PI 
pi 
o 

M 

bD 
Pi 

o 

a 

03 

rO 

02 
Pl 

02 

o 
c 

m 

CG 
Xi 


pi 

o 

03 

o 

-1-3 
•  pH 

d 
o 
o 

< 

.d 

a; 
;h 

,d 

d 

-i-H 

,d 


d 


,d 

02 


a; 


> 


a, 


o 


P4 


PS 
O 

d 


■x- 


*  V. 


c    * 


O  a; 
jj  I— I 

.S  M 

^^ 
bD*^ 

d  ^ 

I- 

03    O 


d 

03 
03 

On 

O 


03 

,d 


d  ',H 

o  o 

•^  o3  OJ 
o      ^ 


* 


rd 
o 

03 


03 
^  -.M    02 

gT3  d 

>     >.3 


03 

a 

02 

03 


o3   jH 


* 


CO   •!-! 


02 

03 

03 

d 
o 

a 

d 

CI 

PI 


o 

-i-H 

bD 

d 

d 

Oh 
02 

d 

o3 

oT 


c3 


* 


o3 


Ci 
.  -^J 
T3-d 

;-.  bjo 

^- 

^  03 

O  <+-( 
+^  O 

O  -^^ 
02 1-3 

^  d 
opq 


03 

o 
d 
d 

•f-H 

,d 

02 

bC 

d 

bC 

d 

o3 

,d 


03 
O 


d 
o 

a' 


CI 
,T3 


bC 

■C.d 

o3  o 

C)     H) 


CO 

I 


a, 


-Lj    03  'd 

Sag. 

03 


4^ 

bC 

,d 
o 

d 


^:d 


.2^0 

-t-^   bCO 

Id  +^ 
^       02 


fe 


o 
02 
d 

-t-3 

03 

03 

<4-l 

03 
•  p-i 

rd 

o 
03  fig 

'^  -d 


d 
o 

-t-3 
O 

a 


03 

d 
o 

•  I-H 
O 


CI 
02 

o 

oT 
bC 

d 
d 

CI 

rd 

o 

> 

03 
CI 


>  d 

bC"^ 


4^  d  in 

bC  "0  2 

'd  "^  >i  d  '^ 
d:j3x3  c3  "J^ 

S  2  -i^  ^ 

03  o3 


d 

03 


03 


c3-r; 
73   p: 


^  c3   r2   <-i 
bJObC'^^ 


73 

d 

03 


tH     -  d 

c  bog 

a  d  CI  -e 


bX)^ 
02^ 

ri^      !»     O      d 


03 


> 
o3 

02 


03 

03 

rd 


o 

C 


IS 

02  — ' 


^3 
o3 
^  d 

dco 


o3  o3  CL  "^ 

d.a  1 2^ 

-"-^034:2 


03 

-t-3 

CI 

d 

•I— I 
03 

03 

e 


-t-= 

02 

03 


o 

02 

o 

rd 


d  '^ 

bC 


-       h! 


WWHW 


o 


d 


03 


d.-S^ 


+3 

^:d 


4^  > 


o 

I 

,d 
o 
d 

CI 

02 

d 
o 

bD 

d 
o 

•r5 
d 
d 
o 
02 

!i 
>'& 

L  03 


a 


Oh^Hh^H 


02 

Si    a 

CI 

PQ     <! 


OJ 

o 

OJ 

d 


512  APPENDIX  B 


.t^  DQ  '-  -J^  ''S  "^ 

o  m  o  fl  1^  S^  '^ 
g   ^  d  ^j:^  o-;^  o^a 


w . 


S 


5R  03 

O    0 

^  o 

m 

d     -^ 

S.-t; 

'S^ 

!r!  tn 

cc  _« 

03 

^ 

^.(   0) 

^-^ 

• 

B  «2 

M 

-^     O 

d 

f^.!3 

03 

53       Ej'O  2-::2  ^,  S  y  53  03  oj-S  33      .i^-^.a  n. 


APPENDIX  B  513 

S      ^      ^     -Hb-Sbcj     "^-S     ^       •         cb     ^     ^  S^ 


-^J 


•^  Qj  O    ty    fT^  CU    Kn         P^       •-?  -^  _?•   I  ^  r^        S-1    M 

^  d       ^       I    •ij'^f     -Ig       a;      ^^1  ^      ^      Z^^ 


H 


-t-3  r-H  •^C-fJ-id-+^X5  "^  '^'^n 

I  .c.'o^-^'^        I-      go     I      o^        §W      ^      g 


514 


APPENDIX  B 


OD 


C5J 


09 

1 

0^ 


1^ 

O 


O 
P 

o 
o 

hi 

W 


M 


T3 

S-3 


o 

Oh 


o3' 


>^    W)cj 


O 

o 


S..g 

o 

03 


^  2 

03 


^-B 


2""  ^ 

03    b- 


a 

'*'    q;    ;^ 


T3 
03 


1=1 
03 

a 

t3 


.a 

1^< 


.CO 

pco 

03  >0 

02 

(U  CO 

&■•- 

> 


(1 


W) 

7i 


03 

02 

1=1 

03 
m 


m 

B 

o3 


bO 


■^ 


APPENDIX  B  515 


o^-^T  .s^,.S 


a         {>>  S      M  w)  w)  "S  fe  iS      (u 


S      fl    ^      B      OJ  r,  b-      3      <l^     03     eg 


r^ 


a< 


^     :S  .a  M^  s-^  "^    Z; 

•'^ii^^^'oy      -^  ^     -d 


516 


APPENDIX  B 


W 
w 

o 

o 
o 

w 


Q 

CO 

J- 

"^ 


o 

c3 
m 

;-( 

<v 
■*^ 

O 


c3 


O 

o 


•^    0)   .. 
TJ  rd  -rj 

CI  ^-c! 

^■^  g'S  2j^ 


O 


o3 


a 

o 


P 
O 

> 


o3  --H  t3 


O   O 


c3  -t-= 
o3  O 


t+J  <+-!   , 


a 
•1— ( 

-(J 
03 


o 


O 
M  ■ 


bC 

^^ 

O  o3 

E  ^ 


(M 


"a 
o 

o 


,£1 


a 

C! 
}-> 
o3 


03 


-if  ^^ 


a; 
■-1  rr^ 


CD 

a 

a, 


o 

c3 

1=1 

O 


03 
<D 

.a 

CO 

o 


o 
»o 

d. 

CD 
O) 


c3 


«2  03 


en  m 


O) 


a;i 


■§5 

:3  o3 

"^^  a 

-M  o3 

MM 


bCo3 
m 

d  o 

73 


02 
U 

o 


o 


Oh 
CO 

02" 
0) 


d 
O 

*d^ 
^  bC 

m 

d    CO 
2    P3 

a^ 

d^ 

"Trt  a 


■*^  o 

d  ID, 


d 
d 


d 
cr 


03 


GO  GO 

o  d    , 

73  O    ^1 

M  S   03 

d  03^ 

K>>  d 

d  "  o 

GO  o^ 

"  '^  d 


o 

d73 
o 

-^^ 

OO 


02    ^ 

d+^ 
-  o 
2  d  t» 


e^     Q^ 


02 


03 


02 

d 
o 
d 


m^ 


o'd 

«   O 

-o 


I 

d 

d 
o 

02 

•r-H 

03 
03 


'03 

O) 
;-> 

a 

o 
m 

CD 

d 
o 

d 
— •  ui 


02 


GO 

d 

03 

'^ 

o 
o 

CO 


d  ■ 

02 

d  a;  N 


-fJ  GO 
GO  d 
03  ^ 


a^S  c3  a^ 

03  03  02       ^ 


02 

d 

o3 


O 

o 

03 

a, 

d 
o 

CO 

D-d 


0^  -^ 


d 

73 

02 


d 
o 

m 
'3 
O 
02 

d 
d 


g^73 

^  o<d 
ti  >;  02 

03    d    02 


d 

03 

•  p-H 

d 

a 
I 

-1-3 

d 
o 

H 
d 

73 

d 
o 
d 
d 
o 

73 
02 

i-i 


d 
o 
d 


02 

u 

m 
02 

02 
U 
-M 
t« 
O 

d 


0) 

rd 

o 
03 


03 

02 

02 


d 
o;) 
d 
d  ^ 


02 

o 

d 

02 

d 

02 
U 
O 

02 


CO 

d 

o3 

CO 

02 

d 

02 


CO  4J 

Q^  d 

OJ 
02 
O 


d 

73 

02 
02 


\ 
m 

d 
a, 
I 


o.-t^ 


o3  4^ 

X  ^ 
d  "^ 


a 


03 


02 


d    02 


+f.i:  03 

d  o3— < 

02  ^ 

a  <^ 

.a  ^::J 
d  Dh 

d 


d 

02 


d    -  ij 

bCjH-' 


CO 

CO 


d  y  t^  d^ 


CO 

O 


fH 

03 


^-H    ^    02 

CO 

o 


o 


d    02 

c>^  03 


y^fi^Q 


APPENDIX  B 


517 


W 
o 

H 
cc 

la 
o 
1^ 

w 
o 
o 

w 


09 


CO 


03 


fe    02    h 

^  c  o    -  o 
Tj  c3;3^^  Pi 

03  .^ '2^ 
;3 


OJ 


vr,  ^  03     ^  I 

C    o3    ^  ^  M 

^  COX!  si;  > 
13  ;?  M 


03 
m 


a 

o 

03 


■4^ 

cn 

Sh 

03 

o 
oT 

o3 

a 

02 


03 

B 

1^ 


02 


03 


§11^-5 .a|  a 


o3 

a 
-^ 

o 


•Si  a 


^  c3-;3 

^  rt'a 

03  a5 
o  o^ 


xi 
cu 
to 

^  ■ 

O 


w 

o 

02 

03 
o 

+3 


■X- 


* 


I 

u 

o3 
ps 
bO 

C 

QJ 

M 

CO 

a; 

c; 
a; 


o 

PI 
o 

o 

o 

P5 


pi 
o 
o 

a 

a 


CO 

cu 


^ 

^ 


pq 


'  1^    °    m 
q;    M  73    Pi    ^      o  2 

^   S   PI         0)^   -^ 


*  .a 


02 

O 

;h  .. 
£^ 

03  Oi 
bDO 


Is 


* 


0)    0)    d  QJ 


t3 
a; 
Pi 

§  CO-      o  ^  t^ 


o      S 
fe      ^ 


Si 

o3 
0) 


^    CO    tc 


CO 

a; 


P! 

O 

CO 

c3 


P! 
O 

02 


'1-'   "^    -+^    -LJ   r  ■, 


o3 
j:3 


02 


02  ' 

-*-5 


&a 

-tj  -M  -r;  S-, 
02         On 


CD 
+^ 

a 


HPh 


-(-3 

a. 

o 
ca 
I 

02 


O^ 


o  o   - 

T7^    CO  JD   r^ 


I 

u 

> 

o 
o 

t> 

03 

03 


o  2 
■^-§ 

o3  d 

"^   13 
02    O 

bf)0<*H 


02 
•r— s 

o3 


CO 


a 

u 

02 

O    0) 


M 


^t.4 


CD 

rd      CO      H 

-fJ  -^^  .S 


to 


02 


Pi 

03 


c3 

02 

02 

a 

o3 

tin 


— •  ^ 

^  ^  >» J^  >>  >>^  ^ 


.    Cl    O    u^    '-' 


O    OJ     <y 
Pi 

!^   «^-^   CO 

1^  jh  5R 


OJ 

^ 


02 

o 
u 

pi 
o 

rd 
-(J 


aa 

02  , 


Pi 
O 

Sh 


pi 
O 


+3 

pi 

o 

rPl 


^^    02 

H  p; 


02  %^ 

^   OJ   o3   CO 

"  a 


^\  - 
o3   o3  _Q 

co"^ 
P! 


O 


a-s;g 

a  ^"iS  a; 
®   -■;3  jpi 

MX!    Pi   :3 
^^   O 


o 


o 


o 

02 

Pi 
03 


f-i  xi 
o3  4^ 

^02' 

pi' 


0 

^ 


02 
Pi 

o 

02 

CO 
0) 


0) 

pl^ 

n,  02 
bD 

o.P! 
d  +^ 

M.bp 


pq 


-(^  -M 

iG  t;  o 
r^H  o  > 

02  4^  t^  t^ 
be  02-i-;^ 

CO    >    ;>    02  _ 

'   §3  bC  O   5  i^   o   8  'S 

jd  d:^P5  d  d-c^ 

^Hx5-dxlco.^  d 
^  ^  -^-^ 

;>.d 

mo 


02  '-s 

031— I 


02 


T-l  "^  "02 

t-i    02    >-i  ^-'      ^  ^ 

^  -d  d  o  ^-  o 
OHOa2<<^ 


518  APPENDIX  B 

r  ••(-'II 

"       in  g  o    .  '^  ,    o  o) 


;i 


, — CO ■ 


P  S         -^^      :^        s"       ^ 

^  H     C  §      ^  fl  .S  a;  CO 

•S      0)  rt      g  S      ;^     fl 

— '  4^  ;=!    .  ?3    Ph    0^ 

^^  ^  ^  8  s:^  ^ 

43  OJ  cr  S  "2  ri  S 

^  dec  t^  <u  o 


APPENDIX  B  519 


03    3     ^'Z'^  CD'S     ^  e    oj  ^     -g-^     ^H  ^^  > 


fa     _         - 

D  W  J-'  Sh  •?!       •»       "^ 

^  d  o30    1    *^         tc  2        -Ho 


Cl 


f-H 


^hSHO<W;^h-l     OH 


520 


APPENDIX  B 


W 
^ 


O 


CO 


00 

CO 

d 
e 

CO 

as 


02 


05 


o 

CO 

d 
a 


H-3 


CO 


•  »-* 

a, 

I— I 

•1—1 

CQ 

o 


13        •  •» 


OJ 


02 

^  I 

O  (D 

C  ^  o 

'   ^  <^ 

O  f-. 

12;  Q 


03 


72 


Hi 
O 


03 

o3 


03 

a 

03 


;:3 
o 
o 

o 
PI 

to 

a 

,o 
:^ 

O) 

-(-3 

a 


s  o  o 


OS 


CO 


02 
t-i 


O 

"X3 


o3 


CO 


Jh    fajO 

>.  o 


•  *v 


CO   (^   O 
c3        -tJ 


03    M 

.  jj  TO 

a^T3 

O   fH   CO 
W2   S   O 

,JMOa;rt03«^f_,         ■*I^ 

^  ^  ^  >  S^  ;h  0^ 


03 

3     TO     ^ 

>  c3  — H  3 

-cc  o  '^  c 
OJ      M  j^  g 

S  Cl    03    •  -  03 
S    >    0^    3 

03 


4J 


O, 


O)   i    a^-^    >    S^   ;h    0^ 
+3  f.  Kl  Jh  '-H    Sh 

2r!f  ^  O'JZi        O  0^  o 


O 
o3 

rc:  o 

^a 


a; 
> 

+3 

03 


(B 


O 


^    -^^ 
Sti 


CO 

> 

1— H 

> 

o 

I 


02 


bO.co 


•  O 

•  o 

CO  -; 

^  o 

o  a> 

03  ° 

>  02 

n  =^ 


m 


1.^ 


CO 


-1-3 
O 

03 

-1-3 

bD 


o 

03 
73 

-t-3 

o 

T3 

u 

o3 
03 

O 


o 


APPENDIX  B 


521 


CO 


C3i 

so 

CO 

d 
e 

as 


m 

<o 

:^  .. 
be  cu 
a  ^ 
o 

fee 


m 


+2  O-r: 

S    02    03 


02 
+3 

o 
d 

02 
0) 

&: 
m 


03 


00 


o  o  '-' 

lill 


© 

QC 

s 

O 

m 

3 

«4-l 

v/J 

^ 

m 

-(J 

;3 

O 

;h 

-*^ 

ti 

rll 

•i-H 

O-P 

^ 

m 
O 

.S 

u 

+3 

O 

CO 

sJ 

O 

-t-> 

■73 

O 

0) 

tn 

fl  ;3 

M 

O 

^ 

0) 

:3 

(4-1 

o 

^-^ 

;-i 

ro 

-M 

WO 


in 


Oi 

o 

CO 

I 

Oi 
(N 

d 

CO 


-a 

CO  fe 
O  m 


^^  ^  '-H  "^     02 

o3     -  1:3  rt   « 


02 

o 
o 

02 
02 

bfl 

o 

o 

•^^ 

02 


02   03  3   -     =" 
J-l    O)    ^ 


Pi 


OP 


3C>So-^o3^ 


CD     (-)     r/1  r    . 


03  '. 

c3 


-3    '  d  o  o 

MoSa^^^^O.S 
o3  ~ 


^:=So2^g 


522 


APPENDIX  B 


< 
H 
P^ 
< 


60 

O 


•<S' 

CO 
CO 


o 


Oi 


a 


CO 


T3 


00 

Si 


CO 

o 
H 

o 
4J 


a; 


fcJD  o 


O 
> 


^1 


m 


c3 


a; 

a 


o; 


o 


CO 

<4-l     > 

3. a 


O   (U 
O  03 


o 


c3 


flH    CO 


CD 

m 

-1-3 

13 


a 

o 
o 


PQoQH 


CQO* 


I 


4-S 


t3 
03 


03 
02 


o 


d 
o 


o 
;3 


c3  bC  O 

o  ^ 
o  o 


03 
-p  ■ 


o 


I 


-t-3 


CO 

03 

& 

CI 
O 


O 
;-i 
bO 

O 

CO 

03 
;-i 


H*J^H 


CO 

;-!  a; 
(^  o 

C3 


pC  a  o 

teg  «^ 

o.-^  a  a 


(D 


o3  bC;: 


CO   J3  -^^   O 

o  g^.a 

Cli       o3 


I 

O 

to 


bD 

1=1 

•  rH 
U 

o 

o3 


03 

«+-! 

CO 

bO 

.a 

(D 

;-< 
03 

•i-i 


O 
Pi 

A 

-h3 

d 

03 


APPENDIX  B 


523 


m  ^ 


CO 

O 


(D  . 

^    C3    r-i 


05 


• 

O) 

CO 

e 

CO 

*\ 
HO 

CO 

<» 

»»o 


e3 

^-^ 

O    05 
c3  O 

•^§« 
III 

HO 


O 
-d 

o 
o 

u 


O 
u 

T3 
PI 
c3 


O   ^ 


O 
O 


-t-3 

cn 


i 

bO 


02  "M 


«    o 


o 
X 

P 


P 

o 

< 

w 


O 

o 

< 

Q 
< 

O 

I— ( 

<3 
H 

O 


o 
o 


^   c3   ^-(   i=l   Pi   OCO 

S3  _  -^  iS  cu      (i 


o3  m 


-^5  a 


'§-q.2^-g-^ 


03    M    OJ 

a  ^  ^-^  o  g  q5 

O      M   ^      ^H 


■j.  o  "3  o3 
'*-'  '"^  CLi 


^  g  ^ 


M  ^ 
•►^  ^ 


o 


a> 


gig  csS^ 

:3  C  d  o; 


t«  .t2  CT  c3   o3  tJ 


-^3 

o 

02 


< 

I?; 
O 


02 

•  i-H 

Fh 

c3 
Pu. 

j-T 
a; 
{>> 

o 

^^ 

Oi 

o 


Qi 


_    CD   (D  >^ 

^  o  a; 

vo)  Trt  4^  r  4^ 

.1^  S,  C  o  ^ 
5-l  O  O  '^-'   cc 

O 
C3 


00 
c3  00 

•I— s 


c3 


a; 


1-5 


4J 


§s 


CO 

•<s> 

<3 

CO 
CO 


CO 
O 


cc 


O 


::^  S"5 


.3-1^ 


(4-1 

m 

a; 

a 

o 

73 


tc  o  a:i  o  :3 
^  S  ?n  §  -^ 

J-;     (U     O)     « 

^H  o3        O  '^  ^ 
"^^^   a   S   03   O 

^^^  >     • 
■^  faD^j  02P 

CC.2  in  ^    ^ 
rl  cc  o 

o3   ^  -t^ 
CO  o3 


O 


o 

§1 


;=! 
o 
d 


^    ^    '^ 

fl  ^  S 

a;        ^  o  S^ 


O' 


0) 


O 
•  I— ( 

o3 


"^    rs    -! 

524 


s  ^  ., 

5  13  a; 


0) 


<D 


^    -.    CO    S]    O}    o3    M 

-t^  4^  o  o  a;      "3 
•r;  co^  5  ^c  > 

-3   03   03  ^   0^  53   OJ 
JlJ  _   0)  o3  -O  o;  CQ 


APPENDIX    C 


525 


o 
u 

< 


O 
<D    X    w 


a 

m 
O 


O  o 


.-•§ 


o 

h- ( 

O 


I 

CD 

a; 
cr 

«2 

o 

to 

<D 


O 


CO 


> 

•P-H 


•  -  5h    O    i)     I 

O   2   QJ^   o3 
'"'  >-i  w  ^  ri 

d*;::;  ?  "^  a 

o  ^   o3 

fi  CO  c!  o  :^ 
£  ^  O  *-  c3 
c3   3   _   o3   '^ 

55    ^    C3    C3 

^^%^  d 

SS^Ia 

q;  ^  ^  qT    . 

o;^  2  j:::;  p 
;3       03  o  aj 


I 

1=1 

o 


!> 


o 

02 

m 

O 

m 

O 
i=l 


C/2 


00 


0)      . 

a  > 


O   o3 

03  -M 

02  o 

;-! 
m  <^ 

©  a 

> 

a  '^ 
."d  I— I 

:=! 

^  a 

I- 

03  2 

^  a 


s  ^    s 

O   CTo  « 

c3-c:   -3 

'5  133  -*J 

o       I::  a 

O   S     -co 


;_  „  ri  Gc  o 
%  §  S.2  S 

CT  c   o  ?*  M 


a 


a  > 


w 

s 

O 

u 

;-! 

,o 

u 

o 

<A 

73 

a 
o 

m 

0^ 

zn 

O  '^H 

<V 

U 

UJ 

3 

-£3 

o; 

fl 

03 

** 

bn 

-M 

■*^ 

<■) 

rn 

C3 

H 

QJ 

c 

:; 

CO 

o 

-^3 

s 

fl 

O 

~-2a 

>■    02    OJ 

CO 

o 


a 
a 

o 
o 


526 


APPENDIX   C 


12; 
o 

< 


03"^ 

-g  a 

03 

ta  I 


^  o 

o 

-t-3 


O  rt  DQ  n 


03 


M 


'^ 


O 

o 


B 

c3   O  2 

'-.So 
•^  o 

'^  to  O 

S3 

03    O 

0 
03 


02 


»o 


-<-3 
U 


M 

o 


_^   O)  CO  M    S 

O  W  o  '^ 

I— 1  M  R    O 

o  '^  2  03 


03  c  §.2     . 
J3  H  03  ?; 


•  ci  a  »2  ^ 


-^       s 

;-(       o3 
2        S  a3 


S^03«g 

•  ^H  w    -^    G 

""  b  s  ^,  ^ 

^5i^-2  o 


So 


05    ._-  g 


S   .  ^ 

>^  >■  03 


CD 

•  ^H 

bC 

•  ^H 

•■t^ 

0 

03 

a 

f-< 

rO 

o3 

o3 

0 

^ 

c3 

<V 

;h 

13 

0 

cr' 

^ 

•i-H 

•- 

rt 

cfl 

T3 

<u 

^ 

T3 

Fh 

s 

13 

a 

o3 

•  ^H 

-M 

;-! 

•  1— ( 

0 

a 

0 

03 

13 

m 

cr 

0 
-M 

>v 

fl 

o3 

0 

Prim 

Nasc 
ndet. 

0 

& 

OJ 


CO  o3  05 


-^T3 


OJ  <U  o3 


«  = 

g  = 


O 
CO 


10 


ID 
d 

-  o 

CD  a 

02   O) 

-Sa 

"-   o 


APPENDIX  C 


527 


pq 
< 

w 

H 

CO 


w 


o 
o 

pq 


O 

o 
pq 

< 

O 


H 
^ 

•1^ 

o 

M 

-B 

H 

•> 

^ 

CO 

O 

C5 

CO 


'.'3  ^ 

^  S?  d 

S  0^  K^      •? 

^  ^  g  o 

^  fi  B  tc 

.-TO  r3 

M    0)  « 

^     t3 

^  o  o 

Q^^a  o 


qQ 


X 


X 


■    ■    0) 
O  CD 


O   o 

"if! 


S6^ 
p5  fl.  ^ 

a:2^  o 

J"  ;-(  tc 

S   <l^   <3^ 

tn 
;3        ^ 


m 


^  ^  o 


a 

o 
:=! 


a3  S  t>-    - 


cc 


,13 


>< 


><1 


o 

O 


o  <" 
el 

a    02 

M  7^  -^^  -^ 


a 


c3    r 

5l 


cc 


bD 


o 
Hi 


03 


:^  rt 


(U^  ;3 


o 

C  0^  S 

^  .^  ^ 


O)    03 

d 

d    M 


03 

02 


a  P  o  9^.  S 


cc 

t^  c3  o 


02 


X5 


O 


d 
o 

S-5 


rd    J^     §^ 

O    _.    i-^    n 

X  a; 
d  d 


d 


d 

O    02 

bC  OJ 


d 

O 


S5 


O  o3 


^><^^Sd-S 


d  «2  o  2 
t3 


d 


(M 


w  o3  PrS  a;  02 
03 


d   ^S 

.2^  a-JsUd  a 


o 
d 


528 


APPENDIX  C 


J2: 

o 


02    CO 


+2 


r1    Cij 


03 


O 
02 


a 
o 


p    02 

o  W 


;£5        fl 


a 


K><l    0  .S 


X 


hH    fH    O 


c3 


02 


m 


CO 


:3 

X5 

brrt 

fl 

P 

o 

O 

+= 

C/J 

<i) 

^ 

A 

cn 

-^ 

03 

CD  ^ 

+=    > 

•  I— ( 

02    o 


o3 


03 


S  O 


m 

5i 


1^  o3 

o 

o3;S 

W  2 


^  d  1^    - 

3  <^  o    • 
^%^\ 

O   o3  tcFSr 

;3    O.S 
^   M   o 

-O  •:3  4^ 
fanH   '^ 

T-!        •     O    (U 

C<  ZJ  m  > 
c3  o;s^  O 


1^ 

M 

o 


o 


m 


q; 


m 

cc 

o 
> 

CO 

O 

•  i-H 

o3 
P3 

02 


5  o3 

03  ^^ 

jj  o3 

0:1    Jh 

t^  i 


;3 


o 


d    QJ 

,bCT3 

O    K] 


CO 
CO 

d 


o 


10 


CO 


ac3.2i 

02  CJ 

O   fH   ;3 
O   cfi   S 

hDd  a 

03  p   (D 


0)    f- 


T3 


(H    ^^    -t-> 

add 
2d 

03    (U    d 


•  1—1      . 

0."H 

a^„ 


02 


2  2 


d 


53  d  ^ 


a  tiD 


02 

^& 

ad 

02 

d    02 
d    <D 

m 


02 


^-.  "  '^ 
«  02  d 

•r-( 

d 
o 

02 
02 
U 

O 


^  > 

o  d 

02^ 

03    02 

>-H 

02 


s    a 


^% 

02  g 
'03'*-' 

02  .t^ 

02«d  .JH 
'"'    (i:>    ^ 


a, 
02 

o 

02 

fH 


^H      p-(       ^J 

d  ^^ 

d      ^  O 


02  ^ 


d-^.c3 


CO   o3 


.,4  <D 

'*"  2  d 
d  d 


02 

•-5 

•1— ( 

2   0^     . 

i^a 

t>. 

fO 

'(^  o3 

ro 

■t^           d 

'^  ri  d 
02   2  -Ij 
fH   o3  ti 

^   S  0 

02    02^ 
^    d    02 

H  o;  OJ 
d  ^ 

.  o3  ■-( 


APPENDIX  C 


529 


O     K>1 


on 

< 

CO 


<! 
O 

< 

O 


o 

M 

O 


O 


4^ 


Si 


03, 

Pi 

bC 

O 

CO 


O 

a 

03 


Oi 


03   5l  'T' 


0JT32 


OJ 


C|  'O    03 


o 

03 
03 

«4-l 


03  -^^ 


CC    03  1^ 

ri    02 

C3    03 


Hi 

03 


03 
O  -M 

d 

03 


o 

03 

-g 
03 
}-i 

pd 


03 

a 

03 
> 

d 

o 

o 
d 

03 
O 


03 

d 

o 

03 
S-i 

d 

d 

03 


o     , 
dts 

CO  *~N 


o 

d 


03 
t-i 

03 


Sog 


<» 


73 

d 


02 
CO 

CO 

03, ,« 

HH    c3   o3 


d 

O 
02 


o 


03 

d 

O    5h' 

^a 

03—* 
o;i 

d  ^ 
dTJ 


o 
d 

'-^   o3 

0)   rd 

03      . 

§1 

.  o 

',3  5 


02 

4^ 


03 


O 
O 


d 
o; 

4^    OJ 

ii 


4^ 

CO    2 
<S  03 


M  p 


o; 


u 

03 

.^^ 
13 -^ 

;=!  o3 
o  d 

bDO 
03  >, 

d    02 
-C    O 

-   bD 


02 

<l^   ^   02   «2t3 
03'^^   ^ 


o; 

O 
73 


02 

03 

•  I— I 
02 

o; 


03 
X2 


03 
02 
4^ 


02  t+H 
d° 


d 
o 
;>. 

oT 

O 


O 
;-( 

02 

o 
d 


d  ^ 

l-d 

CO 


03    (S 

CO 

'd  1^ 


03 

fQ 

o 


03    O 


x) 


gg> 


03 

^    d 
Ot3 


d  o 

o  +^ 

d.^ 


>i  O 

^    03 


03 


tn  d 

02    03 

o3-d 


d  *^  -^  ?^ 
;-(  d  o  s-i 


o 
d 

d  a.2 

*q;    03  rd 


CO 


CO 
CO 

d  a. 


03 

rd 

c3 

03 
X! 


O    03 

---^ 
5_    W 

03-d 

0.03 

+:>    d 

Cj    C3 

CQ  ,  ^  (  ^^  j     '^     ^w'    ^^    ^— '    «*^  f^^    ^^ 


03  -1^ 
Sh  c3 

O    03 

^  <^ 

02  ° 

03  O 

d    02 

b^ 

d    03 

o3   > 

as 
.2^ 


t3 
;h 
o3 
a 

.d 

03 
> 

rd 

o; 


T3 
O 

02 

d 

03 


C^ 


4^ 

CO 

O 


o3-D 


03  — H 

•  rH      t^      1^ 

d  oj 


"^  a 

CO  •--< 
03   > 

^    03 

OH 


03 

02 

03 

d 
o 


+3 

03 

rd 
o; 
d 

o3 

02 

-!-=> 
03 
O 


d 

03 
o3 

CO 
03 

S  o 
03""^ 


(V 


B 
o 


03 


OS 


TJ-d 

03    fc>D§ 


530  APPENDIX   G 


o 
o 


-<  4^  ^^  2  fl  O  rati 

:^o^  ^^a^.o^^So.       g§ 


APPENDIX  C 


531 


c3  <^   O 

fl    CO    CO 

.a  <u  -3 


^«    -    5    g;^    j^    CO^ 


t3  "^ 


6i^; 


S> 


O 


o 
■     c3 


PI 
o 
a, 
;3 


o 
o 


13 


CO 

O 


O 


o 


P! 
O 


o3 


.tJ   >- 


pi   PI 


^.    U"-> 


OJ 


02 
P! 


(1)        ^ 


■  fl  b  _  -^^  *^  -+^ 
03.2  a>  5£ 

o 


MOO 

'■  Pl^ 

>    PS 
03 


03^ 
o3X! 

OJ    CO 


o3 


CO 

P 


CO 
r       •'' 


U   o3 
■    d   03 


.^  O 


^  S       ^  CO  o3        r  >. 

O.S2  rt  ^  rt  '^  rt 


X5'-;3  73a3o3cC(^o3 


o  ^ 

1^ 


•-^.^go 

.-t^i  o'S 
se     o 

-L^    •'^     -^ 


03 
T3 


02 


•2 
CO    0)3 
"^    fl    O 

fH   o3   t»   o 

g  O  ^ 
P! 


a 

O 

;3 
o 


;3  O 
b£^ 
03 


'-^  03 


O 
O 

CD 


-    '^    '^    o 


o 


PJ 


-  ;h  '^ 

o3  tn  ^H   l> 
CO  -^    0) 

o  o  S 

Pl^<s 


o3 

<D 
O 
bD 

O 

d 
fl 

o3 
o 


d 

03 


c3 


I 

O 

o 


o 


a^_^^  Q^  PI  M  o  g 
>-X!-*-'  o.t!T3  d^.2 

03 


CO 
-  02 


d  pi  d 

o3   O   O 

"rd-^  ^ 

•^03^ 


o 


02 

d 

.2  o 

;-!  +f 
O  o3 

u  O  xn 

d  — ' 
.3 

a 


0^73  JC 
O   O   "^ 

d  -tJ 

O  a, 

d 

u 
d 


03 

O 
+3 


+3 
t^  o3  e^ 

«    d 
02:120 

d    02    O 

c3 

a« 


o 


o 

O    W 
bC-O 

^•^^ 

<4-l 
4H      O 

®    02    CO    _    „ 

ow  o  ^  G4^.>: 

O    Co 


c^ 


o 


+= 

d 
o 


X5 


> 
o 

a 


o3  a  ^  'o 


03 


02 
Pf 
O 

d 
+3 

;-( 
> 
O 


03   p:   O   d   dT3 


'o  bC  o  o 

51    d    fH    02 

dj  "^   o3 

d  a  +^ 
■jelolH  bO 


+= 

02 

a 

O 
m^ 

d    U 
S-d 

^^ 
i>>-(-3 

73  -^ 

03 
0)    rj 

+3  +3    M 

OPII^-S 
tH  o3  -^  -S 

M  3  S 

oqHM 


03 

d 

O 
+3 


CO 


d 

d 

02 
o 

o^    . 
O  bC;:^ 

o3  +=.iH 

dSl 

>>d 

"a^  2 

Mrd 

Sd 


'T3 


>>d  d 


ID 


+^ 
02 
U 

03 
O) 

d 
o 

+3 

+3 
02 

•-d 

<r>  o 

-^■^ 

O   "5      • 

d  '^  SS 
"  o  ^ 

^aS 

sa  ^ 

+9  O   o3 
c3  o'" 

O    CD 

^-d  +j 

P3  d 
^  d 


532 


APPENDIX   C 


< 
o 


CO 


>      O   '^    T-l 


Pi 

o 
o 

i=l 
•I— I 

o 
o 


05     • 

>^ 

o     • 

•1—9 

a; 


o 


03 


O 
T3 


+3 

a*  S 
o 

m 
CO 


O 

Pi    03  _S 

1^ 


(N 


«^ 


o  ^ 


o  <u  S 

"^    ^  CO 


ifi 


o3  o 


5  05^5 


-.S4-  O 


o . 


CO 


03 


0  "^   ^'-^ 


-+-2 

fH 
O 

CO 

m 
PI 
O 


CC  CO 

bO> 
Pi  OJ 


03 

•    02 


^2 
pi 
o 


O 


o3 


OSf^H    OQ    C3 


PI 
O    CO 


bD 

d 

03 


02 


o 

CO 

)^ 

o 

•+= 

o 

-m" 

02 

03 

O 

o      d 


«    •s 

■+i 

0 

-1-3 

d 

0 

1 

d 

ci 

d^ 

0 

rd 

d 

-M 

0 

^ 

>i 

+3 

a 

a 

4-J 
1^ 

03 

.d 

m 

^ 

O 
OJ 

o 

•--(-3 

o  o 

^■^ 

;-! 
03 


d 
o 


pd  -^^ 

o«Jh 


-4 


APPENDIX  C 


533 


O 


PI 


o3 


CD 


o3 


o -S  -^  '^- 


bD 

i=l 


(M 


0 

o 
d 


O 


bJO' 


CO 


Hi 

o 
a>  _ 

O   t4H 

rt  O 


o3  e^ 
^  fcJD 


O 

m 


a   O   O   o 


o3 


S-i 

o 


Dh   O 


O 

S-i 

a 
a 


2  O 


CD 


xn 
bD 

d 


:^  .,  o 


d  c3 


t3 

d 

03 


d 

c3 


d  2 

o  ,d 

rd    ^ 
^d 


-   ri   c3   O 
o3rd    _, 


I— H 

,d 

m  <D 
O  o3 


OJ    d 


M|-g^^,.ij 


qH 


T3 

d 

c3 


o 

T3 


d 
o 

a- 


^  d 
c3 


.2  03- 
o  'a 
d  o 

o3  -^^ 

d 

03 


CD 
bD 

d 


O^  03^3 

d^ 


<M 


m 


d 

o3 


Of 


w 
o3 

a; 

_    Si 

.  d  a; 
^^ 

<!   03 

o 


-Jj   cy 
T3 


0) 

03 


0) 

d 

o 

d  bb'^ 

o.:d  a; 


"^  d 
-M  .d 
CO 


>>2 

c3  -(J 
O 

d 
d 

o3 


(U  pd 


o3 

CO 

d 

03 


m  03 

CO 
c3 


CO 


c;> 


S  w) 


d.2 


•    ^  s-(  -d 


o3  T) 

t(-(    d 

O   o3 


^C  T3  td 


o  ^  d 

bo  o  o  o;  .lij 

o3  03   K-5  >^T5 


O 

a 

>%  o 

o3  -^^ 

^.a 


a 
d 
d 

d 
o 
o 

> 


■+^   !^ 

•^   o   ,-, 

bCV^  ^ 
d  +i 

d  o  2J 

i-H  03 

03^'+-' 


03^ 


!h  o  m^ 


o 
X 

«d 
.  o 

C3 

CO 
O 


-d 

d 

;-! 

o 

>  ^ 
o  o  ^ 

c3   bJD^   g 

^.aaa 

03    O    rj    d 

-Q  d^   03 


3  -^ 

u      - 
o  CO 


.-d 
^  o 


_'^ 
-i^^ 


C3T:: 


d  -H 


-d 
d 

bD 


o  ^  a 

CO  o;  '^ 
^  c3  d 

M    rd       CT' 


d 
o 


d 

o3 


'a^s 


<o  <ii  m  "  ^ 

^^  ^.  '^  h 

"^      P    ^rd 


o 
d 

a 

c3    '        3 


O 

d 


-^^  ""^  :id  'S  d 
o  o3       d  tj 

d^-c3d 

o3  +? 
O 

d 
o 


+3 

CO 

o3 

rd 


d 
o 

m 
c3 


bC 

d 

a 

c3 


^  o3 

-d 

CO 

o3-c 


d 
o 

O 

to 

03 


4^ 
03 

rd 
rd 

o 
d 


d 

03 
CO 
03 

CO 

o 


?^-2^ 


03     M 

O 

■_>     M     GJ  K-(  ^  O 

fqQWO     H     H 


CO 
o3 

a'^'c 

O    CL 

o 


o3 


GQ 

■*^ 

c3 

CJ 

-d 

^H      to 

'd  o 

'^    rd 

.a  5^ 

^  d 


(1) 


•0 


d 
> 

CD 


03 
m 

'd 

o 

m 
X5 


m 

a; 
.^ 

Sh  o3 
03   d 

O    " 

4-1 

-(-3 

o3 


to 
bC 

d 


S-4-^  •  •    F— -    r—i 

0)   O)  g  '-H   o '+-'   g 

d    r  o  -^  S  ^ 
0=^  d  ao 

CO 


o-^ 


-1-3 

o3 
o 


CO 

,d 
d 

1^ 


o 

o3 
d 

d 


d 
o 

o     ^ 

a* 


0^0 
d  0  ji 

S  -^^ 

!>  O  O  5?!  o^ 
•^    O  -^    CO 

d  h!  ^1d  t^ 

>  0$  02  -M  o  d  d 

US'" 

dr*  -^     -p 

d      -d  o3  ^ 

^;r3^W   c 

^  d  I  H  a  SO 


'^ 


o 


CO 


o 
d 


fH     O     O 

a^ 


o 
d 

CO 


d 
CO -5 
03  d 

d 


o3 

d  a 


a 

o 


534 


APPENDIX   C 


I 

M 

O 
1^ 


•+3 

CO 


f2  «=  fl^  rt 


<M 


o 


o 
O 

(I 

o 


CD 


O 
ti-i 

o 


03 

-(J 
bOd 

m 

+3 


:5^  S  d 


05 


.  T3   O 


03 


O 

a 


.2  o.g 


d 


b£) 

d 


d 
o 


a  d 

O)  pd 


d.2 
(B  d 


d 

o 
o 


^1 

0) 


o 

a 

•  I—* 
+3 


4-3 

u 
c3 

a 

o 
o 

bD 

o3 

O 
m 


o.a  a  o!^ 
^^d  a 

73  5  c3 
.2x3   ^   S 

5^   o3   "   03 

3  2  d  t^ 

gd   c3g 

o^  d  d 

d.S  0)  ^^ 
d  ^^'3 

X2.d    M 


<D 


02    OJ    O  Tl    D 

-     ,„  d  -"d  o 

^03        -a 

-  ..aHH  g  d 

d  .a  ;d  ^  2 

to  :S  .2  ^,  I 
d  ^^  ^ 

„  -P    -  o  aj 

d        (U  q;  1^ 
q3   CD   d   ^h-l 

«  S  o  M 
°  S^d  ^  ^ 

•^    CO    CC    (D    d 

jj        03  0.1 

■g    O    O    X    3J' 

d  o  <^' 


O   o3 

d^ 


^        73    >> 

^£  d^ 

I        ijj     OS 

i^  d 

<D 

<D 

U    CQ 

<D 

^^ 

(D    >■ 
d  o3 

rd 


o 

(D 

d 

<D 


C    CD 

aa 

^d 


5^     tH 

>  o 

O   o3  d 

bCi-i  -tf 
d       '^ 

(D         ^ 

o 


-p 


cc 


4:^  d^^  o 


o3 
o 


^ 


d 
o 

CC    (D 
^% 

0  o 

rd    +J 
-P 

•^  d 

3  a 

'^  «> 

-(j>    <D 

1  -^ 

-P 

-d 
^  2 

O    d 

d  m 


d 
d 

o 


o 


02       - 

a;i  <D 


2d 
CD  +j  tr' 

03    o 


d 
O 


^a 

CC    CD 

cc'2'2 

.a  s=i 

03   5P 
CO  -d 

a, 
o 


o3  o3 


m  O 
d   o3  t=- 

;d  +^  JD 
^  o 

-^^  a 


a; 

CD 


03 

d 
-p 

o3 
^^ 

(D  T3 

K   CO 

&§ 

03    rt 
CO  "^ 

O 

^    CD 

Cl,rd 

"oStJ 

^^ 
>^ 

03      I 

.  -    tH 

o;   o3 


d 
o 

-t-3 

03 

a 
a 

d 

CO 

d 
o 
o 

03 

CO 


O  -d 
-P    03 


.2  S 

-p 


r-o 


o-^ 


CO 


5-1  -r-i 


o 

d 

03 


03 

a 

to 

a 

03 
CD 

-p 
03 

o3 
CD 


CD 

rd 

CO 

O    CO 

^^ 

«^4^ 

o3 

rd 
H 


ci)  ;-t 
n  CD 


CD 

CD 


:d 
o 


o3 

O 

a 


CQ 


o 

<D 

e 

CO 


^r2  6  a 

>  ^1 

0^  o        o 

Ob     P^ 


CD 

CQ 

d 

>  Oi 

S    CQ 

rd   ;3 
<D    <D    P 

a  ^.^ 

O  ^  bO 

o  d  ^ 

2  m 
f5  ^ 


APPENDIX  C 


535 


1^ 

o 

o 


o 

o 


M    O 

O 

a.  o 


'^  "nJ  -*^ 


•2  2 


03 


P   o3 


.bCc3 

6  I 

C   O 
o3  w 


.1^  s 


c3 


i^  ,--  ^ 

^  o  "^^ 

"^  pTj  HH 

o 
m 

«*^     •  o3 

a  §  .. 


-t^   O   C3    OJ 

/-I  ^     C   -|J 


3 

o 
o 


o 


o3 


c3 


a;  a;  cl 

S-i    OJ    s 

^  5  !^  "2  i: 


0; 
O  O 
CO    (U 


2^ 


^  Si, 

biDT3 


4^        •    += 

a -3  erg; 

?H  o3  1^ 
g  -g  o3  T3 
^    ^  '*-'   Zi 

Pi  .s  ^ 


(M 


m  c3 


O) 


M 


S.^bO=3 


03 


0)1 


3  M   >i 

7^  £-1     '"' 

o  r,  <4-i 
d      '^  '^ 


73   O 


+3 


a^ 


0) 
g    (U  o 


a  <i^  s 

d    CO 


o3 

a; 


o 

0) 

o 

T3 
O 

O 

0) 

m 
o3 

a 


to 

to 
o3 

ro 

to 
03 

4^ 
03 

-P 

oJ 
to 

O 

to 


a^ 


S    O^  >.Q0 

o  o3  5  .-J 


o3 


cG 


to 

o3 

o 


0) 


o3 

a 

c3 


_  -p 

-^t3 
o  ^, 


^1 


ai^ 


•p 

to 

o 


.=1  1^ 

^  a 

o 

to 


to 


2 
o  ^ 


do. 
5  q;  -^  _ 

M^   o   o   to 

^  o^  §  d 
^.oj-g-bd 

rt   ^   d   ^   O 
H    CD  -P    02  ^ 

■P    O     |H     g 

^  br).2  "  o 


Ah 

M 
< 

m 


o 


d 

o 

to 

o; 


;-< 

o3 

to 

-a 

c3 


+2 

o3 

T^  -P 
— -I  <+-< 

o  .d 
^^ 


bC 


O  ;-. 
CO  -p 

o  5 


d 
o 

o 

-d 


c3 

^^ 
CO  -o 


T5 

d 

03 


73   ^ 
o  ^ 

> 
o 
o 

CO 


03 

-d 

-p 

"§' 
-d 

+3 


03 

rd 


a; 

CO 

o 
-p 

03 

03 

S^ 
+j 
03 
;-i 

to 

d 


03^ 


O) 

-p 

CO 

0) 


SJ 

d 

a' 

CO 

d 

u 

d 
-p 

;-< 

0) 


to 

-,  ^ 

>   o3 

g  a 


e-:d 

%-( 
o  *r 

d    e 


4J 

03 
-p 
tn 

^ 
-p 
o 

o 
-p 

>> 


§  0.22 

a  dx! 

•43      .CD 

a  ®  ^^ 

C3  _j_3    03    ^ 

^  a)  -.    «2 


-p 

o 
d 


d 
o 

CO 

OJ  o3 


> 

o3 

o3   W) 

s^  5  ?Q 
o3  1^  d 


-p 


-P  O   '    X!  o3 

■  o  =5-d  o  d^ 


h-lHH 


536  APPENDIX  C 


lis 


•^    2    02     .  •>    CO     ..   +3 

<i^  ^  3  <3j  r^  ^,  2       ' 

!?     ^  o  «2  2  iS 


>  n  o3  ^  ^-g'^ 


P3  «^  a;  «^  «  0  fH'+H    . 

-^J^_,d  ""db^^d'^ 

S  S  ^  2^  o  o  0^ 

pO    o3    o  rd    o   Cu  J 

tB    ^  i     ^^    :d|    ..•     ^-    g  ^ 

!-!_4^  o,d^       <..^:d       5_2  f^ 


d^^        ^        d^^^        g        ^aj^        dK-, 


w  j^g^  r  -§^  ds  .11:2  t-^ 

g  to  o  -g            P^     §  «^  fc;^  -2  0    -^  ^ 

|-^5|§l|||gl|5  III  S|'l 

2i^'^'^d'*^^d''2  t^'T?  a<  d  rH  <i^  "^^  p£^ 


APPENDIX  C 


537 


O 

M 

O 


W 
CO 


X2  -M   q    ;_    «2 
c3  ■» 


a 

o 
o 


Pi 

03 


CO  'rH 


(V)  -^ 


o3 


4—1      K*^ 

O  d 


a 

u 
O 


m 

;=! 

O 


o 
d 


<1 


b  o 


O 


o 


o     - 


o 


+3 


13 

o 

•r-1 
O 


c3 


'^  'S  -t-= 

^  ^^  • 


4-1     O 


!Z2 


c3 


o3 


CO 

o 
sH 
o 

a* 

o 

m 

O 
o 


o 


o 
o 

02 


t3 
o3 


-t-5 

o  _^ 

c3 


u 

CO 


o 
o 


o 


o3  ""^ 


-^  .Si  ^H    M 


to 


^f5 

8^ 


o3  J=3 

0)  t3 


03 


-(-3 


1=1 

o 


o 

CO 

;-< 

o 


o 


-M 
d 


1^ 


02    C3    "^    tB       . 

'^  ?-  a^  d  fl 

^  •'— <    (11 


••s> 


o 


o3 


T3' 


o  2-^ 


03 
I     ^ 

d  o 

02    O  ^ 
U 


0^ 

> 

o3 
u 
o 

q; 

s 

o 
m 


0) 
CO 


CO 
O 


o3 

O 
o 

CO 

03 
Cu 

O) 

-    a-S 


I 


o 

o 


< 

o 

< 

H 
O 


O 
O 

1-5 


'b 

M 

o 


X 


03    OJ 

as 


o 
>• 

gcn^ 

^c^ 

o3 

03   (D   «^ 

tci^  o3 

bJD 

Ti-^M 

d 

S?-^ 

•F-t 

d 

O 

-^ 

id 

d   bJD 

03 

•      "2      JH 

'TH              -^h 

o 

o3  '-' 

d^J 

73 

<o 

d  ^  d 

CO 

^     -^u 

rii 

-+J  © 

^ 

bed 

03   c3 

d  -^J 


bJO 


CO 

d 
o 


§   .2    a 


T3^C 

"d  ^ 

i^   c3         O   . 

'^    co-CC-^ 

d  M  M 

03   o3  t. 


d 
o 


o 


+3 

§ 

o 

d 


m 

o 
d 
d 


-d 

.^.73  ii 

.^5 


CO 
CO  1^ 


bC  "•'^ 

ai^:S 

CD   «^ 

_^d 


o  bC^ 

.  ^  d  o 
:3<d 


'-I  d 


a 

CI 


^    (V) 

b£)=i- 

'd    03 

d  "^ 


03 


CO 


u 

o 


cr-TS^  ^ 


538 


APPENDIX  C 


o 

O 


M 

O 


OQ 


O 


M 


c3 


C3 

o 

m 
o 
o 

d 

•p-H 

&,  o 

GQ    o 

H 

o 


s 

o 
o 

"^-^ 

m  5 


O 


t/2 

•Ji 

■  5^ 
,  ^ 

> 

c3 


d 

a 


_   rd   -^ 

sQ   03   OJ 

m  ^ 

o3        OJ 


o3 


03 


W)  «? 


o 

.  03 


03 

03 
m 


o 


<N 


'^  ^  o 


o 

m 

O 


bD 

03 

o 

O 
bO 


CO  o3 


03 
u 

T3 


a 
o 
o 


o 
o 

o3 


O)      fH      fl        I 


O  -^^ 


o3 


03— rrd     . 

Sr— I    Jj)      M 
03  o;  2 

o.a  bc-^ 


CO    ^ 

A 

o 


4J 


03  c 


03.2 


03 
xn 

o' 


bC 


I— I 


bJD 
^  O 


;-> 

O 

-   I   03 


o 

fH 
+3 

o 
iH 
o 

o 

m 

m ' 
03 


u 

o 
&. 

o 
to 
03 

03 


^^ 


o 


CO 
CO 

o 

A 


•-^     CO 

^  g   o3   0 
^  «=<  fl 


to 

CO 

o 

fH 

^.-^ 

0)  +s 


fH 

o 
o 

> 


u 

•  I— I 

fH 

o 
O 

03 

fH 

o 


d 
o 

CO 

+3 

CO 

03 
bio 

d 

•  i-H 

o3 


4J     O 


I         • 

o.d 


•4^ 


fH 

03 


O 
bD 

a 

03 

d 


to 
c3 


a;  o  to 

rd  'cO    O 

d 


+2 

d 
PQ 


•    -f^  -H 

CO  tH  d 

T— I      O      '^ 

^  d 

d  -t2 

^  o3  d 

d 

o  <D  M 

to  _rt    0 

d^  ^ 
co-c  2S 

o3<l 


(Ml  I      r— I 


rd 


I 

fH 

o  >  o 
O   n 

d 


to 
hD 

d 

,d 
+=> 

to 

O 


2-^ 

-A    +3 


5  ^:2 


73  CO 


4-i 
CO 

d 


-§*2lxs 


C5 
CO 


bCd 

«^. 

•c2< 

d 
^_ 

'     o3-Q 
to 


CO 


fH 

d 

A 

A 
o 

d 

a 

o 

to 

fH 

o 

> 


d 

o3 

4-i 
CO 

d 
d 

73    1^ 


fH 

O 


4^ 

03^ 


d 

o 

CO 

d 
o 


0) 
CO 

a 


d      CO 


■A^ 
rd  ^ 

^  d 


d 
A 

O  CD 

03    r^-Q 


>^0,jH.fH      O     tj^^H 

d^  S  S^-^^ 

^4^  4^    OJ--^ 

-H  d  4^ 
d'o^  ' 

03    -    - 


d 

rd 
4^ 


fH 


bD 

d 

03 


,d  c  "^  L.       ^  ^ 
^  g  o  S  ^■£:S 

O    to  4J    0^  — *  -^ 

hj  M     .  q;  o  4J 


O  ^    4^        -  72    4-3 

,^     ^t=;  03  0^.^3 

(M     ""^  CD     (T)   4^        ^-^ 


o3   O 

-d 
a     d 

.d^2 
d  21^ 

o  a  ^ 

to 


^^  "2  >^ 

O    '^    "^    CD 

>.  03  0)  ^ 

CO 
T3^4£^ 


d 

03 


o 


a; 


"^     <l^     i^     <H  •^T"? 


T)H 


^  d 

XA   O 

o  4J«+r, 


cy  5 
OS'S 

O      fH       -^ 

,       5^    <=>    5? 

b  g|  o  a^s 

o3   O   d   a  oT3 
(U   o   o   ^H   ^   ci3 

"   (^,£5  d  o  § 

a;  >s  CO  4i  d 


>  jU   0^  03  4^  4:3 
"l^.-S-^rd 


A    d 


4-3 

fH 

o 
a 


o3 

fH 

o 
a, 

a 

0) 


4^  73  "13 
•  ^73  ^ 


p  ^A 


03;^ 

QJ     CO 

»H    -I-H 


o 

fH 


to 


<U  4J 

fH      g 

(U  rd 


03 
d^ 
^  to 

'C 
o3 
to 
;h 

<D 


A 
o 

03 


-dii  -Q 


d 

03 

rd 
4-3 


00 


d 

o 


ac3 

CO   4^ 


to  c3 
CO   to 

•>-<   .fH 
rd^ 


4-3 

c3 
4-3 


+3 

fH 

o 
C0-C3  '^ 


d^ 

d  o 

'-^   4^ 


<D 

d 
o 

73 
OJ 

3 

o 

to 
f-i 

OJ 
bD 

d 

03 

d 
<D 
73 
'^ 
d 

CO 
CO 


03 


.iiii  d  a 


fH 

o 


''t 


to 

CO 

c3 

O 

CO 

d 

fH 

a; 


e5 

'-I       -H 

O^  d 


4^ 

CO 
0^ 


d   - 

;h 

u 

<^  •- 

&I  fl-,    OJ 


o; 
o 

d 

03 

d 


o; 
d  o  o 


03 

b^  ^S  d2 


APPENDIX  C 


539 


o 

as 
O 


c3 


i:3  g   0)  i^  ^  a 


O 

o 
o 


H  ^   ^   O   S  .1^         § 


tB 


03 


o 

^ 


sH_g 


3    O) 


O 


O 


-    cc 


00 


el 
o 
CO 

1-5  ^ 


•"CU 


03 


o 


M    O    OJ 


CO 


o3 


o 


o 
d 


-^  -^.^  -o 


See  rti  fl 

.2^  03  Om,^  i=l  03-C3 


CD 


03 

> 

CQ 


M 

o 


02 


O 


"5-St3 


O 

o3^ 


540  APPENDIX  0 


•-       <^  -If     -    .   (15  cc  O 

PQ      Ida.  ^^^^-^^Z 


^  O  r2    0«e  -^    ^rC5,l3    o   S   O 


^       ^=5.  E  5  .S^  a  M  Qj 


CO 


„    Sfl^^ifg^  •§  ^g^oa'2^J^^=i5•• 


APPENDIX  C 


541 


<x> 


,r-£3 


o3 


O 


m 


o 

o 

^  ''-'  1^ 


■^  ^  O  +^ 


o 


c3 


^  o  ;?  oPh 

O 


co^ 


O 


a; 

s 


o 


o 

o3 


:3 
o 


o 

u 

o 


c3 


^  ^ 


§S 


o  "^ 


CO    ^ 


CO 


-^"^    CD    O 


o  -G 


PI 


> 


CO 
CO 
CO 


c3 


02 

o 

a 

a;) 


tZJ 


o 
m 

O 
j:3 


o 
o 

a 

m 

m 

•i-H 

.  c 


o  ;3—' 

O  O 


^■^'B^ 


o 

(LI 

cn 


03 


^Q 


02 

CJ  — < 

?:;  o  fH 

0)  c  o 

fc!    '^  "*^ 


m 


u 

o 


s'r.Kn'?  d.e 


^5  c-+i 


m 


•—('13 


-tJ  o 
c3 


i3   «l^ 


CO    0) 


«  2  W)  O'^ 


i=l 
o 


C3r^      O 

o  ^ 

^  .    ^fS  c3 

^9, 


o 
o 


O 


13    O 


o 


02 


03 

c3 


bc  a 

— i    ..  o 
^  b£)0 


S^  -^ 


-^  +^   O 


"5  o 


o3 

u 

o 

o 


CO 
CO 


m 


o 


O 


o 


t3 
PI 
c3 


^P^Q 


a)  c3 


J3  -^  fxj   O   ''^   '^ 


pi 


=3  5r!^ 


c3 
0" 


o 

O 

el 

a 

o 

>^ 

+3 


o 


t/2 


ji         o3 

P! 

O 


C3    72 

bCffi' 


-^  t:!  lL 


02 

CO 

02 


o 

;-( 
c3 

0^ 

a 

a 

c3 


bC  o) 


^    02    <U 

o3 


+3 

o 

-1-3 


I 


02 


03 


1>    02 

02  T3    £ 
^-^    CO 

4^ 


o.t^ 


02   OJ 
?2  > 


^  a 


bo^ 
Pl^ 


bJO 

02 

o 

>> 

;-• 
pi 
O 


O    02 

p  >^*pl  t^ 

03 


^P!^.02^_>; 
03    Cli  02         ^  '^ 

o  ^  +^  .-^  ^  o  g 
0^:2  02  ^^-^  ^ 


o  0 


+3  o 


02  -*- 

c3   o3 


;ii  '"  ^  ^  tH 


Pi 

03 

<v  o3" 


02' 
02 


c3 
O 


^  n  O        S^i^ 
O    O    ^    g    12-    02 


02    ?H    *^ 
O    O 

O 
Pi 
03 


10 
(M 

CO 


O  "- 

O       ^^    JP    -^    '^       _ 

^  b  o  02  o;:2 


V).        o3 


03 


+=> 

o3 

Si 


o 
+3 


^.t^ 


02  ^si 

Vh  -^^   03 


03 


■X3 


IS   !^        o3   o3   o3  _„ 

f*^  p:  02      o3      ^  12 

c3^ 


o 


o3  02 
e!  03  -tS     -JP 


:3 

o 


fe  -e 


o.a 


CO 


^ 


^  Pi  2  -^^ 


bC 

03  .a 


02 
03  ^    g  ^    O    g    ^ 

^^^.a-^Ja| 

li  Sill 

02  ^_(  -)^   rJ  I        ~    -■ 
,D   O        "" 


CO  73 

— ^  Si 


0; 
02 

02 


+3 

o3 

bO 

PI 


o3 


P    m-r- 


O^ 


-Pi;       H  '1' 

OCO    O    02  13 


o 


10 


03 
02 
> 

"02 
02 

a 


si 
^^ 

02  <A 


542 


APPENDIX  0 


O 

o 

12; 


w 


< 

o 


EC 


o 


o 


03  i=)   2 
O        ^ 


-t-3 

o 


a  §  «  o^ 

i    O^-g    CD 


OJ 


W) 


-t-= 

o 
> 

03 


o  tcZ^li-^ 


riT3 


!/2 


•  I— I    QJ 


CO 


-  03 

2  S 


8i 


-    OJ     ^ 

. — I    a  '-'    i-ii  03 

O      Jh      ?H      dJ 

'•-I     (13     ►'^.^    ^ 

^-o-l  2  ^^^ 


03 
O 

•r-H 


ft? 

w 

H 
O 

Q 


^   r^   «4-l 
•4-3    S-'     O 


CO 


I 

OJ 

a 

a 

o 


73  O 


o3 

CQ 


O  o 

ill' 


o 

03 


03 


10 
CO 
CO 

-if 


1=^    --^    ^    OJ 


CQ 
<D 

-(^ 
f-i  c3 

m  o3  f-i 
2  <U  O 

a>  C06 


O 


^.2 
to   ~ 


03 
-t-3  a; 


•T3 

|^||2bp 


a  s=^ 

03 '2 '^ 

Co 

as 
o 


o 

02 


^  s 


<x> 


^ 


C3 

a 

a  ^ 

CQ 


CQ 

•l-H 


o 


^^ 


APPENDIX  C 


543 


bO  o  o 


??^ 


O  <+^  J^  ri   o3 

^   O   ^  0)^ 

G  '^  ;:::5  tM 

CO     ^^  te  iH 
.   72  bC  ^,  o3 

c3'^  a;  O 

cc  l>  (C  >i 


o  5-1  o  0)  <u  -^ 

(U    J^^    CO    ^W 
O''^-'--^^ 


d  o 


go 


bC  (D   rt 
O  -^^'^ 


'si'-' 

o  d  Qj 

'T3  5!  -g 
O"^  o 


d 

«Ord 

CO   fe 
CO   "^ 

o  +^ 


o 

o 
d  - 

03^ 


bO 

d 
m 


d 


^ 


CO 


o 
d 


-^  d 
o  ^ 


03 

d 

03 


rj   O    >> 
03    o3    03 

-d  a^ 

Jo^  O 

CO    &I 

^—1    d    CQ 

^ii  :d  o'd 

;r^  bC  M  M 
.^  d  d 

^    03    d 
-|J  -fJ    03 


O 

o 


CO 


o 


d  a^  JL 

-^^^ 
•n  «*_  "I 


"3 


0) 

§  d^ 

Ol  O 

&.C3 


H  d 


d 

•  i-H 

o3 
T3 


00^ 
vO  tJ 


d 

o3 
o3 


72  ,X- 


m 

03 
CO  aj 
o3  ^ 


0)   o     - 

-^  ^^ 

rC      CO 

't^-^   03 
bf)-.2 

d  -t^^ 

,d  o 

la- 

|H   c3   O 

CU    O-d 
^^    P 

o  C   b3 
-d  -d  o3 

^   bD  72 

'^JD.S  d 

d  d-d 


^d 

72 


0^ 


cd 


'd 

72 

d 


^  c3 

d  fH 

CO  += 
.S-S  O 

43  >  d 

<«    -g 

-^  d  d 
g  03  cc 

d  -+^ 
n  O 
d 

c3 


,r-  CO  -f^ 
<D  'i-i    cc 

O         3 


-^       Qj    <D    flJ 


o 


bC 
4^  o3 

d  o^ 
^  -^^  d 

-(-^    ^    72 

•r:  O 
^^  ^ 

ti_,  o3 


O)    O 


o; 


■+2  o 


I      72      I 

03    0^0 

^rd  d 


•  i-i    d 

*-•  'd 

c^^  d 
o  o 


^    O    >-; 
M    «    03 

"    .  "^  o 
0^  bC>. 

a,T3  m 


d 
o 


c3 
o 


o 

72 

d 

03 
o 

o 
-1-3 


-t-s 

d 


72 
rt    03 


c3 


d      <= 

03^ 

02 
.  -  72 

^  d 

^.d 

^;d 


o 
^ 


72    <X) 

d  " 
2  o 


rd   rd    t„         ^ 

^  s  °  ^^ 

3    72  ^    ^    ^ 
72    72  ^  ^ 

<^  03  03  , 

b'^      2  d 

1-5  i§-^ 

S^  S.22  <r> 


d 


o 
d 
MM 

o 

02 


73 


03 

i-H 

o 
> 


o3 

72 

72 
0; 

02    03 


02 

•  b£) 

:d  be 

o 

•1—1 
o 


02 

rrd 


o 
d 

o3 


03 


O   O   "^J-^       piH 


^   o3 

..a 


^  d 


drd 


72 

^  02 
03    3 


o-a 


02  .fH 


CO 


bC 

.3 


00 

I 
10 


o 


544  APPENDIX  0 

g^T3  S--'  Pi  S 


'••'   03   oj   «2  O   c3   d 

,  -  o  Qj  ^  o    -  S  a 
"5  .S  O  a>  ^  o  a;)  7h 


+3  <4-(    ;-!  03  CQ 

o  b's      S  ^  ^  bi 

CU  O    ?J    03  Ah  ^ 


<5        M  rd  :3        i^ 


?,I^S       -^         3 


EC 


s  ^  » -^     ^  1  -2  >  rt  «5  ^ 


APPENDIX   C 


545 


GO 
QQ 

Q 


;:r   W 


1  •  ' 


Of 


O 

o 


X3 


OS 


00 


_  ^  •• 

;-^  o  a 


a;  — . 
o  ^ 

03   « 


02   c3   O   55 


> 

'r'  CO 

K  o 


bC 


o  a;  Q  -^i 

1-173^    2 
1-1  02    g 


C    <ij    t/3 


o 


o 


o 


M 


c3 

CO    r1 


OOCD 

CO        i— ' 


H  S 

-^^ 

d 

d    '^  ,A 

S    (-1  CO 

o  o 

0C30 

■  o  a 

J-'  a 

s  o 


:3 
o 
o 
o 


look     how 
ny     millions 
advance. 

Numbers 
h    her   enter 
his  Dance, 
those  which 
to  come. 

o 

1— 1 

1—1 

1—1 

m 

7 

^ 

1=1 

^02 

o 

'O 

s 

OJ 

• 

g 

•\ 

iM 

p 

CO 

I— 1 

^ 

-t-= 


I    CO 

o  a«^    r 

to         N    03 

a;  n  o 
W)G   03 -^^ 


O)    (U    OJ  -M 
CO       i_( 

CO   ^5^.   o3 


.2  o  a 

f-i   >.   o3 


f^a 


2  a 

bt  _ 

c3  o3  g 


^  d  ^  a)  Hi 

cr^    a  s 

CO     (D"^     13 


b  s;~  a  a 

q;  to  (^ 
bC  o^ 


c"*    o3  "S    - 
,0   >^ 


CO 

QJ 

o3 

O 

CO 

o 
;-< 

13 
o3 

a; 


a:S 


-3  o 
o2 

cr  1 

o 

;3 
o 

a 

CO 

o 

a 

;=i 
o 


C/2     I 


05 


03 


O 


o3^ 


60 

CO 

CO 


CO 

O 


m 


a§a 


•9  .2" 

CO    c3 

^  O 
tn  *~= 
c3 


<1> 


Eh  ^ 


0) 


CQ 

d 
o 


o 

O" 
O) 


IS 

2  -^ 

>*-  03 

CO  0) 

00  « 


546 


APPENDIX   G 


05 
Ph 

05    > 

go 


pj  o  o 

f_,  u 

tc  o3  Q 

ri  ^ 

'-'  cS 


o 


o 


m 
O 


03 

O 
+3 


PI 


at,  ^  ^ 

03      O  rG 


a 


M  , 


o3  o 


r:  ^  -is  «2       >  CO 
2h  ::;  o  ,-H  >• 


cc  ^   O 
O   CU   j^ 

^— <    ^^ 

^   o3   ^ 
O   cc   cc 

ol  o 
I— I  -t^  +-' 

Dh  a; 


o   <D  ft 

^  g  o 


o 

o 


03^ 

ai  O 
o3  C 

03-*-^ 


03 


o3  Oi 


cc 


Is 

o3^ 

(1)  i-i-i 


a;  s-i 

S     CO 

1^ 


-t^  _r 


03 


S^ 

a^ 

a;  ;^ 

T3  o 

XI 

o3 
O 

o 
;3  o 

CO  O 
o3  fl 


o 

to 


-^3 


d 
o 

faO 

.3 
.S5 


o 


"a 
o 


03 

p 


,  o3  +j 

I  ^ 

1  (^'- 

iJ   "^  (i:i   '=^ 


CO 


o 


a, 

CO 


+3 

CO 

o 

O 


o  _ 

>  cc  o 
O)   co'S 

H.a 
■{^  <^ 


d 


I? 

o 

o 


21 


02  H-3 


<V 


O   o3 


o    " 
f-i 


2  s-^^o 


-^ 


M 


iS4 


O 

CLi  o3  jD 

CO  o3  ojI 


cc 


o3  o 


a  ^ 


o 


I 


O 

M 

o 


«2    J      O 


I— I   o 

'S  o  aj 

CO  "H 

w    (11 


C/3    M 


o 
> 

oj  0)  c; 

cc   o;  — < 

^    a 
a'^ 

§a 


Tt5  n 


^73 


o3  ^ 
co^ 

.2    02 


a; 
•jiS'OS 

0) 

C3    ^   CD 

CO     f3 

cr'a 


^  to 
03   O 

art 


CO 


02 


-t-= 

a; 


O 


02 

o3 

Oh 


O    '-'    02 

03  T3  >- 


APPENDIX   C  547 

e      |s-s-§..»§|f|§s^|-S^5£t|^ 


o 

O 


Q 
O 

Q 


IC  -fJ    -t-3 


^  S.^^  cj  o  o  St^  bc^  0.2 


J   -^    I    02  CD  to    "    c3     • 

w)-3  a:3  :3  :3  5  S-H 
g  S  «2  Oh^  >  g  m-^ 

HH  t"  w        q;        ^  P     • 

d  += -^  .-.  a:!  o  "^ 


CO  ^  a^  o-^^  c.^ 

.S  P  ft  ft-34  fl  -O  «d 


§ 


548  APPENDIX   C 

>.        ^-i  §-2^  ^^  ►^S  2-C5  ^         P^-S^S       ^^^ 


O 

o 


Q 
O 

P 
Q 


m 


2     X...  H^l^  rig.-^^^-'^^sa 


to 

O 


o3t3owc3  fiTSPfUOoQcQ 


M 


APPENDIX  C  549 

^  R  3 .2  cu  f3  >^-^  ^9  <^  2  ^  ^  H  «   • 


o^fx.-  ill    is     ^ii4:iiil 


550 


APPENDIX  C 


o 

p 
Q 


o 

a 


CD 


C    02   rj 


is 


c3 


c^ 


o 


c3 

03 


O   02 

^  c;  rt  o 


1=1 

o 

OQ'^ 
S-i 


+3 


xi  -^  ■ 
^  fe  p        o 

<D 


>m 


o  ii  o  o  --i  S  C  « 


bJDoj'o 


^  c  ^  M 

g  2 

q;   ^-1    "^ 


^  S  q;  ^  ?;  t>. 

^-     -     CO     S   4^"^   g     I 


o 

02 


CO 

O 

P 
P 


-t-= 

CO 


o^ 


^       o 

CO 


d 


O   jh 
Xi   Hi 

03 


^5 

c3 

a; 


0) 
O 


o 


t^   o3 

So; 

O   >^  d 


«2 


o  ^  S 

O    CO    O 


HI    ' 
o3GC! 

^  o  ^ 
PQ 


o 
d 


I 


a; 


o3 


o  53  O)  '^ 


c3 

r?  o3 


a; 

O 


2^ 


03    o    S    QJ 

K  rt   o3 
_    _^   cots   G 

o3  S  X  ^ 


O 


I  card 


^  03 


CO 


u 
a) 

E-t 


l-H 

O 


<";3  03d;H5:^d'75>;; 

0  bc-t3  -M  d  o  ^  -S 

_^O03'O   o   Og^ 
(— I     .  o  "_  ^  o  T-i  (12  d 


00 


X 


SO    <D 

CO 
CO 


d-2,fl 

d^ 
di-H 


S-i  .    d    1)   N 

> 


S  ^ 


cq 


>  0)  t:  s      w  iy 

■^    >   5   d   0)0^    S 


da)jj;5--H.»M>3c« 
K'o3'C3T3dOOO> 


2'o+^  Qi  :3  ^ 
d  r/)        w^  jj  5: 

O   >-( 

1-s  53 


(D  •--<  vl)  CO  en  CO  CO 

-     CO  _i_i     gj     ^     g;    ^ 


U_3     "'^ 


><i 


o)  d 


TJ-rs  g  a, 


0 


^   cc 


d 


d^  ^ 

^'C3T3 


o3 


CD  ^ 
;>  O 


d 

o3 


cc 
•<s> 

e 

CO 


d    03  '33  T3    03    d    D 


o 


o 
o 


,5  o 


,„    ^  CO  d  d 

S^       ^  0!}  ^ 

^^^'^ 

d  o  5-S 

O  -M  c3  O 


03   5^ -S 


Tj  2  "  d  co:v  d 

Dh  fl    O    n    (DTD    H 


APPENDIX  C 


551 


"A 
O 

ft 


o 

02 


m 

Q 

o 

P 

« 

ft 


M    >^      CO  <4H  • 

-r!    O   rt    o    "^ 


02 


Hi 
O 


O 

o 


a 


^1::;  rt  '-I  "  _d 

2^o 


bJD 


o 
S  o  X  ^  1^ 


c3 


Oj. 


-^^  M  ti_i 


O 


1    -t^ 


bD 


O 

o 
W 

CO 
1— I 

d 
c4 


o 


1^ 


>>rt  o  o  S  53  i^f:i^  ^ 

"^  ^     S  r3  1^  -fj  ..^  -O 


f^oft^o 


--I  +^ 


i=l  -^1^  4^  bD  si; 

O   .iiH      >      O      ?H 

m  s-i  t>  — <  w 


<1 
O 


NO) 


.F^         TO         (V) 


_  q;  OJ  M  •  • 
13  3  S  0)  13  O 
O    p.-i-s-rt    o  CO 


O 
> 


c3  ri-P  N 


o  <v^  '^  S 


M 


3     X 


CO 
03 


?>  •=:  >^-! 


CO  oj  ;3 

•ri  - 
C3 

CO 


.CO     QJ 


<u 


g    N    M 


<v 


o  cp 


o3  0,bC       N 


03 

CO 

o 
> 


'013-3^  >  >  03 


«2 


03. 

Si 
O 

o 


^:3   ^H  "^        03 

<3   ,„   o3     .  -1-3  «  O  ^^ 

(h    sii    0;  C3  'JS    *S 

—   CO   -3   o  US        ^ 


""^ 


552 


APPENDIX  C 


o 


O    02 


02    O 


;-4 

O 


o 


o 


CD 
;-( 

0; 
> 


o; 


r^    -(^    -P 


-+^  '^  -^ 


o 


c3 


<^  xi'i> 


o  - 
O  >  ,D  --j^ 


o  '^ 

CO        •'^ 

l-H     CI    CS    « 


o^ 

tJ  bC 

^   Hi 

Si 

!<<, 

o  _r 

O 
W 

N« 

?^  ^ 

N# 

^H 

CO 

II. 

O 

S 

CO 

S 

I— 1 

p 

. 

tf 

a 

O 

-rH 

B^ 
g  -p  o 


a 

o 

72 


^o^g 


03 


O 


,.  a 


c30 


O 


a-s 


o 


O 


l_J5   h!   <1^  $1^ 


Ci 


c*  a  — I       -1-^ 

'^  a  jj  's  ^ 

I— (   OJ  o3   M 

c  b  :3 

CO 


r-l 
I 


fcq 


^    5-1 


03  o  03 

71  3  ^  §  !>^ 

?2  S  o  pl 

"H    '-^  rt    QJ 

>-i   ••   w  C  '— < 

2  2  d  ^  M-g 


03^2 


•i—s  W 


O    02 


><£ 


,-^  ill  o  rt 

1— )    ^-1    "3    i^ 


05 

T— I 


O    a; 


.2   C3   O        ^ 


e      -^  o; 

Cq    02^    CD 
•  ^   (^   o 


C3 


o 


's  a 
•  ^a 

•    >>  02 

^■^^"^ 
Pl_    02 

o3r3T3 


APPENDIX  C  553 


-  JSo3c3.2S  "C'^'-'  'S'^O-5  ^g;3S  '"O'^t; 

J  >  ^  ^  ^  -S  aTl^        ":S<^E^        -Cr^<^         ^^rt3 


'^^     C      i^ 

^  O   ^ 


iJO  S^— I        „a— 'K2         ^«2c30  ■4J_M^^  ^^!_,22?> 


rn  ^ — '  ^  ^t2  ^  ■<<  'irl.  i-^   -1-3    o . 

-T  ^  .        Pi  .a  -C         d    S2    rH  r^  r,    9^    ^  c^  ^-^    a  cT  rt    ^    5    O 


5«      ^£S««a       -S^o        oflg       "§=3  a       '^"«    - 


PI 


o3 

r/5 


II    II ^Is-  -^-§1  ^^st     1^1       &i  !• 


op      °'|rt'^-^^    00L.S         S^o^         S'l  .0 


INDEX 


Ablancourt,  Perrot  d',  428  sq. 
Abrige  de  I'art  poetique,  57,  67. 
Academie     de     Poesie     et     de 

Musique,  54,  69  sq. 
Accademia  della  Nuova  Poesia, 

53,  69. 
Aglaura,  338  sq. 
Alexander,    Sir    William,    26, 

42  sq.,  86  sq.,   186,  202  sq., 

218,  317,  366,  450. 
Amadis  de  Gaul,  13,  50. 
Anatomy  of  Melancholy ,  298  sq. 
Antiquitez      de      Rome,      118, 

120  sq. 
Anionic,  76,  79  sq. 
Arcadia,  43,  50,  60,  110,  317, 

365  sq. 
Arcadian  Rhetorike,  34,  40  n., 

51,  174. 
Aretino,     Pietro,     227,     229, 

434  sq. 
Artamene,  392,  397  sq. 
Ascham,  Roger,  55. 
Astree,  310,  318,  365  sq.,  370, 

452. 
Astrophel  and  Stella,  109  sq. 
Athence  Oxonienses,  418. 
Aubignac,  Abb6  d',  428  sq. 
Audiguier,  Vital  d',  320,  368 

sq.,  377,  390. 

Bacon,  Francis,  221,  244  sq., 

268,  276  sq. 
Baif,    Jean    Antoine    de,    52, 

69  sq.,  98  sq. 
Balzac,   Jean  L.   de,   435  sq., 

440  sq. 


Barclay,  369,  428. 

Barnes,  Barnabe,  129,  132  sq., 

175,  242. 
Bartas,  Du,  5,  14,  24,  49,  53, 

67,  74  sq.,  86,    98,   134   sq., 

145  sq.,  450,  452. 
Bassompierre,  320. 
Beaumont,   Francis,  346. 
Bellay,    Joachim   du,    45   sq., 

91  sq.,  118  sq. 
Belleau,  Remy,  96. 
Bembo,  93. 

Bergerac,  Cyrano  de,  377  sq. 
Beze,  Theodore  de,  74, 
Billy,  Jacques  de,  98,  135. 
Blount,  Edward,  6. 
Boileau,  414,  427. 
Boisrobert,  345,  412,  428. 
Boyle,  Roger,  Earl  of  Orrery, 

394  sq. 
Braithwaite,  Richard,  258  n. 
Brandon,  Samuel,  85. 
Breton,   Nicholas,  26,  41   sq., 

62,  186,  197  sq. 
Britannia's  Pastorals,  201  sq. 
Brome,  Alexander,  410. 
Brome,  Richard,  386. 
Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  259  sq., 

303  sq. 
Browne,  Wilham,  186,  201  sq. 
Burton,  Robert,  298  sq. 
Butler,  Samuel,   16,  418,  420 

sq. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  15. 
Calprenede,  La,  390  sq.,  397  sq. 
Calvin,  John,  12,  149  sq.,  448. 


555 


556 


INDEX 


Camtis,    Bishop    J.    P.,     378, 

390. 
Carew,     Thomas,     346,     351, 

407  sq. 
Carey,   Henry,   Earl  of  Mon- 
mouth, 392  sq. 
Cartwright,  Wilham,  338,  341 

sq.,  347  sq.,  351,  382,  410. 
Cassandra,  390  sq. 
Castiglione,  324. 
Cavendish,  Margaret,  Duchess 

of  Newcastle,  350,  359  sq. 
Challenge  at  Tilt  at  a  Marriage, 

316. 
Chamberlayne,  William,  389. 
Cheke,   Sir  John,   55,   69. 
Chiabrera,  433. 
Christs  Victorie  and  Triuiwph, 

198  sq. 
Churchyard,  Thomas,  175. 
Cicero,  434  sq. 
Cid,  Le,  376  sq. 
Cleopatra,  39,  61,  79  sq. 
Cleopatre,  392,  398. 
Cleveland,     John,     185,     347, 

418. 
Cloria  and  Narcissus,  393  sq. 
Cogan,  Henry,  391. 
Colin  Clout,  34. 
Constable,  Henry,  113,  129  sq. 
Corneille,  Pierre,  373,  376  sq., 

402,  432. 
Corneille,  Thomas,  400. 
Cornwallis,  Sir  William,  266  sq. 
Cortegiano,   II,  308,   312. 
Cor5^at,  Thomas,   251   sq. 
Cotgrave,  Randle,  9. 
Cotterel,     Charles,     353     sq., 

390  sq. 
Cotton,  Charles,  307,  409,  411 

sq.,  426. 
Cowley,  Abram,  208,  213  sq., 

349  sq.,  375,  383,  410,  432  sq. 
Cynthia's  Revels,  317. 
Cypress  Grove,  A,  294  sq. 


Daniel,  George,  217, 331, 348  sg. 
Daniel,    Samuel,    25,    33    sq., 

39  sq.,   73,   80  sq.,   113  sq., 

186,  268. 
Davenant,  Wilham,  328  sq., 

334  sq.,   351,  371,  384  sq., 

388,  395  sq.,   401,  423  sq., 

430,  454  sq. 
Davideis,  213  sq. 
Davies,  John,  354  sq.,  358  sq., 

398  sq.,  444. 
Davies,  Sir  John,  171  sq. 
Daxdes,  John,  of  Hereford,  26, 

41  sq.,  186  sq.,  218. 
Day,  Angel,  438,  441. 
Defence  of  Ryme,  33,  40,  73. 
Defense  of  Poesy,   39,   66  sq., 

71  sq.,  75  sq.,  107  sq. 
Deffence   et   Illustration  de  la 

Langue  Frangoyse,  52,  91. 
Delia,  40,  63,  114:  sq. 
Denham,  John,  383,  418  sq., 

430  sq. 
Desportes,    PhiUppe,    53,    92, 

95,  97,  116  sq.,  124  sq.,  129 

sq.,  409,  449. 
Diana,  130  sq. 
Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  369  sq. 
Divine  Poems,  208  sq. 
Donne,  John,  178  sq.,  218,  226, 

259,  316,  450. 
Doomesday,  202  sq. 
Drayton,  Michael,  125, 138  sq., 

186,  193  sq.,  218. 
Drumimond,  William,  of  Haw- 

thornden,    7    sq.,    202    sq., 

206  sq.,  293  sq.,  316,  366. 
Dryden,  John,  217,  396,  427. 
Duplessis-Mornay,  49,  61,  150, 

154. 
Durant,  Gilles,  134. 
Dyer,  Edward,  25  sq, 

E.  K.,  31. 
EUzabeth,  Queen,  7. 


INDEX 


557 


Endymion,  319,  375  sq. 
Essayes   of  a  Prentise   in   the 

Divine  Art  of  Poesie,  141. 
Estienne,    Henri,   48,   52,    65, 

96. 
Evelyn,  John,  443. 

Faerie  Queene,  29,  41,  199  sq., 

211. 
Faithful  Shepherdess,  316,  327, 

367,  371. 
Fletcher,  Giles,  137,  198. 
Fletcher,      John,      316,      327, 

367  sq.,  386. 
Fletcher,  Phineas,  172,  199  sq. 
Florio,  John,  266  sq.,  281  sq., 

289,  450. 
Forde,  Thomas,  445. 
Fraunce,  Abraham,  25,  34  sq., 

73,  107,  174. 

Gargantua,  219  sq.,  224  sq. 
Gamier,  Robert,  79  sq. 
Gascoigne,  George,  57,  104. 
Gifford,   Humphrey,   105. 
Glapthorne,  Henry,  380  sq. 
Goffe,  Thomas,  324  sq.,  370. 
Gombauld,  319,  375  sq. 
Gomberville,  390. 
Gondibert,  388,  430. 
Gongora,  178. 
Googe,  Barnabe,  104. 
Gorboduc,  75. 
Gre\alle,    Fiilke,    25,    30,    49, 

82  sq. 
Guevara,  434  sq. 
Guicciardini,  269. 
Guilpih,  Edward,  226. 

Habington,  Wilham,  261,  330 
sq.,  340,  346,  379,  410. 

Hall,  Joseph,  175,  226,  246  sq., 
436  sq. 

Hamlet,  283  sq. 

Harrington,  Sir  John,  174. 


Harrington,  Lucy,  Countess  of 

Bedford,  315  sq. 
Harvey,    Gabriel,    25    sq.,    33, 

37  sq.,  55  sq.,  72,   102,   171, 

229,  232  sq. 
Have     with     you     to     Saffron 

Walden,  232  sq. 
Hawkins,  Sir  Thomas,  372. 
Hay,  Lucy,  Countess  of  Car- 

Usle,  350  sq. 
Hecatompathia,  105  sq. 
Henrietta    Maria,    3,    314   sq., 

318   sq.,   344  sq.,   365,   371, 

406,  413,  452  sq. 
Henry  of  Navarre,  3,  46. 
Heptameron,  12,  60. 
Herbert,  Sir  H.,  370. 
Herbert,    Lord,    of   Cherbury, 

5,  16,  185,  347. 
Herrick,  Robert,  351. 
Histrioniastix,  326,  333. 
Hobbes,  Thomas,  430. 
Holyband,  Claude,  9. 
Holy  Roode,  The,  188,  190  sq. 
Hotel  de  Rambouillet,  310  sq., 

318   sq.,   331,   404  sq.,  436, 

452. 
Howard,      Henry,      Earl      of 

Surrey,  103. 
Howell,  James,  4,  9,  261,  327 

sq.,  339,   351,  395,  429  sq., 

438  sq.,  445. 
Hudibras,  420  sq. 
Hudson,  Thomas,  206. 

James  I.,  King,  7,  86,  141,  150 
sq.,  156  sq.,  218,  315,  450. 

Jamyn,  Amadis,  95. 

Jonson,  Ben,  207,  223,  241  sq., 
260,  286  sq.,  316  sq.,  322  sq., 
375. 

Judith,  146. 

Kinaston,  Francis,  383  sq. 
King,  Harry,  185. 


558 


INDEX 


Kirkman,  Francis,  391. 
Kyd,  Thomas,  81  sq. 

Lady  Alimony,  261,  342  sq. 

Lady  Errant,  The,  341  sq. 

Languet,  Hubert,  47  sq. 

Lenten  Stuff e,  235  sq. 

Licia,  137  sq. 

Lodge,  Thomas,   113,   121  sq. 

Loveday,     Robert,     398     sq., 

443,  445. 
Love's  Labour's  Lost,  237. 
Love  TricU^,  317. 
Lower,  Sir  William,  401  sq. 
Lucian,  240. 

Malherbe,  404. 

Malipieri,  97) 

Margaret  of  Navarre,  58  sq. 

Marino,  178,  213. 

Marot,  Clement,  104  sq.,  448. 

Marston,  John,  176,  289. 

Massinger,     Phillip,     367     sq., 

371,  386. 
Matthew,  Sir  Tobey,  351,  444 

Matthieu,  Pierre,  372. 
Maynard,  404,  432. 
Measure  for  Measure,  284. 
Mennes,    John,   411,    417   sq., 

419  sq. 
Meres,  Francis,  225. 
Microcosmos,  188  sq. 
Milton,  John,  208,  215  sq.,  450. 
Miroir  de  I'dme  pecheresse,  7, 

60. 
Mirror  for  Magistrates,  104. 
Mohere,  401,  424. 
Monarchicke  Tragedies,  86  sq. 
Montague,    Walter,    325    sq., 

371,  401. 
Montaigne,    24,    265   sq.,   434, 

450  sq. 
Montgomery,  Alexander,  141  sq. 
Mont-Sacr6,  Ollenix  du,  367. 


More,  Sir  Thomas,  221. 
Motteux,  Pierre,  262. 
Mulcaster,  57. 
Muses  Elizium,  193  sq. 
Muses     Sacrifice,     The,     188, 

191  sq. 
Musophilus,  40. 

Nash,  Thomas,  155,  221,  227 

sq.,  451. 
New  Inn,  The,  322  sq. 

Olive,  91  sq. 

Osborne,    Dorothy,   391,   395, 

445  sq. 
Overbury,  Sir  Thomas,  14. 

Palladis  Tamia,  225. 
Pandora,  \1\  sq. 
Pantagrueline  Prognostication, 

224,  228,  230. 
Parthenissa,  394  sq. 
Parthenophil  and  Parthenophe, 

132. 
Pascal,  Blaise,  451. 
Pasquier,  Etienne,  6,  434  sq., 

442. 
Pastorale  de  Florimene,  374. 
Pembroke,  Countess  of,  25,  32, 

41,  50  sq.,  58  sq.,  76  sq.,  186, 

452. 
Pepys,  Samuel,  361. 
Petrarch,  100. 
Philips,   Mrs.   Catherine,  350, 

353  sq.,  400,  446  sq. 
Phillis,  126  sq. 
Philotas,  43,  81,  88. 
Pibrac,  135  sq.,  157. 
Pierce  Penilesse,  231. 
Platonic  Lovers,  The,  330,  334 

sq. 
Pleiade,  La,  51  sq.,  145  sq. 
Prynne,  WilUam,  326,  333. 
Purple  Island,   199  sq. 
Puttenham,  George,  112. 


INDEX 


559 


Quarles,  Francis,  208  sq.,  450. 
Quinault,  387,  402. 

Rabelais,     Frangois,    24,    67, 

219  sq.,  451  sq. 
Baleigh,  Sir  Walter,  289  sq., 

306. 
Rambouillet,  Mme.  de,  309  sq., 

405,  453. 
Ramus,  Peter,  69. 
Regrets,  92,  118  sq. 
Religio  Medici,  259  sq.,  303  sq. 
Return  from   Parnassus,    120, 

140,  177. 
Romant  of  Romants,  382. 
Ronsard,  5,  46,  92,  94,  98  sq., 

124,  128,  142  sq.,  449. 
Rutter,  Joseph,  332,  374,  376. 

Saint-Amant,     345,     405    sq., 

409,  412. 
Saint-Sorlin,  375,  428. 
Salisbury,  Thomas,  208. 
Salvatorino,  97. 
Scarron,  402,  415  sq.,  426. 
Scud^ry,  Georges  de,  373,  387. 
Scud^ry,  Mile,  de,  322,  361  sq., 

391   sq.,  397   sq.,   400,   428, 

446. 
Semaines,  Les,  146  sq.,  450. 
Seneca,    76    sq.,    88    sq.,    434, 

449. 
Serafino  dell'  Aqmla,  96,  103, 

178. 
Session    of     the    Poets,     326, 

352. 
S6vign6,  Mme.  de,  446. 
Shakespeare,     William,     139, 

223,   237   sq.,   280   sq.,   434, 

451. 
Shepheardes  Calendar,  29,  31, 

36,  45  sq.,  66,  104,  138. 
Shepherd's  Paradise,  325  sq. 
Shirley,  James,  317,  333  sq. 
Shoemaker's  Holiday,  243. 


Sidney,  Philip,  2,  4,  23,  25  sq., 
38  sq.,  46  sq.,  56,  66  sq.,  71 
sq.,  107  sq.,  139,  154  sq., 
218,  317,  365  sq.,  449  sq. 

Smith,  James,  411,  417  sq., 
419  sq. 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  69. 

Soothern,  John,  111. 

Sorel,  Charles,  400. 

Spenser,  Edmund,  25  sq.,  38, 
44  sq.,  57,  66  sq.,  120  sq., 
139,  167  sq.,  199  sq.,  211, 
449  sq. 

Sprat,  Bishop  Thomas,  433. 

Stanley,  Thomas,  410. 

Stanyhurst,  Richard,  73. 

Stationers'  Register,  12,  156, 
224,  226,  266,  269  sq.,  366, 
369,  376,  381,  437  sq. 

Stemmata  Dudleiana,  29. 

Stuart,  Mary,  2. 

Sturm,  John,  54  sq. 

Suckling,  John,  326,  338  sq., 
341,  346,  351,  378  sq.,  390, 
407,  409,  444. 

Sylvester,  Joshua,  152  sq.,  195 
sq.,  452. 

Tarleton's  News  out  of  Purgor- 

tory,  124. 
Tasso,  Torquato,  167. 
Tassoni,  428. 
Taylor,  Jeremy,  354  sq.,  357 

sq. 
Taylor,   John,   208,   212,   221, 

248  sq.,  302  sq.,  451. 
Temple  of  Love,  328  sq. 
Temple,  Sir  WilUam,  262,  391, 

445  sq. 
Tempest,  The,  282. 
Ten  Tragedies  of  Seneca,  76. 
Theatre  for  Worldlings,  44  sq., 

104. 
Tofte,  Robert,  367. 
Tottel's  Miscellany,  103. 


560 


INDEX 


Treatises    on    Monarchy    and 
Religion,  84. 

Uranie,  L',  145  sq.,  150  sq. 
Urfe,  H.  d',  310,  324,  365  sq., 

370,  452. 
Urqiihart,  Thomas,  225,  261, 

452. 

Van  der  Noodt,  44  sq. 
Vergidemiarum,    14,    67,    137, 

175,  226. 
Vergile  Travesti,  415  sq. 
Viau,  Theophile  de,  345,  405, 

409,  412,  428. 


Vittoria,  Colonna,  58,  64. 
Voiture,    V.,    345,    404,    406, 
409,  435  sq.,  443  sq. 

W.  D.,  320,  369,  390. 
Waller,  Edmtind,  346  sq.,  351, 

408,  432. 
Warton,  Thomas,   175. 
Watson,  Thomas,  105  sq. 
Webster,  John,  240  sq. 
Willan,  Leonard,  385  sq. 
Wits,  The,  337  sq. 
Wood,   Anthony   h,   418,  421, 

443. 
Wyatt,  Thomas,  103. 


OF  T^ 
OF 


VITA 

Alfred  Horatio  Upham  was  born  March  2, 
1877,  at  Eaton,  Ohio.  His  education,  begun 
in  the  public  schools  of  that  village,  was  con- 
tinued at  Miami  University,  Oxford,  Ohio, 
from  which  he  received  the  degree  A.B.  in 
1897  and  A.M.  in  1898.  During  the  years 
1897-1900  he  was  employed  as  Instructor  in 
I^atin  and  Greek  in  the  same  institution.  Two 
years  were  then  spent  in  graduate  study  at 
Harvard  University,  where  he  received  the 
Master's  degree  in  1901.  From  1902  to  1905 
he  was  Professor  of  English  in  the  Agricultural 
College  of  Utah.  In  1905-1906  he  was  Uni- 
versity Fellow  in  Comparative  Literature  at 
Columbia  University,  undertaking  then  the 
studies  that  have  resulted  in  this  dissertation. 
Since  that  time  he  has  been  Professor  of  English 
at  Miami  University. 


ii--7 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT^  ^ ^  | 

TO— ^      202  Main  Library                     6551 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 

~    HOME  USE 

2                               3                           ^ 

4 

5                               6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

:-month«car..«5  may  be  renewed  by  cailincj  542-3405                            .,„„  n— i, 
-.  ve^r  <oans  fr.ay  be  rcct^v^Qer-  ty  bfing;ng  Jhe  books  to  the  Circulation  Desk 

-;,....a..  .n-  rA.-^nr-r<;  m-^v  b2  fTiade  4  days  prior  to  due  date 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 

MAY  0  6  1986 

■» 

.14W     ■  9    V|i 

gg^M.  m   <^^( 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA.  BERKELEY 


GENERAL  LIBRARY  -  O.C.  BERKELEY 


B0D01154b2 


'MiB'Ji,*'^^ 


V-">;»;iiV  ■■,'1 


(';'. 
..■k; 


"V   /    ■,  .1' 


